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Fwd: Tony Cartalucci: Washington Reaps the Rewards of Its "Arab Spring" Destabilization Campaign

2012-02-11T07:23:00.001-08:00

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From: Global Research E-Newsletter <crgeditor@yahoo.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 5:34 PM
Subject: Tony Cartalucci: Washington Reaps the Rewards of Its "Arab Spring" Destabilization Campaign
To: palashbiswaskl@gmail.com

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Washington Reaps the Rewards of Its "Arab Spring" Destabilization Campaign
US-Funded Tunisian President Prepares to Withdraw Recognition of Syrian Government

By Tony Cartalucci

Global Research, February 8, 2012
landdestroyer.blogspot.com

URL of this article: www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=29164

On February 5, 2012 - Reuters reported, "Tunisia "to withdraw recognition" of Syria government," and specifically that newly appointed Tunisian president Moncef Marzouki made the announcement on his Facebook page. Reuters also notes "Tunisia's decision to sever ties with Damascus carries moral weight because the north African country's revolution last year started off the "Arab Spring" upheavals which later spread throughout the Middle East, including to Syria." What Reuters of course fails to mention is that the "Arab Spring" was engineered years in advance, planned, funded, and directed by the US State Department, with Moncef Marzouki a direct recipient on record of such support which ultimately paved his way from obscurity to now president of the North African nation.

The US Put Moncef Marzouki of Tunisia into Power

Last December, the BBC hailed Tunisia's assembly and their election of a new president in their article, "Tunisian activist, Moncef Marzouki, named president." What the BBC predictably failed to mention was that Marzouki's organization, the Tunisian League for Human Rights, was a US National Endowment for Democracy and George Soros Open Society-funded International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) member organization.

Moncef Marzouki

Photo: Tunisia's new "president," Moncef Marzouki, a veteran Western collaborator whose last two decades of political activity have been supported and subsidized by the US government and US corporate-financier funded foundations.
....

It was earlier reported in "Soros Celebrates the Fall of Tunisia," that Marzouki was named "interim-president" of Tunisia and that the myriad of NGOs and opposition organizations that worked with him to overthrow the government of Tunisia were fully subsidized and backed by the US government and US corporate-funded foundations.

Marzouki, who spent two decades in exile in Paris, France, was also founder and head of the Arab Commission for Human Rights, a collaborating institution with the US NED World Movement for Democracy (WMD) including for a "Conference on Human Rights Activists in Exile" and a participant in the WMD "third assembly" alongside Marzouki's Tunisian League for Human Rights, sponsored by NED, Soros' Open Society, and USAID.

Marzouki, along with his Libyan counterpart Abdurrahim el-Keib, formally of the Petroleum Institute, sponsored by British Petroleum (BP), Shell, France's Total, the Japan Oil Development Company, and the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company, makes for the second Western proxy installed into power either by covert sedition or overt military aggression, during the US-engineered "Arab Spring."

Now, it is quite clear how Marzouki is reciprocating the foreign-backed plot that thrust him into power - complete servitude toward Wall Street and London's foreign policy in backing this very same foreign-funded gambit now playing out in Syria.

Like Tunisia, Syria is a Premeditated Foreign-Funded Destabilization

Syria has been slated for regime change since as early as 1991. In 2002, then US Under Secretary of State John Bolton added Syria to the growing "Axis of Evil." It would be later revealed that Bolton's threats against Syria manifested themselves as covert funding and support for opposition groups inside of Syria spanning both the Bush and Obama administrations.

In an April 2011 CNN article, acting State Department spokesman Mark Toner stated, "We're not working to undermine that [Syrian] government. What we are trying to do in Syria, through our civil society support, is to build the kind of democratic institutions, frankly, that we're trying to do in countries around the globe. What's different, I think, in this situation is that the Syrian government perceives this kind of assistance as a threat to its control over the Syrian people."

Toner's remarks came after the Washington Post released cables indicating the US has been funding Syrian opposition groups since at least 2005 and continued until today.

In an April 2011 AFP report, Michael Posner, the assistant US Secretary of State for Human Rights and Labor, stated that the "US government has budgeted $50 million in the last two years to develop new technologies to help activists protect themselves from arrest and prosecution by authoritarian governments."

The report went on to explain that the US "organized training sessions for 5,000 activists in different parts of the world. A session held in the Middle East about six weeks ago gathered activists from Tunisia, Egypt, Syria and Lebanon who returned to their countries with the aim of training their colleagues there," (emphasis added). Posner would add, "They went back and there's a ripple effect." That ripple effect of course is the "Arab Spring," and in Syria's case, the impetus for the current unrest threatening to unhinge the nation and invite in foreign intervention."

US Finally Reaping Rewards from Installed Proxy-Regimes

Quite clearly the orchestrated reordering of the Arab World was done in a specific order, so that easier nations to topple would be able to eventually contribute to fueling the downfall of more difficult targets as US proxy regimes were installed. Tunisia's diplomatic attack against Syria is just one example. The despoiling and destruction of Libya by NATO-backed LIFG terrorists has provided a base of operation for the international mercenaries who are now verifiably sending fighters into Syria, led by notorious LIFG commander Abdul Belhaj.

It may be the threat of foreign-funded destabilization hanging over the heads of despotic regimes like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates that have them jumping through diplomatic and tactical hoops in support for Wall Street and London's geopolitical ambitions. Of course, ultimately, the destabilization of Syria is directed at weakening and ultimately attacking Iran as well.

This illustrates yet another justification for Russia and China, and other nations to begin fully resisting the mafioso protection racket that is the UN Security Council and yet another attempt to foist a war of aggression and conquest onto the population of the world. Ultimately, however, it is up to the people, worldwide to identify the corporate-financier power structures that provide the foundation from which this sweeping genocidal, domineering campaign is being carried out - and then boycott and replace them utterly out of existence. Because when the parasitic global elite are done picking the bones of nations afar, they will turn in on their own people - as has always happened throughout human history.

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FBI and the Department of Justice have secretly dispatched propaganda flyers

2012-02-11T07:11:00.001-08:00

FBI and the Department of Justice have secretly dispatched propaganda flyers

Paints a very scary picture...

http://disquietreservations.blogspot.com/2012/02/why-conspiracy-theorists-are-being.html

Why Conspiracy Theorists Are Being Re-branded As Domestic Terrorists

The Excavator, 1/8/12 - excerpts

Why are conspiracy theorists not listened to by the general public? Because conspiracy theorists are thought criminals. We are guilty of thinking for ourselves and speaking the truth about 9/11, which are inexcusable crimes in the eyes of the totalitarian terrorist states in Washington, London, and Tel Aviv. But we are doing a lot more than just thinking for ourselves. We are defending the victims of state terrorism and reasserting the truth in public life by showing that the shadow CIA and the shadow Mossad were responsible for the tragic 9/11 events.

For a lot of people, speaking the truth about 9/11 means social, financial, political, and professional suicide. But it can also mean real death at the hands of the state. We are no longer just "thought criminals" who are trying to restore the foundations of government and civilization in the wilderness. We are now classified as "domestic terrorists," by the planetary terrorists in Washington. Terror threatens us from above. ...

Why are conspiracy theorists being rebranded as "domestic terrorists." The answer is simple. The war criminals in Washington and Tel Aviv are beginning to fear 9/11 truth-tellers and the great democratic force that we embody. They want to get rid of us. But our numbers have grown beyond anything they imagined. And they're scared of this new reality. Remember: all tyrants are cowards at heart. Government power is not the only force in society. The truth of history is a force to be reckoned with. It is a force that can send the state terrorists behind 9/11 to the prison yard and the graveyard. And they know it. That is why their knees are shaking and their bloody hands are twitching with terror.

On Friday, February 3, the website Public Intelligence reported that the FBI and the Department of Justice have secretly dispatched propaganda flyers to private businesses across America that say individuals who express opinions about 9/11 that are different from the official version are potential terrorists. ... The FBI's propaganda flyers are part of a larger program by Homeland Security that is designed to put fear in the hearts of citizens, business owners, and critical areas of civil society.

Make no mistake. This is an act of war on America and the American people... ... When the war against Iran enters the next gear, the cold war on democratic dissent in America by the FBI, CIA, and Homeland Security will turn hot. Indefinite secret prisons will be activated in the United States to deal with dissidents, mass protests, and popular uprisings. Protesters and activists will be demonized as "domestic terrorists" by the state-run media and shot in the head with bullets by the police and military.

All authoritarian governments operate against reformers and revolutionaries with deadly accuracy. Blood and lies are to tyrants what the sun and water are to life on Earth. So expect propaganda and violence against reformers and revolutionaries by the savage planetary terrorists in Washington. Expect them to release hell. Expect them to dish out pain and death with big smiles hanging on their crooked lips.

9/11 Pentagon Military Deception, Black OP - Psychological Warfare on America

2012-02-11T07:09:00.001-08:00

9/11 Pentagon Military Deception,
Black OP - Psychological Warfare on America

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wOC--3d7Co4

http://ca.groups.yahoo.com/group/TheTruthSoldiersClub/

Uploaded by bibleortraditions on Jan 29, 2012

When the evidence does not support a hypothesis, it's time to come up
with a new one.

Every attack site on 9/11 is shrouded with secrecy and unanswered
questions, whether it is the presence of military grade super
nano-thermite in all the dust debris of the towers that fell, the manner
in which they fell symmetrically through the path of most resistance,
the complete lack of plane parts, bodies, and jet fuel contamination in
the dirt at the PA "crash" site, or the evidence depicted here in this
video.

We all know the CIA and other Federal agencies conduct Black Operations
in other countries; everything from assassinations to propaganda,
illegal arms deals, drug running, secret illegal wars, etc. Why is it
such a stretch to believe the covert operation held abroad cannot be
brought home to our own soil? Is it because we have too much trust? Is
it because we believe "people" cannot be that evil to conduct such
operations, or is it because we just don't want to believe? Because
"believing" means we might have to stand up and contend for something,
and that would be too dangerous.

You owe it to your country to get involved. You owe it to the victims to
get involved. You owe it to your children that may have to endure
another 9/11 attack if these criminals are not stopped and brought to
justice.

Please sign the petition for an independent investigation:

http://ae911truth.org/

Please support the film maker by signing up to and supporting:
http://citizeninvestigationteam.com

http://www.prisonplanet.com

http://www.infowars.com

Media Release: Lok Satta Party, Maharashtra, welcomes two Independent Citizen Candidates in to Party as Executive Members and Endorses their candidature from Mumbai (BMC) Ward 63 (Juhu) and Thane (TMC) Ward 2-B(Brahmand/Hiranadani).

2012-02-11T07:08:00.001-08:00

Media Release: Lok Satta Party, Maharashtra, welcomes two Independent Citizen Candidates in to Party as Executive Members and Endorses their candidature from Mumbai (BMC) Ward 63 (Juhu) and Thane (TMC) Ward 2-B(Brahmand/Hiranadani).

Media Release

(Mumbai, 11/02/2012)

Lok Satta Party, Maharashtra, welcomes two Independent Citizen Candidates in to Party as Executive Members and Endorses their candidature from Mumbai (BMC) Ward 63 (Juhu) and Thane (TMC) Ward 2-B(Brahmand/Hiranadani).

ALL ARE WELCOME TO JOIN LOK SATTA, a citizen party AND CHANGE POLITICS - Surendra Srivastava, President, Maharashtra State and National General Secretary of Lok Satta Party

Welcoming Shri Vijay Thakre (for BMC - Ward - 63) and Shri C.N. Shetty(for TMC - Ward 2-B), "Independents Citizen Candidates" as executive members of the party, Mr. Surendra Srivastava President, Maharashtra State and National General Secretary of Lok Satta Party said that the message of citizen empowered local governance in the wards, being carried by Lok Satta Party (LSP) is receiving an overwhelming response from the citizens of Mumbai.

He was addressing Party's Mumbai and Thane campaign Coordination Meeting yesterday. This is reflected in the fact that two Independent candidates, Shri Vijay Thakre and Shri C.N. Shetty are aligned with LSP's ideology and 10 Guarantees to Mumbaikar's and Thanekar's and have become its executive members subsequent to the filing of their nominations for their respective wards. In view of this and after completing the internal process and obtaining approvals of LSP's "Independent Elections Authority", Lok satta Party has decided to endorse both these candidates and appeals to the voters in these wards to support them and become the part of citizen movement for political and governance reforms in India starting from their own wards.

He also announced that the party was prepared to work with all who would like to rid politics of corruption and dynastic influences and make it an instrument for serving the public. The Lok Satta craved neither for power nor for money and did not suffer from the illusion that it alone could change the country's political landscape, Mr. Surendra Srivastava told LSP leaders present at the meet here.

Dr. Kedar Diwan, President of Lok Satta Party, Mumbai on the occasion said that Lok Satta has been at the forefront of local governance reforms that seeks to transfer a significant degree of power directly in the hands of local citizens through Ward Committees and Ward Areas Sabhas. For several years LSP has been one of the leading organizations involved in the campaign that led to the approval of the Model Nagar Raj Bill by the Central Government. However the Maharashtra govt has been tardy in the implementation and the State version of the Bill as its stands today has several major lacunae. Lok Satta, in its ten Guarantees, has placed the implementation of the Model Nagar Bill as the central focus.

Ms. Nivedita Sawant, President of Lok Satta Party, Thane remarked at the meet that joining of independents citizen candidates in the party shows the depth of its ideology, reforms agenda and most important democratic, ethical functioning & transparent funding mechanism.

Shri Vijay Thakre, remarked that the Juhu ward 63 with significant backing from Lok Satta in 2007, had shown the first success of the 'citizen candidate" concept with a "Functioning Ward Committee" with elected Area Sabha Representatives. With the need to scale this model, he said that Lok Satta, as the political party of citizens, was in the best position to scale the model to many wards and had hence he signed up to become its member.

Shri C.N Shetty from Thane Ward 2-B, being completely convinced about reforms agenda and ideology of Lok Satta Party has also signed up as its member. He said on the occasion that he strongly felt that the implementation of the Model Nagar Raj Bill is an urgent need for Thanes wards. TMC has a different model compared to BMC. Each ward has a panel of 2 corporators – 1 Male and 1 Female. Lok Satta already has a female candidate, the 24 year old High court Advocate Ankita Verma, for Thane Ward 2-A. Mr. Shetty hence felt that the implementation of the Ward Committee and Area Sabhas would become much easier and benefit to the citizens of ward 2 directly.

Amongst others who were present at the meet were senior leaders of LSP, Mumbai and Thane, Shri Mustan Tambawala, Shri Olvin Balid, Ms. Ruchira Verma, Mr. Suresh Nandawat, Mr. Ram Ramdas.

For more details, please contact Lok Satta Party, Mumbai - Spokesperson Dr. Ram Ramdas on 0 982 0538 685 OR General Secretary, Thane Unit Shri Olvin Balid on 0 989 2515 259.

For Lok Satta Party

--

Regards,

Surendra Srivastava
Volunteer - Lok Satta Aandolan
Tel: +91 22 2377 2279 Email: surendra@loksatta.org.in
The Answer to "Bad Politics" is "Good Politics" Not "No Politics" - Dr. JP, Lok Satta Aandolan
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Heart-rending stories - Thane SPCA Rescues Our Primate Relatives, Victims of Our Urbanisation

2012-02-11T07:07:00.001-08:00

Heart-rending stories - Thane SPCA Rescues Our Primate Relatives, Victims of Our Urbanisation

from Krishnaraj Rao included below]

Friends,

See attached photos of burnt, battered and electrocuted Rhesus monkeys, including a pregnant female. Please read the forwarded email that tells the stories of our fellow-primates, who are victims of the unstoppable growth of our dangerous cities into their safe forest territory.

When we are in school, we learn to take an oath that says, "All Indians are my brothers and sisters." Does the oath imply only human Indians? Or does it include all Indians, including non-humans?

If we think that only human Indians deserve consideration, then who will safeguard all our furry and feathered fellow-Indians who have the curse of sharing space with us? Are they to be treated as enemies and nuisances? Are they to be marginalized, battered, eradicated or confined to the prison camps that we call zoos?

Please read the forwarded message, look at the photos and reflect.

Warm Regards,

Krish

98215 88114

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Shakuntala Majumdar <thanespca@hotmail.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 1:04 AM
Subject: Victims of Urbanisation

Dear Friends of Thane SPCA

This is not the first time that we have admitted injured monkeys. In fact, being surrounded by the Yeoor hills and being the only animal Hospital in the entire district, we attend far too many calls to rescue injured monkeys.

We have rescued them when they were run over by vehicles, abandoned by Madaris, kept in chains illegally by private owners, the whole jingbang. But this is probably the first time we have had 2 of them so battered and burnt that it almost numbed us.

One is a female, beaten up by unknown slum dwellers for having entered their area. When we rushed to the spot, she could hardly move. She is in an advanced stage of pregnancy. She was so badly wounded that for the first few days she could not even keep her head up or open her mouth. She had lost vision in one eye and the other was swollen and closed. She had to be hand fed pureed fruits and water through a syringe. A week later, today our wildlife Surgeon gave her a very good progress report. It will be many more days before we can even think of rehabilitating her, but chances are good. May be by then, she will also give birth.

The other Rhesus macaque was not so lucky. Having entered the city, she was swaying from height to height and got electrocuted from a high tension wire. She was thrown down more than 70 ft. She sustained more than 70% burns on her body. What moved us most that even having sustained critical internal injuries as well as the burns, she was never aggressive for a day when she was dressed and treated by our doctors, while she lived. She passed away after 5 days in our care.

Probably the best thing that happened to her in recent times!!

In grief
Team Thane SPCA

9821520229

__._,_.___

Attachment(s) from Krishnaraj Rao

3 of 3 Photo(s)

Battered Female pregnant monkey in Thane SPCA.jpg

Electrocuted monkey in Thane SPCA 2.jpg

Electrocuted monkey in Thane SPCA.jpg

Gujrat govt, SIT destroyed evidence related to Godhra riots :Bhatt

2012-02-11T07:05:00.001-08:00

Gujrat govt, SIT destroyed evidence related to Godhra riots :Bhatt

Source

Last Updated: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 19:01 hrs

In a letter written to the Nanavati Commission, Bhatt alleged the crucial records related to 2002 post-Godhra riots have been "destroyed" by Gujarat government and SIT.

"It is my genuine apprehension that relevant records have been deviously suppressed or destroyed by the government of Gujarat, as well as the SIT headed by R K Raghavan," Bhatt wrote in his letter to Justice G T Nanavati and Justice Akshay Mehta Commission probing the 2002 riots here.

"This has been done with the diabolical motive of shielding powerful persons from legal punishment by ensuring that crucial and relevant incriminating evidence is not brought before the courts of law," he charged.

Bhatt's allegations comes after the SIT, in its final report submitted to the magistrate court, has reportedly given a clean chit to Modi and others.

"The delay on part of the Commission in requisitioning the relevant public records and documents has, inadvertently or otherwise, facilitated the destruction of incriminating evidence against the Gujarat Chief Minister or other Ministers in his council," Bhatt alleged.

Bhatt urged the Commission to ensure that relevant records are not destroyed by the "vested interests".

"The honourable Commission is once again requested to ensure that relevant records are not destroyed by the vested interests in the administrative machinery of the state government whose own conduct is under inquiry," he stated.

Bhatt was posted as the Deputy Commissioner of Intelligence with the State Intelligence Bureau (SIB) from 1999 to 2002.

Bhatt, in an affidavit before the Supreme Court, had alleged Modi, during a meeting on February 27, 2002, instructed top police officials of the state to allow the Hindus to vent their anger after the Godhra train burning incident. He had deposed before the Commission in May last year.

Seductive Spiti TEXT AND PHOTOGRAPHS BY SUDHA MAHALINGAM

2012-02-11T07:03:00.001-08:00

Seductive Spiti

TEXT AND PHOTOGRAPHS BY SUDHA MAHALINGAM

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20120224290306000.htm

A Himalayan sojourn in the postcard-perfect Spiti valley in Himachal Pradesh.

THE SERENE SPITI valley.

"STOCK up on pain balms, spare spectacles and take an oxygen cylinder," advises a friend when he comes to know of my plans to drive into Spiti, Himachal Pradesh, in an all-senior-citizens' group. I am slightly apprehensive about the altitude sickness I am invariably prone to; how would the others react at such heights? But even more daunting is the prospect of throwing a set of perfect strangers – all of them are my friends, but they do not know each other yet – into a small vehicle for extended hours on the road for 10 days.

I need not have worried. The journey turns out to be utterly delightful as much for the kaleidoscopic and stunning scenery that the drive serves up along the route as for the interesting, and at times desultory, conversations we have on a range of topics. Contrary to my fears, no one reported altitude sickness, except me, not even at Demul, a village perched on a promontory at 14,000 feet (4,200 metres), where we stopped for the night at a typical Spitian village 'homestay'.

THE SUTLEJ AT Pooh. Here, the river sports a dull grey hue and puts on its fiercest demeanour, cleaving through intimidating gorges sculpted out of shale and granite.

Our original plan was to drive along the Sutlej river from Rampur Bushehr to Recong Peo, Kalpa, Pooh, Khab, Nako and Tabo into Kaza and return through the Kunzum pass via Rohtang and Manali along the Beas. It would make a perfect loop and offer a mosaic of landscapes. But soon we discover that August does not augur well for Himalayan journeys. Even as we reach Chandigarh on the first leg of our journey and drive in a blinding downpour towards Shimla, the airwaves are full of news about a cloudburst at Rohtang and two metres of snow stranding thousands of vehicles on either side of this notorious pass. To add to our woes, the day of our departure happens to be Raksha Bandhan as well; a steady stream of vehicle-borne brothers and sisters carrying gifts make their way towards their respective siblings in another part of town, clogging up the winding, slushy slopes of Shimla, where we are forced to make an unscheduled stop for the night. And as inclement weather continues through the week, we are forced to return by the same route along the Sutlej, abandoning our plan to make a loop around the Spiti valley.

DEMUL, A LITTLE village sprawling at the feet of the snow gods.

No complaints though, considering that the foul weather is confined to the lower valleys and as we move up, we have bright, crisp sunshine throughout. Not to mention the apple-laden orchards that line up along National Highway 22 right up to Shipki La on the Tibetan border. Beware of the procession of apple trucks that can bully you into driving off the road and into the canyon below. Packed tight with cartons of apples, these trucks move bumper to bumper to reach the produce to markets as far away as Mumbai before they perish.

We take a detour into the postcard-perfect Sangla valley. Chitkul, at 80 km from the border, is the perfect fruit and nut village, if ever there was one. Sitting astride the gurgling Baspa river, Chitkul groans under the weight of apricots, almonds, apples, cherries, chilgoza, walnuts and other assorted hill fruits and nuts. We stay the night on the banks of the Baspa and have our fill of the fruits plucked right off the boughs. Next day, we retrace our way along the Baspa until Karcham-Wangtoo to get back to the Sutlej basin.

MOODS OF THE SUTLEJ

The Sutlej is a seductive, playful and sensuous river. But she is also moody and tempestuous. You have to pursue her with passion and persistence to know her better. Closer to Narkhanda she feigns indifference and appears almost supine and listless. She perks up a little upstream as she is joined by many frothing snow-melt streams that course down the slopes in spectacular cataracts. At Rampur Bushehr she appears at her widest and calmest, gurgling contentedly through the valley and nourishing the villages and an occasional town that perch on her banks.

AT THE TSERING 'homestay' in Demul.

Drive further upstream towards the magnificent Kinner Kailash range and she will disappear into a deep gorge and play hide-and-seek from the entrails of the earth. At Pooh, she sports a dull grey hue and puts on her fiercest demeanour, cleaving through intimidating gorges sculpted out of shale and granite. Follow her further and she will let you glimpse her playful and joyous side. As you near Khab, you can see how she has doodled all over the imposing and sheer granite to present some of the most impressive artwork ever wrought by a river anywhere on the earth. The spectacular striations on granite and slate are a reward for anyone persistent enough to venture all the way to Khab where she disappears behind three snow-crowned peaks into Tibet through Shipki-la. Years ago, when I visited Rakshas Tal, her birthplace in Tibet, I witnessed her infantile and juvenile phases which offered little clue to the mercurial maiden she would become in her marital home in India.

Khab is where the Sutlej mingles with the Spiti, which meanders from another valley even more remote and forbidding. On the third day of our journey, we are still in Kinnaur as we cross the bridge at Khab and wind our way through some dusty brown landscape, a quintessential high-altitude desert. The tarmac twists through treacherous terrain where vehicles look like toys on some supernatural game board. The moonscape is as alien as it is intimidating and you believe you have reached the end of the earth. Until you stumble upon the oasis of Nako, that is. Suddenly, in the ocean of brown there is an emerald patch that seems almost like a mirage. You rub your eyes and blink to make sure what you are seeing is not your hallucination. How is it possible to grow anything at all in this loose crumbly soil and that too at this height? Anyway, what is it they are growing?

FRIENDLY FACES AT a window, in the village.

Our vehicle heaves and sputters and laboriously wends its way into Nako. The worm's-eye view is quite stunning. Nako is carpeted with barley fields watered by streams and channels that coax snow-melt into the village.

Chang trees shaped like bouquets line the village streets. Most trees have little boards advertising homestays, resorts and modest hotels. Some even offer foot massage. Most houses sport typical slate roofs, but here and there two-storeyed concrete houses have sprung up. Nako is a Buddhist village and the square has the regulation prayer wheel under a canopy. Eateries flaunt their nouveau cuisine comprising ersatz native menus for Israeli, French and German palates. We make a beeline for a local eatery that serves authentic thukpa and chowmein and wash it down with sugary tea creamed with yak milk.

MUD SCULPTURE DONE by whistling winds, en route to Sumdo.

The frequency with which villages clinging to apple-laden orchards surface along an otherwise forbidding and apparently desert-like landscape sends Niranjan, the poet in the group, into raptures. He entertains us with a series of Urdu couplets describing the grandeur of nature.

Apple has been the passport to prosperity in these parts. Not only do we find pucca homes made of concrete but more than an occasional small car. "How do you drive this on such treacherous roads which even an SUV finds difficult to negotiate?" I ask a villager. He grins from ear to ear and says it is the best vehicle for these roads since two people can just lift the car and put it on the other side of a landslide. "You city-dwellers with your mammoth SUVs will get stuck if there's a landslide, but not us," he laughs. The car is often their workhorse too, carting their produce to the market and fetching their stuff from as far away as Manali or Shimla.

THE DHANGKAR MONASTERY against a dramatic backdrop.

Very soon we have an occasion to witness this for ourselves. The Maling nullah is a dreaded stream en route to Spiti and is prone to frequent rockfalls. It is perennial and ever ebullient, tripping up massive trucks and Himachal Road Transport Corporation buses that get stuck in its many-sized rocks untamed by macadam. As we near the nullah, we hear a thunder-like sound as a giant boulder dislodges itself from its perch and comes crashing down. Instead of rolling down the slopes further, it decides to stay put, bang in the middle of the track, daring travellers to get into or out of the Spiti valley. A small car stops by, four people get out, lift the car and put it on the other side of the fallen rock and drive off even as we gape in disbelief.

Fortunately for us, a truckload of Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) personnel are ahead of our vehicle. Even more fortunate that neither they nor we were in the boulder's way as it decided to shift residence all of a sudden. But these are hazards travellers to Spiti must learn to negotiate. Nothing renews your faith in life as this hair's-breadth escape from the jaws of death. It takes the able-bodied and public-spirited ITBP men but a few minutes to wedge a crowbar under the rock and heave it out of the way. Soon we drive into Sumdo, the border village that separates Spiti from Kinnaur. Magnificent mud sculpture carved by whistling winds over eons stands out stark, mimicking straw-covered granaries that one sees in the plains. Spiti works her way around these mud mounds to nourish apple orchards on the opposite bank. Inaccessible villages unsullied by road connectivity perch proudly opposite the promontory, daring us to visit if we can.

NATURE'S ARTWORK NEAR Khab. The Sutlej has doodled all over the imposing and sheer granite to present this piece of art.

For the night we put up at the Trojan guest house in Tabo, the second biggest village in Spiti. Intermittent power supply and indifferent service cannot detract from the feeling of elation that comes with the elevation. Now we are at around 10,000 feet (3,000 m) above sea level and that sure makes you light-headed, literally! The setting is surreal and snow peaks beckon through the window.

Tabo has a gorgeous monastery, older than all others in the valley. Here we are joined by Tsering, who has assumed the name of Anjan just for the convenience of boorish plainspeople like us who mangle their names and mispronounce them. Almost everyone here, male as well as female, is named Tsering with an odd Sonam or Pema breaking the monotony. Tsering has been sent by Ishita of Spiti Ecosphere, a non-governmental organisation (NGO) that is coordinating our journey and arranging homestays and hotels along the way. Tsering will accompany us to Demul, a village sprawling at the feet of the snow gods. We shall stay the night with a village family in their traditional home, an experience all of us are looking forward to. But before that, we drive to the Dhangkar monastery, perched precariously on a spectacular bluff in the middle of nowhere.

A ROAD HEWN out of the mountainside at Khab. On the treacherous terrain, vehicles look like toys on some supernatural game board.

The location is straight out of a scene in The Lord of the Rings. Our vehicle wheezes up the winding slopes and drives straight up to the entrance of this gompa hanging out of the mountainside. Like Karcha Gompa near Padum in Zanskar, Dhangkar's location is its greatest attraction. It is visible for miles around and beckons the faithful like a colourful beacon in an otherwise bleak and apparently inhospitable landscape.

Dolma La at 15,200 feet (4,560 m) is a windswept pass with prayer flags fluttering like party buntings except that the setting is hardly a picnic spot. I am reminded of another Dolma La I had crossed in Tibet 15 years ago when I was on my parikrama of Mount Kailash. This pass is watched over by a chain of peaks, including one named Princess of the Sun and Moon. It is so cold that even Nikhilesh, the 68-year-old superman of our group, has to pull out his jersey. By the time we reach Demul, it is dusk. Our homestay is situated right on top of the spur and we pick our way through the elongated shadows, side-stepping puddles and yak dung. Geeta Gouri and I are to share a room in our homestay. Our host, another Tsering, gallantly carries our bags and leads the way.

HOMESTAY AT DEMUL

The household consists of his wife Pema, a daughter, a seven-month-old son and surprise, surprise, an ayah to care for the infant when the family is out in the fields. "We have hired her for the next three months," Tsering mentions in a matter-of-fact tone. The family assembles in the kitchen, a warm and welcoming room with a wood-fired boiler in the centre. It is a large room with mattresses for seating, and long low benches next to them. The cooking section is just a shelf and a table with a gas stove where Pema is busy stirring the pot. There is neither a sink nor running water and certainly no storage for groceries. Yet, in a jiffy, the meal, a thick white soup of potatoes and peas, is ready.

Tsering's house, unpretentious from outside, is more spacious than a bungalow. It has several large rooms, all well-furnished, and a stockyard to store their harvest. There is no bathroom though; a hole on the floor constitutes the toilet. And no running water either. The young girl has to fetch pails of water from a snow-melt stream for the family's use. The guest room is the best room in the house, with an entire wall adorned by an ornamental window that looks out towards the peaks. That night, altitude sickness, my implacable nemesis, catches up with me. Tsering seems a little distracted as he has to organise the labour for the morrow's harvest of peas. Demul, incidentally, grows the tastiest and juiciest organic peas in all of India and we are lucky to be able to buy a few kilos straight off the creeper. And we cart this precious cargo all the way back to Delhi.

LUSH FIELDS IN the Sangla valley.

From Demul we are to undertake a yak safari to another village called Komic, where we are to stay the next night. But suddenly all yaks have been whisked away to Kaza for a festival and we are spared the ordeal. I had earlier ridden a yak and am familiar with its waywardly ways; if there is a grassy meadow and a boulder-strewn slippery slope, trust the yak to choose the latter. I can still remember hanging on to the shaggy hairs of the animal you ride without a saddle and dodging the boulders placed there seemingly for no purpose other than to smash my knees. Am I not grateful for this reprieve, especially after last night's headache and nausea?

So we ride in our jalopy to Komic, taking a circuitous route. There is supposed to be a snow leopard in the monastery there. But to our horror we find it is a stuffed animal. The gompa is unpretentious and the village unremarkable. We make our way to Kibber, the most-photographed village in Spiti, truly the last frontier and the bastion of the snow leopard and a myriad other Himalayan species not found elsewhere even at those heights. Kibber is a disappointingly dirty village, but the meadows are lovely, velvety and sprawling, inviting us to spread our picnic and stretch our limbs. A German bakery supplies us with apple strudels and aloo paranthas. On the way back from Komic we spot a herd of blue bulls grazing placidly in the valley. But before I could take my lens and monopod out, they sprint out of sight.

A VILLAGE PERCHED on a promontory in the Spiti valley.

We spend a couple of days in Kaza, the capital of Spiti, where Ishita and Sunil, a lovely couple in their early thirties, have arranged our stay and travel. The couple runs Spiti Ecosphere, which teaches the local population livelihood techniques. They have been living here for almost a decade. Well-spoken, city-bred, and truly dedicated, they have many hilarious tales to narrate. When they first came to explore the region to set up their NGO, they were told to contact the local king named Nono. "Imagine having to meet a Nono when you want to hear a 'Yes, yes'," laughs Ishita. Without Nono's permission, no outsider, however well-intentioned, can function in Spiti. Nono, a revered leader of the community, lives in a village not far away from Kaza and works for the government.

APPLE ORCHARDS IN Nako. The worm's-eye view is stunning. Nako is carpeted with barley fields watered by streams and channels that coax snow-melt into the village.

Peas and apples have brought prosperity to this remote region, but its impact on the population has not been that positive. Alcoholism is rampant. While Israelis and some Europeans who flock to Spiti have spawned a hospitality industry, the labour that sustains it is almost entirely from the plains, leading to some tensions. Yet, for the present, these are subtle and not readily apparent to the visitor who comes away with the impression that Spiti is indeed the refuge of the gods.

A VIEW OF the Spiti river from atop the Dhangkar monastery.

The Spiti river accompanies us all the way up to Kaza and beyond. It continues upstream until Kunzum pass where it originates in a glacier. Snowstorms have made Losar, the gateway to Kunzum, impossible to negotiate and we have to retrace our way back along the Spiti and the Sutlej. Considering how stark, stunning and serene the landscape is, we are not complaining. Our only regret is we have had to forgo our camping experience on the banks of the gorgeous Chandra Tal. That will have to wait for another trip.

Elusive jobs T.K. RAJALAKSHMI

2012-02-11T07:01:00.001-08:00

Elusive jobs

T.K. RAJALAKSHMI

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20120224290304400.htm

It is getting harder for jobseekers to return to gainful employment and for new entrants to find adequate jobs, says the ILO.

EDUARDO MUNOZ/REUTERS

ACTIVISTS OF THE Occupy Wall Street movement at a rally demanding jobs, in New York on January 16.

THERE is little in the International Labour Organisation's (ILO) annual projection of job growth to cheer about. The year 2012 has been described as a year of stark reality. A third of the global workforce is currently unemployed or poor; that is, 200 million members of the 3.3-billion-strong global labour force are unemployed and a further 900 million live on less than $2 a day. And there is little reason to be hopeful, says the report "Global Employment Trends 2012". The recovery that began in 2009, since the global downturn began, was short-lived, it says. "The risk is that unemployment in the developed economies is becoming entrenched, and with long-term unemployment rates on the rise it is harder for jobseekers to return to gainful employment and for new entrants to quickly find adequate jobs," the report says.

Crisis conditions, it warns ominously, are spreading out again from advanced economies. There are visible signs of these in the form of rising discontent globally, which was characterised most recently by the Occupy Wall Street movement. Significantly, the report says that not much change can be expected in the global unemployment rate between now and 2016. The youth, especially, are going to be hit hard everywhere. Among the ranks of the employed too, many would find themselves in part-time jobs or on temporary contracts.

The only redeeming feature in the report is the assessment that there is some room for optimism in East Asia. The fact that East Asia seems to have got out of situations of extreme poverty is one reason why extreme poverty rates seem to have declined globally too. It seems the decline has been most pronounced in China.

Three-stage crisis

Workforce participation has fallen globally, and especially in the European Union and developed economies. Since 1991, the report says, this has been the greatest fall in the employment-population ratio. The report says there is evidence of a three-stage crisis. The initial response to the crisis was all about fiscal and monetary stimulus, but these were insufficient to bring about sustainable recovery in jobs, especially in advanced economies.

The second stage defined a period of increased austerity measures and higher public deficits. Growth dipped and so did employment in developed economies. However, economic conditions remained somewhat resilient in East Asia and the Latin American countries, leaving what the report calls "more policy space". The shift in growth had begun in the emerging economies, which were now contributing to world demand. Growing trade between the emerging economies themselves led to what is called decoupling and to the emergence of new growth centres that had the potential to stabilise global growth. These economies, says the report, reached pre-crisis investment rates and were expected to exceed these rates over the medium term.

The third stage of the crisis is the diminishing policy space. It is an outcome of tightened policies and persistently high levels of unemployment. Much of the effort, in some cases 90 per cent of the additional public spending, went into bailing out banks. Credit conditions were tightened and high levels of sovereign debt in advanced economies limited the capacity to implement further stimulus programmes.

The report recommends a firm coordination of global policies but does not fundamentally question the trajectory of capitalist development or accumulation that led to the current situation. It says that deficit-financed public spending and monetary easing implemented by both developing and developed economies is no longer a feasible option. It calls for more regulation and substantial repair of the financial system in order to restore credibility and confidence. Stimulus measures, the report says, must target employment.

Of particular concern, as evinced by the report, is that large stimulus packages have been unable to roll back the increase in unemployment (27 million) since the initial impact of the crisis. The report falls short of recommending a key role for the state in employment generation. While emerging economies may not have been similarly affected by the crisis, the report acknowledges there might be a problem here as well. East Asian economies continue to rely heavily on demand conditions in more advanced economies despite the overwhelming evidence of growing trade between the emerging economies. These economies, which continue to rely on export-oriented growth, are particularly vulnerable. But clearly, demand conditions have worsened overall as private households and firms continue to choose to save rather than spend.

"Paradox of thrift"

Accumulation by the non-financial sector without reinvesting in the economy is another reason for the slump in income-generation avenues and aggregate demand. The report says that there is evidence of many companies holding "large amounts of excess cash reserves relative to historical patterns, rather than investing towards productive ends". This has resulted in a "paradox of thrift" where "over-saving by large numbers of companies leads to low levels of investment, which, in turn, reduces prospects for economic growth and job creation and makes a further downturn more likely".

Added to this thrifty behaviour by private companies are austerity measures by governments. The report details the various austerity measures currently undertaken in the advanced as well as some of the emerging economies. These measures are not short-term ones. In some countries like Lithuania, for instance, they have been on since 2009. In others, like the United States, these measures will last longer, until 2021.

This also throws light on why some of these countries have witnessed prolonged and violent protests as a result of the withdrawal of state benefits and welfare measures. For instance, the issues are additional taxes, elimination of tax exemptions and reduction in social sector spending in Greece; freeze on public sector hiring, and cuts in public sector wages and in health care spending in Italy; cuts in public pensions, and raising the age of retirement from 60 to 62 in France; additional taxes, cuts in spending on social security and labour market policies in Germany; and the introduction of a flat 16 per cent income tax for the next two years, reduction of wages in the public sector and elimination of certain benefits in Hungary.

Cuts in public sector wages and social welfare benefits constitute the austerity measures in Ireland, whereas it is reduction in social benefits like health and pensions in Estonia; cuts in salaries of politicians, scrapping of the indexation of minimum wages, revision of maternity leave allowances and rationalisation of public expenses in Lithuania; tighter eligibility criteria for child care allowance, disability and unemployment benefits in the Netherlands; reduction in public sector salaries and hiring (a 15 per cent reduction of Central government services and managerial positions as compared to 2010), freezing of pensions except the lowest pensions in Portugal; a 25 per cent reduction in public sector wages and a 15 per cent reduction in pension and unemployment benefits in Romania; an increase in non-energy tax revenues in Russia; and cut in public sector jobs (13,000 jobs) and pay, scrapping of new-born benefits, cuts in public pension, sale of public sector assets with one-third of public enterprises being either put up for sale or getting closed, in Spain. In Turkey it is the introduction of the "fiscal rule bill" including cuts in social security; in the United Kingdom it is the abolition of the Child Trust Fund and the cutting of employment programmes. The Budget Control Act of the U.S. is expected to result in an aggregate reduction in government spending to the tune of $1.88 trillion during 2012-2021. Not to forget are the cuts in social sector spending in India.

While elsewhere the employment to population ratio fell, including among women, it went up in Latin America and the Caribbean by five percentage points between 2002 and 2011. But it is the long periods of unemployment that have contributed to social unrest and remain a larger cause of concern.

"Currently, some 35 per cent of all jobseekers in the developed economies and the European Union region have been unemployed for 12 months or longer. Many of those long-term jobseekers have actually given up looking for employment altogether, further worsening the labour market picture," says the report.

According to the report, there is an increase in the overall vulnerable employment comprising unpaid family labour and own-account work. Post-2007, this category of workers has been rising steadily.

The report recommends that policy measures need to target the labour market with features like extension of unemployment benefits and work-sharing programmes, re-evaluation of minimum wages and wage subsidies while enhancing public employment services and entrepreneurship incentives. It also recommends that countries should spend less on less employment-rich investments.

But the significant fact is that the role of the state largely remains undefined in the report. When jobs have declined all over, what is needed is employment-intensive industry. The story of high growth, including in India, leaves much to be desired in terms of qualitative outcomes.

Half the jobs lost globally were in the advanced economies; five million were lost in East Asia, three million in Latin America and the Caribbean and one million in South Asia. These figures have only added to the number of millions already unemployed in some of these regions. But the rate of global unemployment has been the severest in the advanced economies.

The private sector, the report suggests, can restart the main engine of global job creation. It seems to be almost unquestioningly accepted that the state cannot deliver. This is disquieting to a large extent.

The picture painted is dismal, but the prescription is not wholesome. It is not merely enough to note that large stimulus packages did not roll back the increasing rate of unemployment. Neither is it enough to prescribe measures that talk broadly about the repair and regulation of the financial sector. Instead of making the private sector the main engine of growth, governments should play a central role in combating unemployment. It is not only growth that is important, but the equal distribution of benefits too. Without this, poverty levels will remain high. It is here that political will is required.

Shifting sands PAMELA D'MELLO in Panaji

2012-02-11T06:59:00.001-08:00

Shifting sands

PAMELA D'MELLO
in Panaji

http://www.frontlineonnet.com/stories/20120224290303800.htm

It is the Congress versus the BJP in Goa, with the once-strong regional parties playing either "spoilers" or "kingmakers".

CHIEF MINISTER DIGAMBAR Kamat and Pradesh Congress Committee president Subhash Shirodkar presenting a memento to Congress president Sonia Gandhi in Panaji on December 17, 2011.

BY February 16, the last date for withdrawal of nominations, contenders for the Assembly elections scheduled for March 3 in Goa will have less than two weeks for active campaigning. Though there promises to be multi-corner contests and several candidates in each of the 40 constituencies, the battle for Goa is essentially between the ruling Congress and the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is making a bid to regain Panaji since its 2000-2005 tenure.

For every election after its electoral debut in the State in 1994, the BJP has had a firm chief ministerial candidate. But this time leadership tussles have erupted in the party, with Other Backward Classes (OBC) leader Shripad Naik making an aggressive pitch to re-enter State politics after three terms as Member of Parliament. Naik, the MP from North Goa, has been projected as a Bhandari Samaj leader within the party. The party's central committee has denied him permission to contest the Assembly elections. He went into a sulk and is staying away from the Jan Sampark Abhiyan (mass contact programme) launched by the party.

Analysts see the move by the party as one intended to prevent another power centre within the BJP and a possible contest for the top job, thereby consolidating the position of former Chief Minister Manohar Parrikar, who hails from the small and closely networked Gaud Saraswat Brahmin caste, which holds dominant positions in the State's business, professional, media and culture circuits. The OBC-Brahmin contest within the BJP has already become grist to its detractors, but more fundamentally it has thrown open the question of the Gaud Saraswat community's upswing, with at least one newspaper editorial pointing out that it held the posts of both the Chief Minister and the Leader of Opposition in the past five years.

The Congress, meanwhile, is approaching the elections with a surfeit of competing generals, each shoring up his position for the legislature party leadership by lobbying for the ticket to be given to loyalists and family members. Chief Minister Digambar Kamat, who moved from the BJP to the Congress just ahead of the 2007 elections, is keen on getting the ticket awarded to a couple of BJP legislators who ditched their party ahead of the elections this time. Health Minister Vishwajit Rane, the ambitious son of Speaker and long-serving Chief Minister Pratapsingh Rane, has been buttressing his position in several neighbouring constituencies in and around the interior Sattari taluk his family dominates by giving local youth from his pocket borough government jobs in the health sector.

Goa's personality- and family-based politics, a trend the Congress was unable to nip in the bud in 2007, has grown into a gargantuan problem for its managers in New Delhi. In 2007, the Congress denied Vishwajit Rane the ticket, but he contested as an independent. Its efforts to contain South Goa leader Churchill Alemao cost the Congress several seats when his regional outfit, the Save Goa Front, ate into its vote base. The Congress was finally forced to make peace with Churchill because of his damage potential.

(Following several attempts by the BJP in alliance with the Save Goa Front, the United Goans Democratic Party (UGDP) and independents to unseat Kamat, the Congress offered ministerships to Save Goa Front supremo Churchill Alemao, in return for his party's merger with the Congress. The lone UGDP legislator, Atanasio Monserrate, joined the Congress to become a Minister, as did one independent, Vishwajit Rane, who became Health Minister.) This time round, the bid to contain family and dynastic politics has delayed the finalisation of candidates for several crucial seats, though the party had announced early that it would favour sitting MLAs.

As always, candidate selection is the Congress' biggest nightmare. The Alemao brothers – Churchill and Joaquim, both Ministers in the government – are angling for seats for their children, Valanka Alemao (Churchill's daughter) and Yuri Alemao (Joaquim's son). Home Minister Ravi Naik is also seeking the ticket for his son, with suggestions that the Naik and Alemao sons will be accommodated by the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) in two of the six or seven seats it is likely to get after pre-poll alliance talks with the Congress.

The Congress has a trickier problem with Education Minister Atanasio Monserrate, whose claim for a nomination for his wife reflects a tussle with a sitting Congress legislator for the control of prime real-estate pockets of suburban Panaji. Given Monserrate's winnability, the Congress cannot afford to ignore him, but it has adopted a strategy to control his growing influence. The party has not forgotten its previous experience with Monserrate: in 2007, he procured the party nomination but at the eleventh hour ditched the party to contest for the UGDP, a regional outfit, leaving the Congress without a contestant in the Taleigaosegment.

Investigations conducted by the Income Tax Department and released to sections of the press on January 30, pointing to Monserrate having allegedly collected Rs.24 crore as fees for land conversions during his 2006 tenure as Town and Country Planning Minister, have hit the headlines in Goa. On January 31, just days ahead of the Congress announcing its list of candidates, IT sleuths raided several builders, prompting Monserrate to say that raking up a five-year-old matter was nothing but politics.

Regional parties

Goa's once-strong regional parties have been reduced to what analysts dub as "spoilers" or as "kingmakers" as the case may be. The Maharashtrawadi Gomantak Party (MGP), which backed the Congress for the past five years, has this time kept its doors open for both the Congress and the BJP. Controlled by the sibling duo of Ramkrishna and Pandurang Dhavlikar, the MGP has to contest a certain number of seats to retain its registration. But its voter base overlaps with that of the BJP, a fact that is not lost on the Congress in its strategy to contain the BJP in its North Goa strongholds.

The BJP, likewise, lends its covert support to regional outfits – the UGDP and the Goa Vikas Party (headed by the flamboyant and controversial former NCP Minister Micky Pacheco) – that eat into the Congress' Catholic vote base in Salcete taluk in South Goa.

The Congress faces a challenge in some seats from the activist priest Fr Bismarque Dias, who has announced his plans to contest under the Zagrut Goemkarancho Ekvott (Vigilant Goan Front), a grouping of anti-Regional Plan activists that sees itself as providing an honest alternative. Attempts by real-estate lobbies to subvert the citizens-designed Regional Plan 2020 have become a rallying point for middle class angst in Goa, all of it directed against the ruling Congress. While the economic boom in tourism, real estate and iron ore mining brings rich financial dividends, and a consumerist boom of gadgets and automobiles, Goa's middle class is acutely conscious of the loss of its green tranquillity and life-work balance to urban chaos.

Considering this fact, the Congress manifesto committee has promised a review of the Regional Plan and legislative measures to prevent the sale of farmland to non-ethnics and non-agriculturists. All major and regional parties have promised to lobby for some form of special status to Goa as concerns over an influx of immigrants and the sale of large swathes of land to people from outside the State have come to the fore in public discussions here.

The BJP, with the slogan of a "vote for change" and "Goa deserves better", along with the tacit backing of anti-corruption campaigners and myriad non-governmental organisations it has fostered, is attempting to tap into this angst. Team Anna is expected to canvass in the State a few days before March 3.

However, the BJP is attempting to ride the cry for "sustainable development" that comes from sections of the population, including the influential Catholic Church, along with a simultaneous and dichotomous advocacy of a fast-paced "Gujarat-type development model" for Goa. Parrikar has been making attempts to woo the State's 30 per cent minority Catholic community, apologising for cancelling a Good Friday holiday during the party's five-year term in power in 2000 and promising to curb his faults of "arrogance".

HANKER CHAKRAVARTY

MANOHAR PARRIKAR OF the BJP, the Leader of the Opposition.

Another arm of its strategy is to play on the traditional rivalry between Christian Brahmins and Christian Chardos (Kshatriyas), backing the latter off and on as the two castes tussle within the Congress. The BJP has taken several Christian politicians into its fold this time, including its former Tourism Minister and a traditional fishermen's leader, Mathany Saldanha.

Government formation patterns in Goa have generally followed the power situation in New Delhi, a fact the Congress is well aware of. The choices of the electorate are made not on bijli-sadak-pani barometers but on more emotive policy issues of where the small State is heading, with identity politics playing an important role. With the constituencies in this State of 14 lakh people being small, victory margins can be as close as 200 votes, making the arithmetic of caste and community calculations and the effect of "spoiler" and "match-fixing" candidates all the more crucial. Factors of anti-incumbency, corruption, infrastructure and governance have been seen to have less effect on voter choices than access to power, access to aspirational avenues, personality-based loyalties and protection against business and community rivals in the intensely competitive small spaces operational here.

Mining, a tricky terrain

For this reason, despite the huge noises the BJP made in an earlier campaign on illegal mining in the State, the party has refrained from harping too much on the issue; hundreds of small businesses could be affected by a blanket shutdown of this major sector. In interior Goa, mining has split the population – those who earn revenues from it are willing to condone all its ill effects while others are up in arms against it, making it a tricky terrain for political parties to negotiate. A shrewd strategist, Parrikar, with an authoritarian streak, has an edge in governance compared with the Congress leaders with their please-all, inclusive and negotiation policies.

The BJP has also put on the back burner the emotive and divisive issue of government grants to English-medium primary schools. Bowing to parental sentiment, the Congress reversed an earlier policy of grants only to Konkani and Marathi-medium primary schools, prompting an agitation from regional language chauvinists who had the backing of the BJP and the MGP. With Christian-run primary schools largely seeking to revert to English schools, the BJP may well go slow on this campaign in its bid to woo the Catholics.

Muslim demand

Reflecting the growing number of migrant Muslims who have climbed from 3 per cent to 8 per cent of the population, the community has sought representation of one seat from the Congress. Chief Minister Kamat, who has a sizeable population of Muslims in his Margao town constituency, enjoys considerable goodwill from the community.

The Congress's consideration for a representative seat could fall on the neighbouring Fatorda segment, currently represented by a BJP legislator. Either way, it is a demand the Congress has promised to consider.

Making their debut in the State's politics this election are several parties, including Mamata Banerjee's Trinamool Congress, which has appointed former Chief Minister Wilfred de Souza as its State unit president. The octogenarian de Souza, who found himself out of the NCP, has a knack for reinventing himself. This time he is aiming to contest from the Aldona seat, where he will most probably come up against the Congress' Dayanand Narvekar.

Ram Vilas Paswan's Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) and Sharad Yadav's Janata Dal (U) have also announced their plans to debut in the electoral fray though nobody expects them to be anything but minor players in the State. The Shiv Sena has announced its plans to contest some 33 seats, while the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist) have a tie-up between them to contest a few seats.

While the political line-up is yet to crystallise for the March 3 elections, what is clear as of now is that considering the fundamental nature of the issues that face the Goan electorate, the results of the 2012 elections will have a far-reaching impact.

हिंदुओं के त्‍योहार बहुजन नायकों की हत्‍याओं के जश्‍न हैं

2012-02-11T06:55:00.001-08:00

http://mohallalive.com/2011/10/26/hindu-festivals-are-celebration-of-the-killing-of-bahujan-heroes/

Forward Press, विश्‍वविद्यालय

हिंदुओं के त्‍योहार बहुजन नायकों की हत्‍याओं के जश्‍न हैं

26 OCTOBER 2011 30 COMMENTS

लाल रत्‍नाकर द्वारा बनाया गया महिषासुर का चित्र

♦ प्रेस विज्ञप्ति, एआईबीएसएफ

जवाहर लाल नेहरू यूनिवर्सिटी में सोमवार को देर रात आयोजित एक कार्यक्रम में महिषासुर की शहादत को याद किया गया। यह वही, महिषासुर है, हिुदु मिथकों में जिसकी हत्‍या देवी दुर्गा द्वारा की जाती है। लार्ड मैकाले की जयंती की पूर्व संध्‍या पर आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम में वक्‍ताओं ने उत्‍तर भारत में प्रचलित हिंदू मिथकों की बहुजन दृष्टिकोण से पुनर्व्‍यख्‍या की जरूरत पर बल दिया। कार्यक्रम का आयोजन आल इंडिया बैकवर्ड स्‍टूडेंस फोरम (एआइबीएसएफ) और यूनाईटेड दलित स्‍टूडेंटस फोरम (यूडीएसएफ) ने किया। पिछले कई दिनों से जेएनयू प्रशासन इस कार्यक्रम में विभिन्‍न गुटों के बीच मारपीट की घटना को लेकर आशंकित था। कार्यक्रम सफलता पूर्वक संपन्‍न होने पर जेएनयू प्रशासन ने राहत की सांस ली है।

'लार्ड मैकाले और महिषासुर : एक पुनर्पाठ' नाम से आयोजित इस कार्यक्रम को संबांधित करते हुए प्रसिद्ध दलित चिंतक कंवल भारती ने कहा कि पराजितों का भी अपना इतिहास होता है, उसकी नये तरीके से व्‍याख्‍या की जरूररत है। महिषासुर न्‍यायप्रिय और प्रतापी राजा थे, जिनका वध आर्यों ने छल से करवाया था। उन्‍होंने कहा कि 'असुर' शब्‍द का अर्थ प्राणवान होता है लेकिन ब्राह्मणवाद के पैरोकारों ने परंपराओं, पात्रों समेत शब्‍दों का भी विकृतिकरण किया है। उन्‍होंने कहा कि दलितों के एक तबके ने दशहरा नहीं मनाने का फैसला बहुत पहले ही कर लिया था। दशहरा हो या होली, हिंदुओं के अधिकांश त्‍योहार बहुजन तबकों के नायकों की हत्‍याओं के जश्‍न हैं। कहीं हिरण्‍यकश्‍यप मारा जाता है तो कहीं महिषासुर। उन्‍होंने कहा कि अब ओबीसी तबके को हिंदुवादी पुछल्‍लों से मुक्‍त हो जाना चाहिए।

फारवर्ड प्रेस के मुख्‍य संपादक आयवन कोस्‍का ने पोस्‍टमार्डनिज्‍म के सबसे बडे उपकरण विखंडनवाद के हवाले से कहा कि हमारे नायक इतिहास के गर्त में दब गये हैं, उन्‍हें बाहर लाने की जरूररत है। हमें मिथकों के जाल में नहीं फंसना है, अगर हम ऐसा करते हैं तो हम उसी ब्राह्मणवाद का पोषण करेंगे। लार्ड मैकाले के योगादानों की चर्चा करते हुए उन्‍होंने कहा कि उन्‍हें अंग्रेजी समर्थक रूप में गलत तरीके से प्रचारित किया जाता है। मैकाले का असली योगदान भारतीय दंड संहिता को निर्माण है, जिससे मनु का कानून ध्‍वस्‍त हुआ।

युद्धरत आम आदमी की संपादिका व सामाजिक कार्यकर्ता रमणिका गुप्‍ता ने कहा कि झारखंड में अभी भी 'असुर' नाम की जनजाति है, जिनकी संख्‍या 10 हजार के आसपास है। ये मूलत: लोहे संबंधित काम करने वाले लोग हैं, जिन्‍हें करमाली और लोहारा आदि नामों से भी जाना जाता है। ये असुर जातियां दुर्गा की पूजा नहीं करतीं। उन्‍होंने कहा कि हम एक विरोधाभासी समय में जी रहे हैं, एक ओर हम आधुनिक होने का स्‍वांग कर रहे हैं तो दूसरी तरफ अपनी मानसिकता में हम 16 वीं सदी से बाहर नहीं निकल रहे। उन्‍होंने मैकाले की भाषायी नीतियों का विरोध करते हुए कहा कि भारतीय दंड संहिता संबंधी योगदान के लिए लार्ड मैकाले को याद किया जाना चाहिए।

वर्णसंकर (शूद्र- अतिशूद्र) जातियों का उद्भव

2012-02-11T06:53:00.001-08:00

वर्णसंकर (शूद्र- अतिशूद्र) जातियों का उद्भव

http://mohallalive.com/2012/02/11/rising-of-varnsankar-castes/

Forward Press, नज़रिया

वर्णसंकर (शूद्र- अतिशूद्र) जातियों का उद्भव

11 FEBRUARY 2012 NO COMMENT

यह सामग्री फारवर्ड प्रेस के संपादक प्रमोद रंजन के पिछले लेख की पूरक है। दरअसल, वह लेख फारवर्ड प्रेस के फरवरी अंक में प्रकाशित कवर स्‍टोरी का 'फर्स्‍ट ड्राफ्ट' था, जिसे हमने सीधे लेखक से हासिल किया था। पत्रिका में यह लेख जरा परिमार्जित करके छापा गया है। मेरे विचार में फर्स्‍ट ड्राफ्ट के कच्‍चेपन की सोंधी खुशबू इस लेख में मौजूद है और इसमें लेखक का मत अधिक मुखर होकर सामने आया है। निम्‍नांकित पूरक सामग्री भी उसी लेख का हिस्‍सा है, जिसे मूल लेख के साथ बॉक्‍स आइटम के रूप में रखा गया है। फारवर्ड प्रेस मंगवाने के लिए इसके सकुर्लेशन विभाग के फोन नंबर 07827427311 पर संपर्क कर सकते हैं : मॉडरेटर

हिंदू धर्मग्रंथों में वर्णित वर्णसंकर (शूद्र- अतिशूद्र) जातियों का उद्भव

भारतीय संसद : 19 और 20 दिसंबर, 2012

ये दोनों तारीखें पिछड़ा वर्ग की राजनीति के इतिहास में काले अक्षरों में दर्ज की जाएंगी।

रूस की एक जिला स्तरीय अदालत में गीता को अतिवादी साहित्य घोषित कर प्रतिबंधित करने की मांग की गयी थी। 19 और 20 दिसंबर को भारतीय संसद में इस पर हंगामा हुआ। इस दौरान हुई बहस में सामाजिक न्याय का हवाला देने वाले राजनीतिक दलों बीजू जनता दल, समाजवादी पार्टी, राष्ट्रीय जनता दल, बहुजन समाज पार्टी और जनता दल यूनाइटेड में गीता की महत्त्ता का बखान करने की होड़ लगी रही। भाजपा और कांग्रेस समेत इन पार्टियों के नेता गीता को राष्ट्रीय धर्मग्रंथ घोषित कर डालने के पक्ष में दिखे।

वास्तव में, ऐसा करके पिछड़े नेताओं ने ब्रह्मणवादी शक्तियों द्वारा बुने गये चक्रव्यूह के दूसरे चरण को सफल कर दिया है। इनकी कोशिश होगी कि वे इस व्यूह में इतने गहरे धंसते जाएं, जहां से उनका निकलना असंभव हो जाए।

आइए देखें संसद में किसने क्या कहा…

19 दिसंबर, 2012

हुक्मदेव नारायण यादव (भाजपा) : गंगा मैया, गीता माता और गाय माता, ये तीन माता हैं। कृष्ण गीता वाले तब हुए, जब उनके साथ गाय थी। केवल गीता ही नहीं, गीता के साथ गाय बचे, गंगा बचे, धरती माता बचे, तब भारत का कल्याण होगा।

मुरली मनोहर जोशी (भाजपा) : गीता एक सार्वभौम ग्रंथ है, जो मानव प्रेम के लिए है।

मुलायम सिंह यादव (सपा) : सरकार ने गीता एवं इसके महत्व एवं इसके प्रभाव को गंभीरता से नहीं लिया है। इस बात को सभी दल मानेंगे… संसदीय कार्यमंत्री जी से मेरा अनुरोध है कि गीता के प्रचार-प्रसार के बारे में सरकार कोई ऐसा कदम उठाये, जिससे गीता की पढ़ाई प्राइमरी स्कूल से विश्वविद्यालय तक में मुमकिन हो सके।

लालू प्रसाद (राजद) : गीता भगवान कृष्ण से संबंधित है। देवताओं के महान देवता भोले बाबा ने कृष्ण जी को ऊंचा स्थान दिया और कृष्ण जी ने भी शंकर बाबा को ऊंचा स्थान दिया। गीता का अपमान करना, भगवान कृष्ण का अपमान करना है। यह बर्दाश्त करने की बात नहीं है। अपमान का बदला हम लेंगे।

शरद यादव (जदयू) : यहां सभी साथियों ने (गीता पर) जो कुछ कहा है, मैं उससे अपने आपको संबद्ध मानता हूं। मैं उसे दोहराने की जरूरत नहीं महसूस करता। सरकार को इस पर कारगर पहल कर इस सवाल को हल करना चाहिए।

पवन कुमार बंसल (कांग्रेस, संसदीय कार्य मंत्री) : भागवत गीता की अहमियत के प्रति माननीय सदस्यों ने यहां जो विचार प्रकट किये हैं, उनकी हम कद्र करते हैं। किसी के मन में कोई मतभेद नहीं है, सबके विचार एक हैं। कल माननीय (विदेश मंत्री) एसएम कृष्ण जी पूरी बात की तफ्तीश करके यहां अपना वक्तव्य देंगे।

20 दिसंबर, 2012

सुषमा स्वराज (भाजपा, नेता विपक्ष) : मैं आज के दिन इस प्रसंग (रूस में गीता पर प्रतिबंध का मामला) का लाभ उठाते हुए यह भी मांग करती हूं कि श्रीमद् भागवत गीता को राष्ट्रीय पुस्तक घोषित किया जाए।

एसएम कृष्णा (कांग्रेस, विदेश मंत्री) : I rise to make a statement on a court hearing in a Russian city on the Bhagavad Gita that was raised in this august House yesterday by hon. Members Shri Bhartruhari Mahtab, Shri Mulayam Singh Yadav, Shri Sharad Yadav, Shri Lalu Prasad, and Shri Hukumdev Narayan Yadav…A number of other Hon. Members also conveyed their deep sense of anguish over this issue. At the outset, allow me to mention that I fully share the sentiments expressed by the Hon Members of the House on this issue…Hon. Members would agree that the Bhagavad-Gita is not simply a religious text; it is one of the defining treatises of Indian thought and describes the very soul of our great civilization. The Gita is far above any cheap propaganda or attacks by the ignorant or the misdirected.

जटिल हो गई अनधिकृत कालोनियों को नियमित करने की प्रक्रिया

2012-02-11T06:50:00.001-08:00

जटिल हो गई अनधिकृत कालोनियों को नियमित करने की प्रक्रिया

http://www.jansatta.com/index.php/component/content/article/11249-2012-02-11-05-08-37

Saturday, 11 February 2012 10:38

मनोज मिश्र नई दिल्ली, 11 फरवरी। फर्जी अनधिकृत कालोनी का मुद्दा उठने के बाद बाकी अनधिकृत कालोनियों को नियमित करने की प्रक्रिया जटिल होने लगी है। फर्जी कालोनी के मुद्दे पर दिल्ली सरकार को 21 फरवरी को लोकायुक्त के यहां जवाब देना है। पूर्व विधायक रामवीर सिंह विधूड़ी आदि की याचिका पर लोकायुक्त जस्टिस मनमोहन सरीन ने दिल्ली सरकार को जबाव तलब किया है। अगली सुनवाई एक मार्च को होनी है। दिल्ली विकास प्राधिकरण (डीडीए) ने अपने जवाब में इन कालोनियों के वजूद को ही नकारा है जबकि दिल्ली सरकार के राजस्व सचिव और मंडल आयुक्त विजय देव ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में इन्हें भ्रष्टाचार की पराकाष्ठा बताया है। बावजूद इसके भूमाफिया, नेता और अधिकारियों के गठबंधन ने दिल्ली में अनधिकृत कालोनियों का जंगल बसा दिया है। जितनी बार उन्हें नियमित करने की कोशिश हुई है उतने ही बार उनकी संख्या बढ़ती गई।
अनधिकृत कालोनी के कारोबार ने दिल्ली के अस्सी फीसद नेताओं को अरबपति बना दिया है बल्कि इस कारोबार में भू माफिया और नेता की भूमिका की दीवार ही खत्म कर दी है। ज्यादातर सांसद, विधायक या निगम पार्षद या तो खुद जमीन का कारोबार करते हैं या वे भूमाफिया के संरक्षण कर्ता बने हुए हैं। गिनती के नेता इससे अछूते हैं लेकिन उनकी आवाज दबा दी जाती है या वे पैसे की राजनीति में अलग थलग होकर घर बैठा दिए जाते हैं। अनधिकृत कालोनी के साथ अनधिकृत निर्माण अगर जुड़ जाए तब तो दिल्ली का गलती से कुछ इलाका इससे अछूता रह पाया है। बाहरी दिल्ली के कुछ इलाकों में अभी खेती हो रही है दूसरे शब्दों में कहें तो अब बाहरी दिल्ली में ही अनधिकृत कालोनी बसाने की संभावना है इसीलिए सबसे अधिक मारामारी वहीं दक्षिणी और उत्तरी क्षेत्रों में हो रही है। पूर्वी दिल्ली में अब ज्यादा संभावना नहीं है।
सरकारी गैर सरकारी जहां खाली जमीन दिखी उसी पर कालोनी बसा दी। यह भी अपने आप में कम गड़बड़ी है। बिना बसे कालोनी को अनधिकृत की सूची में शामिल करवा ली। असल में कालोनी में रहने वाले और उसे बसाने वाले की रूचि कालोनी को नियमित करवाने से अधिक उसे स्वीकृत होने वाली कालोनी की सूची में शामिल करवाने की है। नियमित होने में कालोनी वासियों को न्यूनतम शुल्क देना होगा। इतना ही नहीं अगर कालोनी सरकारी जमीन पर बनी है तो उसे जुर्माना भी देना होगा। भू माफिया जब नेताओं से गठजोड़ करके जनहित के नाम पर अनधिकृत कालोनी में विकास कार्य करवा लेता है तब उसे नियमित के फेरे में क्यों डाला जाए। इसलिए जिस तरह सूची बनती, बढ़ती और उस पर बयान होती है उससे तो यही लगता है कि यह नूरा कुश्ती है केवल दिखावा के लिए आंदोलन किया जाता है।

इतना तक फर्जीवाड़ा तो एक तरह से स्वीकृत ही हो चुका है असली फर्जीवाड़ा ने इस धंधे के जड़ में मट्ठा डालने का काम किया है। जिस जमीन का जिस माफिया ने मुआवजा ले लिया है जो जमीन आज भी डीडीए और दूसरी सरकारी एजंसियों के कब्जे में है उस पर बस्ती दिखाकर सितंबर 2008 में उसे प्रोविजनल सर्टीफिकेट दिलवा दिया गया। अरबों का घोटाला करने वाले इतने निश्चिंत थे कि उसके बाद भी उस पर आबादी नहीं बसाई अन्यथा जनहित के नाम पर उस विरोध को भी दबा दिया जाता। कहा जाता है कि वे तीनों फर्जी कालोनियां दक्षिणी दिल्ली के महंगे इलाके में थी इसलिए मोटी आमदनी की उम्मीद में निश्चिंत होकर भूमाफिया अपना कारोबार करता रहा। इतना ही नहीं इस काम को अंजाम देने के उत्साह में महारानी बाग और न्यू फ्रेंड्स कालोनी के बगल में टोल ब्रिज की जमीन पर एडवांस लेना शुरू कर दिया।
यह घोटाला इतना बड़ा है कि सरकार के भी हाथ पांव फूलने लगे। विरोध कम करने के लिए मुख्यमंत्री ने शहरी विकास विभाग राजकुमार चौहान से लेकर डा. अशोक कुमार वालिया को दिया। राजस्व सचिव विजय देव ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में इस घोटाले के लिए उन सभी शब्दों का इस्तेमाल किया है जो सभ्य भाषा में किसी भ्रष्टाचार के लिए की जा सकती है। शहरी विकास विभाग ने दूसरे विभाग के वरिष्ठ अधिकारी की रिपोर्ट को रद्द करने के बजाए प्रोविजनल सर्टीफिकेट का नया मायने उन्हें समझाया है। सरकार इसलिए खुलकर नहीं बोल रही है क्योंकि विजय देव ने मुख्यमंत्री और उपराज्यपाल के कहने पर जांच की और उसी समय जो डीडीए ने लोकायुक्त को जवाब भेजा उसकी भाषा भी ऐसी थी। इससे लगता है कि लोकायुक्त को भी जवाब में भी सरकार लीपापोती ही करने वाली है।
शहरी विकास मंत्री डा. अशोक वालिया भले ही नियमानुसार अनधिकृत कालोनी नियमित करने की बात कह रहे हैं लेकिन इस विवाद के बाद इस कदर नियम कानून लागू किए जाएंगे कि यह प्रक्रिया फिर लटक जाएगी। वैसे कालोनी बसाने वाले भी वास्तव में यही चाहते हैं कि नई लिस्ट 1639 से बढ़कर दो हजार की हो जाए तब तक इतनी और कालोनी वे जुड़वा लें। जो पिछले 40 साल से होता रहा है।

पृथ्वी पर इंडोनेशिया और भारत में हैं सबसे ज्यादा खुशहाल लोग

2012-02-11T06:45:00.001-08:00

पृथ्वी पर इंडोनेशिया और भारत में हैं सबसे ज्यादा खुशहाल लोग

Saturday, 11 February 2012 18:17

नयी दिल्ली, 11 फरवरी (एजेंसी) यूरोप और अमेरिका में जारी आर्थिक चिंताओं के बावजूद 2007 के मुकाबले दुनिया के लोग आज भी काफी खुशहाली महसूस करते हंै और सौरमंडल के इस ग्रह पृथ्वी पर इंडोनेशिया, भारत और मैक्सिको के लोग सबसे ज्यादा प्रसन्न और हैं। एक अध्ययन में यह परिणाम सामने आया है।
वैश्विक अनुसंधान कंपनी आईपीएसओएस द्वारा किये गये अध्ययन के अनुसार दुनिया में आर्थिक चिंताओं और संघर्ष के बावजूद दुनिया आज भी वर्ष 2007 की तुलना में रहने के लिये सबसे बेहतर स्थल है। दुनियाभर में 22 प्रतिशत लोगाों ने कहा है कि वह ''बहुत खुश'' हैं और ऐसा कहने वाले लोग इंडोनेशिया, भारत और मैक्सिको में ज्यादा हैं।
दुनिया के 24 देशों में यह सर्वेक्षण किया गया। 10 में से प्रत्येक 8 यानी 77 प्रतिशत ने कहा कि वह अपने जीवन से 'खुश' हैं। एक चौथाई :22 प्रतिशत: ने कहा कि वह 'बहुत खुश' हैं। खुश और बहुत खुश ही वह पैमाना है जिससे विभिन्न देशों में नागरिकों की खुशहाली में अंतर का पता चलता है।

अध्ययन के अनुसार इंडोनेशिया में सबसे ज्यादा 51 प्रतिशत लोगों ने कहा वह प्रसन्न हैं। सर्वेक्षण में उन्होंने कहा वह 'बहुत खुश' हैं। इसके बाद भारत और मैक्सिको का स्थान आता है जहां 43 प्रतिशत लोगों ने कहा है कि वह 'बहुत खुश' हैं। ब्राजील और तुर्की का इस मामले में तीसरा स्थान रहा है जहां 30 प्रतिशत लोगों ने अपनी खुशहाली का इजहार किया है। आस्ट्रेलिया और अमेरिका प्रत्येक में 28 प्रतिशत लोगों ने ही कहा कि वह बहुत खुश हैं।

भाजपा, सपा, बसपा ने सिर्फ अपने वोटबैंक पर ध्यान दिया : राहुल गांधी

2012-02-11T06:43:00.001-08:00

भाजपा, सपा, बसपा ने सिर्फ अपने वोटबैंक पर ध्यान दिया : राहुल गांधी

Saturday, 11 February 2012 17:34

सोरांव :उत्तर प्रदेश: 11 फरवरी (एजेंसी) राहुल गांधी ने मायावती सरकार की सहानुभूति गरीब किसानों की अपेक्षा '' धनी बिल्डरों '' के प्रति अधिक रहने का दावा किया।

औऱ साथ ही कांग्रेस नेता राहुल गांधी ने आज भाजपा, सपा और बसपा पर आरोप लगाया कि उत्तर प्रदेश में सत्ता में रहने पर उन्होंने सिर्फ अपने अपने '' वोटबैंक '' पर ध्यान दिया और आम लोगों की उपेक्षा की।
राहुल ने कहा, '' आम तौर पर चुनावों से परिवर्तन का रास्ता प्रशस्त होता है। उत्तर प्रदेश में पिछले 22 साल के दौरान कई चुनाव हुए लेकिन कोई परिवर्तन महसूस नहीं किया गया। इसकी वजह यह रही कि राज्य में उन दलों का शासन रहा जिनकी दिलचस्पी सिर्फ अपने वोटबैंक में थी जो आम तौर पर कुल आबादी का 10 प्रतिशत से अधिक नहीं है। ''

इलाहाबाद से करीब 25 किलोमीटर यहां एक चुनावी सभा में राहुल ने कहा, '' इसके फलस्वरूप वे आम लोगों और उनके मुद्दों से पूरी तरह से दूर हो गए।''
उन्होंने 2004 के आम चुनावों में '' इंडिया शाइनिंग'' नारा उछालने के लिए भाजपा की आलोचना करते हुए कहा कि इससे प्रदर्शित होता है कि पार्टी नेतृत्व ने आम लोगों की ओर ध्यान नहीं दिया जो अपनी जरूरतों के लिए संघर्ष कर रहे थे।
मायावती सरकार को आड़े हाथों लेते हुए राहुल ने कहा कि बसपा सुप्रीमो ऐसी सरकार चला रही हैं जो ''गरीब किसानों की अपेक्षा धनी बिल्डरों के प्रति अधिक सहानुभूति रखती है। ''

बदल डालो यूपी की ‘नकारात्मक राजनीति’: प्रियंका

2012-02-11T06:41:00.001-08:00

बदल डालो यूपी की 'नकारात्मक राजनीति': प्रियंका

Saturday, 11 February 2012 13:28

रायबरेली, 11 फरवरी (एजेंसी) प्रियंका वाड्रा ने सूबे में पिछले 22 साल से जारी 'नकारात्मक राजनीति' को बदलने का आह्वान किया।

प्रियंका ने सरैनी विधानसभा क्षेत्र से कांग्रेस के उम्मीदवार अशोक सिंह के समर्थन में अहियर में आयोजित चुनावी सभा में कहा ''आपको गम्भीरता से सोचना पड़ेगा और ऐसा निर्णय करना होगा जिससे राजनीति में बदलाव आए। प्रदेश में पिछले 22 साल से नकारात्मक राजनीति हो रही है। आपको अपने वोट की ताकत से उसे बदलना होगा।''
उन्होंने कहा ''आप सिर्फ विधायक नहीं बल्कि अपने भविष्य का फैसला भी करने जा रहे हैं। अपने वोट की कीमत पहचानिये। आपका वोट आपके भविष्य के निर्माण के लिये होना चाहिये।''
प्रियंका ने कहा ''आपके नेताओं को भी मालूम होना चाहिये कि अगर वे विकास का काम और आपकी उन्नति के लिये काम नहीं करेंगे तो आप उन्हें आगे नहीं बढ़ाएंगे। तभी आपकी राजनीति बदलेगी।''

उन्होंने कहा कि रायबरेली तथा अमेठी की जनता के साथ उनका राजनीतिक नहीं बल्कि पारिवारिक रिश्ता है और वह इन दोनों जिलों में वोट मांगने के लिये नहीं बल्कि जनता को जागरूक करने के लिये आती हैं। अगर वह ऐसा नहीं करेंगी तो साम्प्रदायिक ताकतों आकर जनता को भ्रमित करके उसके भविष्य के साथ खिलवाड़ करेंगी।
प्रियंका ने कहा कि तरक्की पाना प्रदेश की जनता का हक है लेकिन सूबे में दूसरी पार्टियों के नेता समझते हैं कि वह विकास करके अवाम पर एहसान कर रहे हैं। दरअसल, वे जाति और धर्म का शिगूफा छोड़कर लोगों का ध्यान भटकाते हैं और अपनी जेबें भरते हैं।

फांसी दे दो, पर मुस्लिमों को हक दिलाकर रहेंगे: खुर्शीद

2012-02-11T06:39:00.001-08:00

फांसी दे दो, पर मुस्लिमों को हक दिलाकर रहेंगे: खुर्शीद

Saturday, 11 February 2012 13:43

फर्रुखाबाद, 11 फरवरी (एजेंसी) सलमान खुर्शीद ने कहा है कि वह पिछडे मुसलमानों को उनका हक दिलाकर रहेंगे।
खुर्शीद ने कल रात मुस्लिम बहुल खटकपुरा इलाके में एक सभा में कहा ''चुनाव आयोग ने मेरे उच्च्पर पाबंदी लगाई है लेकिन वह फांसी दे दे, या कुछ भी कर ले.... हम पसमांदा मुसलमानों को उनका हक दिलाकर रहेंगे।''
उन्होंने कहा ''क्या हम अब यह भी नहीं कह सकते कि पसमांदा मुसलमानों को उनका हक मिलेगा।''
खुर्शीद ने कहा ''हमने अपनी जिंदगी फर्रुखाबाद के लोगों के नाम वक्फ कर दी है। हम आज भी फर्रुखाबाद की जनता और गरीब लोगों के साथ हैं।''
गौरतलब है कि खुर्शीद ने पिछले महीने फर्रुखाबाद सदर क्षेत्र से कांग्रेस प्रत्याशी अपनी पत्नी लुइस खुर्शीद के समर्थन में आयोजित जनसभा में कहा था कि उनकी पार्टी 27 प्रतिशत के अन्य पिछड़े वर्गों :ओबीसी: के आरक्षण में से अल्पसंख्यकों के लिए उप कोटा बढ़ा कर नौ प्रतिशत कर देगी। चुनाव आयोग ने इसे आचार संहिता का उल्लंघन मानते हुए उन्हें नोटिस जारी किया था।

आयोग ने हाल में खुर्शीद को फटकार लगाते हुए हिदायत दी थी कि वह भविष्य में ऐसी गलती न न दोहराएं।
खुर्शीद ने सभा में कहा कि कांग्रेस 22 साल बाद उत्तर प्रदेश की विधानसभा में तिरंगा फहराने जा रही है और वह चाहते हैं कि विधानसभा में फर्रुखाबाद का भी नारा लगे

विदेशी बैंकों में जमा काला धन कांग्रेस नेताओं का : मायावती

2012-02-11T06:37:00.001-08:00

विदेशी बैंकों में जमा काला धन कांग्रेस नेताओं का : मायावती

Saturday, 11 February 2012 17:37

मिर्जापुर...सोनभ्रद, 11 फरवरी (एजेंसी) उत्तर प्रदेश की मुख्यमंत्री बहुजन समाज पार्टी :बसपा: अध्यक्ष मायावती ने आज कांग्रेस पर आरोप लगाते हुए कहा कि इस पार्टी के नेताओं ने पिछले 40 वर्षों में देश को लूटा है और विदेशी बैंकों में जमा काला धन भी उन्हीं लोगों का है।
मायावती ने मिर्जापुर तथा सोनभ्रद में विभिन्न चुनावी सभाओं को सम्बोधित करते हुए कांग्रेस पर निशाना साधा और कहा कि इस पार्टी और उसके नेताओं ने पिछले 40 वर्षों के दौरान जमकर लूटा है और उससे हासिल हुई काली कमाई को विदेशी बैंकों में जमा किया।
उन्होंने कहा ''विदेशी बैंकों में जमा काला धन इन्हीं :कांग्रेस नेताओं: लोगों का है।''
मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि कांग्रेस को उत्तर प्रदेश के विकास के लिये पांच और वर्षों का समय मांगते हुए शर्म आनी चाहिये, क्योंकि उसने इस राज्य में चार दशक तक एकछत्र शासन किया और सूबे को बरबाद कर दिया।
मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा कि पांच साल पहले जब उन्होंने राज्य की बागडोर सम्भाली थी तब राज्य 'दीवालिया' हो चुका था। प्रदेश में 'गुण्डाराज' कायम था और विकास नाम की कोई चीज ही नहीं थी। ऐसे में शासन चलाना आसान नहीं था।

बसपा अध्यक्ष ने कहा कि कांग्रेस बटला हाउस कांड पर नाटक कर रही है और प्रदेश में पिछले 22 वर्षों से सत्ता से दूर यह पार्टी मुसलमानों को रिझाने के लिये चारा डालने का प्रयास कर रही है।
मायावती ने कहा कि केन््रद और दिल्ली में कांग्रेस की सरकार है और अगर वह चाहती तो बटला हाउस कांड की निष्पक्ष जांच कराकर दूध का दूध और पानी का पानी कर सकती थी।
मुख्यमंत्री ने दावा किया कि उन्होंने अपनी पार्टी से दागी लोगों को निकाल दिया है और अब उनकी पार्टी में स्वच्छ छवि वाले निष्ठावान प्रत्याशी हैं।
उन्होंने जनता को आगाह करते हुए कहा कि प्रदेश में सपा की सरकार बनने पर गुंडे एक बार फिर छाती पर चढ़ जाएंगे और भाजपा के सत्ता में आने पर साम्प्रदायिक ताकतें हावी हो जाएंगी।

यूपी विस चुनाव: दूसरे चरण में शाम पांच बजे तक 56 प्रतिशत मतदान

2012-02-11T06:35:00.001-08:00

यूपी विस चुनाव: दूसरे चरण में शाम पांच बजे तक 56 प्रतिशत मतदान

Saturday, 11 February 2012 18:01

लखनऊ, 11 जनवरी (एजेंसी) विस चुनाव के दूसरे चरण के लिए करीब 56 प्रतिशत मतदान हो चुका है। अभी अनेक स्थानों पर मतदाताओं की लम्बी-लम्बी कतारें लगी हैं और मतदान जारी है।
प्रदेश निर्वाचन कार्यालय के अनुसार, प्रदेश के नौ जिलों की 59 विधानसभा सीटों पर सुबह सात बजे से मतदान शुरू हुआ और शाम पांच बजे तक करीब 56 प्रतिशत मतदाताओं ने अपने मताधिकार का प्रयोग किया। मतदान अभी जारी है और अंतिम आंकड़े देर शाम तक प्राप्त होंगे।
उन्होंने बताया कि शाम पांच बजे तक गाजीपुर में 56 प्रतिशत, महराजगंज में 55 प्रतिशत, मउच्च् में 55 फीसद, कुशीनगर में 53 फीसद, संत कबीर नगर में 51, देवरिया में 50, आजमगढ़ में 49, गोरखपुर तथा आजमगढ़ में 48-48 प्रतिशत मतदाता अपने मताधिकार का प्रयोग कर चुके हैं।
छिटपुट घटनाओं को छोड़कर दूसरे चरण का मतदान आमतौर पर शांतिपूर्ण ढंग से चल रहा है। हालांकि कुछ स्थानों पर इलेक्ट्रानिक वोटिंग मशीनों में गड़बड़ी की शिकायतें सामने आर्इं, लेकिन उन्हें जल्द ही दूर कर लिया गया।
मउच्च् से प्राप्त रिपोर्ट के अनुसार दक्षिण टोला क्षेत्र में स्थित प्राथम विद्यालय औरंगाबाद पर स्थित मतदान केन््रद पर अनावश्यक रूप से लगी भीड़ को पुलिस ने लाठीचार्ज करके खदेड़ा। इस घटना में करीब छह लोगों को चोटें आई हैं।
बलिया के रसड़ा के महावीर अखाड़ा इलाके में नारेबाजी कर रहे लोगों को हटाने के लिये भी पुलिस ने बल प्रयोग किया।
आजमगढ़ सदर विधानसभा सीट पर हथिया मतदान कें्रद पर पुल न बनने के विरोध में और बलिया जिले के बेहटा मतदान कें्रद पर बिजली पानी की समस्याओं को लेकर लोगों ने मतदान का बहिष्कार किया, जबकि कुछ क्षेत्रों में ईवीएम मशीनों की गड़बड़ी की शिकायतें भी मिली हैं।

गोरखपुर के कैम्पियरगंज में एक पीठासीन अधिकारी की तबीयत खराब होने पर मतदान में कुछ देर तक व्यवधान पड़ने की खबर है।
द्वितीय चरण में नौ जिलों में संत कबीर नगर, महराजगंज, गोरखपुर, कुशीनगर, देवरिया, आजमगढ़, मउच्च्, बलिया तथा गाजीपुर जिलों की कुल 59 विधानसभा सीटों के लिये 13020 मतदान केन््रदों के 20426 मतदेय स्थलों पर मतदान हो रहा है। इसके लिये 26800 इलेक्ट्रानिक वोटिंग मशीनें :ईवीएम: इस्तेमाल की जा रही हैं।
आज के चुनाव में बसपा तथा भाजपा की प्रादेशिक इकाइयों के अध्यक्षों की प्रतिष्ठा दांव पर है। बसपा के प्रदेश अध्यक्ष और मौजूदा कैबिनेट मंत्री स्वामी प्रसाद मौर्य कुशीनगर की पडरौना सीट से मैदान में हैं।
भाजपा के प्रदेश अध्यक्ष सूर्य प्रताप शाही देवरिया के नवसृजित पथरदेवा क्षेत्र से और पूर्व भाजपा प्रदेश अध्यक्ष रमापति राम त्रिपाठी महराजगंज की सिसवां सीट से किस्मत आजमा रहे हैं। इस चरण में राज्य के राजस्व मंत्री फागू चौहान मउच्च् की घोसी सीट से बसपा उम्मीदवार हैं।
राज्य विधानसभा अध्यक्ष सुखदेव राजभर, विधानसभा में समाजवादी पार्टी के उपनेता अम्बिका चौधरी, 31 विधायकों तथा 24 पूर्व मंत्रियों के साथ-साथ कई बाहुबलियों के चुनावी भाग्य का फैसला भी आज हो गया।
विधानसभा अध्यक्ष सुखदेव राजभर आजमगढ़ की नवसृजित दीदारगंज सीट से बसपा के प्रत्याशी हैं। इसके अलावा विधानसभा में सपा के उपनेता अम्बिका चौधरी की उम्मीदवारी वाले क्षेत्र फेफना :बलिया: से मैदान में है।

Fwd: Illegal detention, torture in police custody and registration of false case & extortion

2012-02-11T06:34:00.001-08:00

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Kirity Roy <kirityroy@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 4:28 PM
Subject: Illegal detention, torture in police custody and registration of false case & extortion
To: NHRC <covdnhrc@nic.in>
Cc: jrlawnhrc <jrlawnhrc@nic.in>, "Member NHRC Mr. Satyabrata Pal" <satyabrata49@hotmail.com>, Chief Minister West Bengal <cm@wb.gov.in>, Chief Secretary Gov of WB <chiefsec@wb.gov.in>, Secretary Home Dept Gov of WB <sechome@wb.gov.in>, dm-mur@wb.nic.in, dm-bar@wb.nic.in

10^th February 2012

The Chairman

National Human Rights Commission

Faridkot House

Copernicus Marg

New Delhi-110001

Respected Sir,

We lodge this present complaint on behalf of the victims Mr. Rajjak Mondal and Mr. Fajlur Mondal from District-North 24 Parganas who are presently languishing in jail since 01.01.2012 on allegation of illegally possessing 'Ganja'. The family members of the victims vehemently contradicted such allegation and claimed that the police leveled false allegations against the victims out of conspiracy. The family members of the victims alleged that the police of Baduria and Basirhat Police Station arrested the victims from their houses on 29.12.2011 at about 2 hours without disclosing any reason and without issuing any memo of arrest; they were also beaten by police at the time of arrest. Moreover the police also subjected them to torture in police lock up, allegedly compelled the victim's family to give bribe to police and illegally detained them until they were produced before magistrate on 1.1.2012. Our attached fact finding report gives details of the incident. Here the family members of the victims brought direct allegation of torture while in custody which amounts to criminal offence and violation of law as laid down in Criminal Procedure Code (Sections 50, 50-A, 55-A, 57 and 60-A ) and also violation of the guidelines issued by the Apex Court in DK Basu judgment.

Hence we seek your urgent intervention in this case in the following manner:-

· The whole matter must be investigated by a neutral investigating agency appointed by the Commission

· The perpetrator police personnel must be booked immediately under the law and punished accordingly

· The victims must be relieved immediately from all false and concocted allegations.

· The victims must be given adequate protection and compensation.

Thanking You,

Yours truly,

Kirity Roy

Secretary, MASUM

National Convener, PACTI

Particulars of the victims:- (1) Mr. Rajjak Mondal, son of Mr. Rashid Mondal, aged about-29 years, by faith-Muslim, by occupation- daily wage earner, residing at village-Srikati, Police Station-Baduria, District-North 24 Parganas; (2) Mr. Fajlur Mondal, son of Mr. Abdar Mondal, residing at village-Srikati, Police Station-Baduria, District-North 24 Parganas

Particulars of the perpetrators: - The involved police personnel of Baduria Police Station and Basirhat Police Station

Date & time of incident: - On 29.12.2011 at about 2.00 hours and subsequent thereafter.

Fact Finding Detail:-

It is revealed during the fact finding that the victims are now languishing at Dum Dum Central Correctional Home (Jail) since 1.1.2012. They are being detained in jail as under trial prisoners(UTP) in connection with Basirhat Police Station Case no. 643/2011 dated 31.12.2011 under section 20(b)(i) of NDPS Act. According to the police complaint, the victims were arrested from Moylakhola Bus Stand on 31.12.2011 in the evening hours and 6.700 Kilograms of 'Ganja' could be recovered from their possession. As they did not produce any valid documents for possessing the said article (Ganja), they were implicated in the aforesaid criminal case and the police investigation is in progress.

According to the family members of both the victims that both the victims are innocent and they have been roped into false allegations by police out of conspiracy so that they could be detained for long period behind the bar.

The family members of the victim Mr. Rajjak Mondal stated before our fact finding that on 29.12.2011 at about 2.00 hours in the midnight about 6/7 police personnel of Baduria Police Station and Basirhat Police Station raided into their house and forcibly captured him. They started beating him by their wooden sticks and rifle butts. In a similar manner the said police personnel also raided the house Mr. Fajlur Mondal and forcibly took him into their custody. Here also the police personnel beat Mr. Fajlur Mondal by their wooden sticks and rifle butts. The police did not disclose any reason for their apprehension and no memo of arrest was arrest was issued at the time of their apprehension. Many local people witnessed the incident as told by the family members of the victims before our fact finding team. Then in the morning Mr. Rashid Mondal, the father of the victim Mr. Rajjak Mondal came to Basirhat Police Station and he came to know from Mr. Rajjak Mondal that on the last night one Mr. Sanjoybabu, police officer of Basirhat Police Station mercilessly assaulted him to confess according to his desire. The other victim Mr. Fajlu Mondal also came under such torture in the hands of the said police officer. On 30.12.2011 one Mr. Sahabab Mondal who reportedly works as an informer to local police contacted with Mr. Rashid Mondal, the father of the victim Mr. Rajjak Mondal and told him that the police officer Mr. Sanjoybabu would stop torturing his son if he agrees to pay Rs.3000/- to the police officer Sanjoybabu. Mr. Rashid Mondal to save the life of his son gave Rs.3000/ to the said Mr. Sahabab Mondal and it is also revealed that the said amount was handed over to the said police officer Mr. Sanjoybabu. Later on 2.1.2012 the family members of the victims came to know from one news paper report that the victims were implicated in a criminal case of illegally possessing 'Ganja'.

The family members of both the victims stated before our fact finding team that they are poor people being daily wage earner and the victims have been falsely implicated in false charges out of local political rivalry.

--
Kirity Roy
Secretary
Banglar Manabadhikar Suraksha Mancha
(MASUM)
&
National Convenor (PACTI)
Programme Against Custodial Torture & Impunity
40A, Barabagan Lane (4th Floor)
Balaji Place
Shibtala
Srirampur
Hooghly
PIN- 712203
Tele-Fax - +91-33-26220843
Phone- +91-33-26220844 / 0845
e. mail : kirityroy@gmail.com
Web: www.masum.org.in

Well Known Bangladesh TV Journalist Couple MURDERED in Dhaka!

2012-02-11T06:32:00.001-08:00

Well Known Bangladesh TV Journalist Couple MURDERED in Dhaka!

Dhaka, Feb 11 (bdnews24.com)—Two well-known TV journalists have apparently been murdered in yet unexplained circumstances at their Dhaka home where they lived with their only child, police and family said.

Bodies of ATN Bangla senior reporter Meherun Runi, in her mid-30s, and husband Maasranga Television news editor Golam Mustofa Sarowar, known as Sagar Sarowar, 37, were first discovered by their 5–year-old son on Saturday morning at their rented flat at west Rajabazar in the capital.

A police officer told bdnews24.com that they were killed in the early hours of Saturday. Police have detained a security guard for questioning.

"We have detained the building's security guard Polash Rudro Paul for questioning," said Zakir Hossain Mollah, Sher-e-Bangla Nagar Police Station officer-in-charge. "The matter is still unclear. We are investigating."

Runi's brother Nowsher Roman told bdnews24.com: "My five-year old nephew Megh found the bodies when he went to their bedroom after waking up around 7am. He then called our mother and told her."

Sarowar's hands and legs were found tied, and both of them had apparently been hit repeatedly with sharp weapons.

The couple used to live on a fourth-floor flat of a multistoried apartment complex on 58/A/2 holding of the area. The grill of a kitchen window was found cut, Roman added.

Tejgaon police deputy commissioner Imam Hossain told journalists that the opening of the grill was such that only a child could enter.

"Security guard Paul has told us that Sagor returned home around 2am. He did not see anyone unknown entering the building after that. Our Detective Branch is already on the field to probe the killing," he added.

Sarowar returned to Bangladesh in 2011 after a few years in Bonn, working for Deutsche Welle as a broadcaster and a reporter. He had previously been with Ittefaq, Jugantor and Sangbad among other news outlets.

bdnews24.com/ast/lh/jk/rn/bd/0940h

Prime minister Sheikh Hasina on Saturday ordered the home ministry and police to launch a full investigation into the deaths of a well-known journalist couple and catch the guilty.

Hasina also offered her condolences to the family of the deceased, Mahbubul Hoque Shakil, the prime minister's special assistant (media), told bdnews24.com on Saturday.

Police suspect the two were murdered.

Shakil on Saturday went to the victims' home, at West Razabazar in the capital, and offered condolences to family members of ATN Bangla senior reporter Meherun Nahar Runi and her husband, Maasranga Television news editor Golam Mustofa Sarowar, known widely as Sagar Sarowar.

He also expressed grief on behalf of the prime minister to the victims' family members, relatives and the duo's co-workers.

According to police, the couple's 5-year-old son found their bodies in their flat on Saturday morning. A police officer told bdnews24.com that the two were killed in the early hours of Saturday but they are yet to work out the motive or identify the suspects.

Meanwhile, prime minister's press secretary Abul Kalam Azad told bdnews24.com that Sheikh Hasina has expressed deep grief over the incident.

In her condolence message, Hasina stated that the media world faces an irreparable loss with the deaths of these two talented journalists, Azad said.

The PM's press secretary also said Hasina prayed for salvation of the departed souls and offered condolences to their family members and co-workers.

bdnews24.com/sum/zk/std/1350

Police: Journalist couple killed in Bangladesh

Originally published: February 11, 2012 5:32 AM
Updated: February 11, 2012 6:45 AM
By The Associated Press FARID HOSSAIN (Associated Press)

DHAKA, Bangladesh - (AP) -- Two television journalists in Bangladesh were found stabbed to death Saturday in their home in the capital of Dhaka, police said. The motive of the killings is unknown.

Police officer Imam Hossain said authorities are investigating the killings early Saturday of Sagar Sarwar and his wife, Mehrun Runi. Sarwar was news editor of private TV station Massranga and Runi worked as a reporter at another private television, ATN Bangla. Both were in their late 30s.

It was unclear if their deaths were related to their work, Hossain says.

Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has offered condolences to the family and ordered police to find the killers.

Sawar's colleagues said he worked late in the night Friday before leaving for home, where he lived with his wife and their 5-year-old son.

Relatives went to the house after the child called his grandmother, who lives in the neighborhood, saying his parents were lying in a pool of blood in their bedroom.

Police said Sarwar was found with his hands tied from behind. No valuables were missing from the house, investigators said.

http://www.newsday.com/news/nation/police-journalist-couple-killed-in-bangladesh-1.3521504

Press under attack in Bangladesh

Sunita Paul - 5/2/2008

Case of a female journalist: Sumi Khan, a 34-year-old journalist working with local and national magazines and based in the city of Chittagong, was attacked and received death threats as a result of her investigative journalism against corruption. She was stabbed in an attack in 2004, and her attackers remain at large.

It is cliamed by some sources that, Sumi Khan wrote investigative articles alleging the involvement of local politicians and religious groups in attacks on members of minority communities, and about kidnapping and land-grabbing by landlords.

On 12 March 2005 Sumi Khan received a written death threat telling her to retract articles she had written on Islamist groups.

Khan received a number of international awards including that from Amnesty International. And after receiving such recognitions, she virtually turned silent and is no more in the mainstream media in Bangladesh.

Unheard case of Zahid:

Zahid Al Amin, a young and promising journalist from Chittagong was not fortunate like Sumi Khan. He became a prime target of Jamaat-e-Islami's armed cadres when we wrote a number of investigative reports of trafficking of narcotics and arms by Jamaat cadres in Chittagong. During publication of such reports, Jamaat men left life threats on Zahid several times and finally attacked him thus mercilessly beating him with the goal of murdering this young journalist. At one stage, attackers thought Zahid Al Amin was already dead and left him in blood on a road in Chittagong. But, luckily, Zahid survived. He went through series of surgeries and medical treatments in Bangladesh and abroad and finally was forced to leave Chittagong for ever, as the attackers gave ultimatum to him for either leaving the city or Zahid's family members would be their next prey.

Zahid Al Amin's case was reported in a number of newspapers in Bangladesh. But, he was never within the attention of Amnesty International or Reporters Sans Frontiers. Because, Zahid Al Amin did not have any cherishma to reach into such 'precious' attentions. Moreover, people representating Amnesty or RSF were not intending to report Zahid's case for reason unknown.

Being in Dhaka, Zahid is present working with a vernacular daily newspaper named Amadershomoy as a reporter.

Zahid case came to attention of a number of international organizations as well as media personalities just last week, when Dhaka's most influential English language newspaper Blitz published a brief report on this courageous reporter.

The convicted editor:

Matiur Rahman Chowdhury is almost a household name in Bangladesh because of his cherismatic personality and high profile journalistic career. In past several decades, Chowdhury worked with a number of leading newspapers in Bangladesh thus finally landing in his own Daily Manabzamin, a tabloid sized vernacular daily newspaper. He is also the correpsondent of VOA Bangla service in Dhaka.

Few years back, Motiur Rahman Chowdhury published the text of telephonic conversation between former military ruler Hussain Muhammed Ershad and a judge with Bangladesh Supreme Court. The entire conversation was on Ershad's requests to the judge in according special favor to him. Publication of the report in Manabzamin created virtual havoc in the country, which finally led the judiciary in taking approrpriate decision on the case. But, very unfortunately, Motiur Rahman Chowdhury was summoned by the judges in Bangladesh Supreme Court, on charge of Contempting the court. After prolonged hearing for days, the court awarded three months conviction to Motiur Rahman Chowdhury. Although Chowdhury made appel against such judgement and yet to go to jail for serving the conviction, such punishment to an eminent and front-ranking editor in the country reminds every other members of the press community that, they should even keep silent in many cases, although they get evidences of high profile corruption.

In his life as the editor, Motiur Rahman Chowdhury was the first person to raise the demand of establishment of diplomatic relations between Bangladesh and Israel. He has also published series of investigative reports in Manabzamin on various extremely important issues. Recently, Chowdhury was the only editor in Bangladesh's vernacular press to protest government's ridiculous attitude towards the newly appointed American ambassador Mr. Moriarty.

Censorship on media:

People in Bangladesh may not be aware of the ongoing severe repression of press, which mostly continue behind the screen or silently. It is evidently proved that such actions are continuing in the country under the present military backed interim government. Although under any State of Emergencies, basic human rights as well freedom of expressions are greatly abused by the rulers. In Bangladesh, when political scenarios suddenly changed on 11 January 2007, for the first time, army did not intervene in the freedom of press or freedom of expression. Print and electronic Medias were publishing reports and commentaries, which even went against the rulers. At one stage, policymakers of the present rulers termed media as the alternative parliament, in absence of real parliament in the country. Members of the press community were extremely delighted to get such compliments from the government. But, suddenly, things are changing. Government reportedly has sent unsigned written instructions to the private television channels banning a number of noted intellectuals and journalists like Mahfuzullah, Nurul Kabir [editor of New Age], Asafuddowlah [editor of Bangladesh Today], Iqbal Sobhan Chowdhury [editor of Bangladesh Observer], Manzurul Ahsan Bulbul [executive editor of Sangbad], Amir Khosru [senior journalist], Shawkat Mahmud [general secretary of National Press Club], ABM Musa [senior journalist], Golam Sarwar [eminent journalist], Farhad Mazhar [columnist], Asif Nazrul [professor], Barrister Tania Amir while the government has allowed Nayeemul Islam Khan [editor, Amader Shomoy], Dilara Chowdhury [professor], Dr. Ataur Rahman [professor], Mahbub Ullah [editor, The Independent], Farid Ahmed [Bureau chief of Associated press], Major General Syed Muhammed Ibrahim [politician], Dr. Kamal Hossain [lawyer], Ferdous Ahmed Qureshi [controversial politician] and some others in any of the commentaries in private television channels. Such actions of the government will stop the outspoken editors and social activists from expressing their minds anymore in the mass media. On the other hand, government is continuing to put pressures on owners of newspapers in the country, which will either cause in closure of the newspaper or facing tremendous repressions of the owners and editors of such newspapers by the state machinery.

Case of Weekly Blitz editor:

Internationally known anti Jihadist award winning Bangladeshi journalist and editor of Dhaka's most influential newspaper, Weekly Blitz, Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury is also facing trial in sedition, treason and blasphemy charges for confronting radical Islam and jihad, advocating inter faith understanding and for demanding Bangladesh's relations with Israel. For past five years, Choudhury is facing extreme adversity as well as mental and financial constraint for his courageous stand against Islamists. His office was bombed while there had never been any action by the former BNP-Islamist Coalition government. There had not been any action against the attackers [belonging to Cultural wing of Bangladesh Nationalist Party], who attacked and physically assaulted him in October 2006. The present government is also playing dilly-dally in taking any action against the criminal officers in Rapid Action Battalion [Unit-3] for abducting the editor and another member of Weekly Blitz of 18 March 2007, looting cash and valuables and for total reign of terror. Despite repeated written complaints with the chief advisor as well as army chief, looted items have not been returned yet.

Mr. Choudhury received Freedom to Write Award from PEN USA in 2005, American Jewish Committee's prestigious Moral Courage Award in 2006, Monaco Media Award in 2007 and many other awards and recognitions from international community.

Commenting on Shoaib Choudhury, The New York Times in its editorial said, "Bangladesh may now be among the world's most dangerous countries for journalists. That makes, Mr. Choudhury's courageous stand for Muslim-Jewish dialogue all the more admirable and vital to defend."

The Washington Times in its editorial said, "The United States must encourage people like Mr. Choudhury to speak out. But when they do, it also should do all it can to protect them. Freeing Mr. Choudhury will tell others like him that when you stand against Islamists, the United States will stand with you."

The New York Sun wrote, "Mr. Choudhury is a man in the mold of such heroes of freedom as Vaclav Havel and Lech Walesa."

The Berliner Zeitung wrote, "Would Choudhury consider it, if along with this acknowledgement the request also nevertheless came to give up his fight and to free the family from their state of siege? The family would have enough money to lead a calm life abroad, and they would have a good chance of leaving Bangladesh despite the current legal proceedings. But for Choudhury his struggle has long ago become his. Who leaves the battleground, has lost, he says. However, whoever struggles for the right cause always wins."

The Australian wrote, "This is why we ought to be taking notice of Choudhury. It's not just a question of saving one man's life. He is part of a threat that is facing all of us. And he is on the right side in a very long battle of ideas."

The Daily Pennsylvanian wrote, "Now that we've found a man willing to advocate for peace and denouncing extremism, we must seize the opportunity. No one else will speak out if we allow those who already have spoken to die."

The Jerusalem Post wrote, "In this tense atmosphere, Choudhury has paid a very heavy price for his beliefs. In November 2003, he was arrested at Dhaka's international airport just prior to boarding a flight on his way to Israel, where he has been scheduled to deliver an address on promoting understanding between Muslims and Jews."

The Australian Israel Review wrote, "Shoaib in an outspoken supporter of Muslim-Jewish and Muslim-Christian dialogue, opposes anti-Israel" maximalism and has exposed the agents and activities of Islamists who have been gaining in strength and influence in his country."

The Suburban in its editorial wrote, "They are neither. They work alone, with no support, forging ahead to bring the truth into open. The International Press Freedom Awards that recognizes courage in journalism is an important event that brings the plight of these journalists to light. But it's not enough. They deserve encouragement and support because in dangerous situations, they champion everything we hold dear, and often take for granted."

Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury is possibly the most quoted Bangladeshi journalists in the global media. But, authorities in Dhaka are reluctant in recognizing his courage. To them, he is a 'bad man'. To the Islamists, he is an 'evil'. To journalists selling their ideologies in exchange of few leafs of bucks, Choudhury is 'a paranoid'.

But to United States Congress, Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury is a real hero. US Congress, Australian Senate and European Parliament have passed resolutions in favor of this courageous man. Unfortunately, in the eyes of rulers in Dhaka, people like Choudhury are headache. That is why possibly, the present military emergency government in Bangladesh has listed Salah Uddin Shoaib Choudhury in the list of 1608 black listed journalists thus terming them as 'not journalists' and instructing authorities concerned not to issue press accreditation cards to them.

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Bangladesh: TV journalist couple murdered in Dhaka

Two well-known Bangladeshi television journalists have been killed in the capital, Dhaka.

Sagar Sarwar and his wife, Meherun Runi, both in their late 30s, were stabbed to death at their apartment early on Saturday.

Their bodies were found by their five-year-old son, who then called relatives living nearby, police said.

The motive for the killings was not known and it was unclear if the deaths were related to their work.

Mr Sarwar, a news editor at private TV station Maasranga, was found with his hands tied behind his back.

His wife worked as a senior reporter at ATN Bangla, another private station.

Preliminary investigations suggested that the killings had been planned and that the couple had probably known their attackers, a senior detective was quoted by local newspapers as saying.

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Fwd: CC News Letter, 10 Feb - Pentagon Plans US-Backed War Against Syria

2012-02-11T00:30:00.001-08:00

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Countercurrents <editor@countercurrents.org>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 12:30 AM
Subject: CC News Letter, 10 Feb - Pentagon Plans US-Backed War Against Syria
To: palashbiswaskl@gmail.com

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If you think the content of this news letter is critical for the dignified living and survival of humanity and other species on earth, please forward it to your friends and spread the word.It's time humanity should come together as one family! You can subscribe to our news letter here http://www.countercurrents.org/subscribe.htm. You can also follow us on twitter, http://twitter.com/countercurrents and on Facebook, http://www.facebook.com/countercurrents

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By P Radhakrishnan

http://www.countercurrents.org/radhakrishnan100212.pdf

The report 'Justification of Reservation under the Tamil Nadu Act 45 of 1994 on Quantifiable Data' by the Tamil Nadu Backward Classes Commission, headed by retired high court judge, M S Janarthanam is fraudulent and farcical

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Fwd: Man against Manu

2012-02-11T00:25:00.001-08:00

---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Shiva Shankar <sshankar@cmi.ac.in>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 12:18 PM
Subject: Man against Manu
To:

"... This book is also a forceful confirmation of Phule's radical humanism and his revolutionary spirit as a rationalist raging against the obscurantism of organised religion. ... ... Natarajan and Ninan make us stare at the very real viciousness, injustice, violence and not-subtle-at-all tyranny that caste wields over millions in India to this day. ... "

Man against Manu

A powerful graphic book breathes life into Jotiba Phule's thoughts

Review by Indrajit Hazra, Hindustan Times, New Delhi, February 10, 2012

A Gardener In The Wasteland

Story: Srividya Natarajan, Art: Aparajita Ninan, Navayana, Rs. 220 pp. 128

One hundred and thirty-three years before Richard Dawkins launched his frontal attack against the idea of god in his 2006 book The God Delusion, Jotirao Govindrao Phule declared war against a religious system that sanctified one class of people trampling over others deemed to be inferior. Phule's weapon of choice was his 1873 publication, Gulamgiri (Slavery), a scathing attack on brahminism and Hindiusm, in which he not only attacked the codified exploitation of the 'sudras' and 'atisudras', but also called for the uplift of India's 'lower castes' through education and by aligning their cause with the British.

What makes this graphic book such a stand-out among scores of publications on India's political and social histories is that it resusciates Phule's iconic - and iconoclastic - work while constantly reminding the reader how it remains such a cogent, palpable, living text even in 'sovereign socialist secular democratic republic' 21st century India. The artwork by Aparijita Ninan, with its bold black and white, thick outlined drawings reminiscent of Marjane Satrapi's Persepolis books, riffs perfectly with Srividya Natarajan's intelligent and moving narration.

A Gardener in the Wasteland slips in and out of the 'here and now' where we constantly find Natarajan and Ninan in 2010 Delhi exploring, understanding, commenting on and ultimately sharing the world and ideas of Jotiba Phule and his wife and 'business partner' Savitribai. So even as many of us tend to see 'caste' through the peephole of various isolated cardboxes - as an almost abstract phenomenon that provides dissertations to scholars; or as an easy electoral tool used and misused by heartland politicians; or as anthropological set of parameters to study various aspects of Indian society down the ages; or as a benign marker used by families to perpetuate happy kinship norms through marriage - Natarajan and Ninan make us stare at the very real viciousness, injustice, violence and not-subtle-at-all tyranny that caste wields over millions in India to this day. In a powerful doublespread, we are told on one side of Phule's reiteration of what is literally depicted in the Manusmriti with regard to sudras and the Vedas (see picture below). On the other side, the author-artist duo makes a compelling comparison of caste brutality with Abel Meeropol's poem 'Strange fruit' made immortal by Billie Holiday in her song about American racism and lynchings of Blacks. The image in the middle of a portly brahman priest sharing the strange fruit of prasada with a hooded Ku Klux Klansman drives the point home more effectively than any other argument made about casteism and racism being kissing cousins. Turn the page and we see a news report on 'nine dalit children among 15 rescued from bondage in Tamil Nadu'. This is not Phule's 19th century Pune. It is April 2010, India.

Savitribai's 'direct action' of being a 'lower caste' woman teaching 'sudra' and 'atisudra' girls in the face of hysterical protests of 'high caste' Hindus comes early in the book - in fact three pages before we first encounter Jotiba - underlines how important her immense courage and belief in education being the gateway to equality was to her husband's thinking.

This book is also a forceful confirmation of Phule's radical humanism and his revolutionary spirit as a rationalist raging against the obscurantism of organised religion. We are given Phule's counter-arguments against the Vedic depictions of early Indian history through 'Aryan-centric' mythologies. Phule cuts through each of the ten avatars of Vishnu one by one, pointing out how these were glorified depictions of early invaders who were given 'divine' attributions for political reasons, the prime one being to keep India's original inhabitants (depicted as asuras) under the thumb of the brahman-usurpers (depicted as devas). One speech bubble quotes Phule in Gulamgiri: 'Since Brahma had vaginas in four places - mouth, groin, arms and legs (since the four varnas were born out of these four parts) each of them must have menstruated for at least four days each, and he, must have sat on seclusion, as an unclean person, for sixteen days each month. Then who did the chores?' If this counter-argument sounds hilarious (or blasphemous), it's because Phule is countering arguments by using the same ludicrous logic used by the brahman.

A Gardener In The Wasteland is a powerfully passionate book that brings smack into the foreground something unequivocally evil that keeps simmering in the background, or worse, is kept distressingly invisible.

Buy online from 'Flipkart'(25 percent discount) dan holars Without Borders. Available at all leading bookstores

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Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/

Fwd: Verse case scenario

2012-02-11T00:23:00.001-08:00

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From: kamayani bali mahabal (Google+) <noreply-b6d2c75c@plus.google.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 11, 2012 at 12:49 PM
Subject: Verse case scenario
To: palashbiswaskl@gmail.com

Verse case scenario

Syeda Hameed | February 11, 2012 Sufi poetry could inspire a change in attitudes to the girl child. Maulana Altaf Husain Hali was born in Panipat in 1837. Panipat was then the centre of Su...

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Palash Biswas
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CHANGING IDENTITIES - Uttar Pradesh past and present Politics and Play Ramachandra Guha

2012-02-11T00:19:00.001-08:00

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120211/jsp/opinion/story_15113378.jsp

CHANGING IDENTITIES

- Uttar Pradesh past and present

Politics and Play

Ramachandra Guha

That old, safe feeling

In his charming memoir, Lucknow Boy, Vinod Mehta writes of the leisurely pace of life in his home town. Like most students of his class and generation, he paid little attention to books and exams, spending his time rather in the streets and cafés of Lucknow. A Punjabi Hindu, Mehta numbered two Muslims among his closest friends. The early chapters of his book feature Parsis, Christians, Sikhs, and South Indians too. Reflecting on this experience, Mehta writes that "Lucknow bestowed on me one priceless gift. It taught me to look on the individual rather than his religion or caste or the tongue he spoke".

Mehta believes that because his "secularism was deeply personal", because it was learned through life, not academic instruction, "because it was instinctive and not the by-product of logic", it "has better weathered the periodic communal storms which have battered our republic". His experience resonates with mine. I grew up in another large town in Uttar Pradesh, where the population was likewise mixed. My closest friends were Sikhs. My sister's Bharatnatyam teacher was a Tamil Christian. The town's best known dentist was a Parsi.

The life of the middle classes in the UP of the 1950s and 1960s was, in a word, Nehruvian. Jawaharlal Nehru himself was a native of UP. Within the state and out of it, he energetically promoted religious harmony. It is a striking fact that despite the creation of a Muslim homeland and the violence that accompanied it, the decade after Partition was a decade of communal peace. Muslims and Christians and Sikhs felt safe in newly independent India because Jawaharlal Nehru made them feel so.

Nehru's commitment to secularism is well known. Less talked of nowadays is his struggle to overcome the sectarian identities of caste and region. He asked his fellow citizens to forget the divisions of the past by building a future in which all could share. Thus his emphasis on, and even enchantment with, economic planning. It is commonly argued that Nehru's preference for an interventionist State was a product of his dislike for the market. In fact, it was equally a product of his hope that in coming together to build steel plants and large dams the citizens of India would overcome their parochial identities. Writing to chief ministers in December 1952, Nehru said that behind the First Five Year Plan "lay the conception of India's unity and of a mighty co-operative effort of all the people of India". If Indians focused strongly on economic planning and development, then, he thought, "the less we are likely to go astray in the crooked paths of provincialism, communalism, casteism and all other disruptive and disintegrating tendencies".

Nehru's worldview was both cosmopolitan and egalitarian. In practice, however, Hindu upper castes maintained their dominance. In the UP in which Vinod Mehta and I were raised, the most powerful politicians tended to be Brahmins, such as Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna and Kamalapati Tripathi, or Banias, such as C.B. Gupta. The hegemony of the suvarna was consolidated by the control they exercised on the upper levers of the administration. Senior bureaucrats and judges in UP often bore Brahmin names like Mishra and Shukla or Kayastha titles such as Saxena and Srivastava.

The revolt against upper-caste dominance in UP occurred in two phases. In the 1960s, the Jat leader, Charan Singh, left the Congress, on the grounds that the party was hostile to the interests of the farmers. At the same time, the Socialists led by Rammanohar Lohia had consolidated the backward castes in opposition to the Congress. These two groups joined hands, and in 1967 a non-Congress government was formed with Charan Singh as chief minister. Twelve years later, Charan Singh briefly served as the country's first prime minister from a farming caste.

The Congress of the 1950s and 1960s was in fact what the Bharatiya Janata Party was later said to be — at the top, a 'Brahmin-Bania' party. But only at the top. The Dalits voted largely for the Congress, a legacy of the Gandhian years, when the Mahatma had made the ending of untouchability a precondition for swaraj. And the Muslims of UP also voted massively for the Congress, in acknowledgment of what Nehru, in particular, had done to make them feel secure in a post-Partition India.

In the 1980s, a brilliant political entrepreneur named Kanshi Ram began consolidating the Dalits in a voting bloc of their own. Three decades of affirmative action had created an articulate Dalit middle class. Kanshi Ram formed a trade union of Dalit government employees, which was soon transformed into a political party to advance their interests.

The Dalits now increasingly abandoned the Congress for the Bahujan Samaj Party. Meanwhile, the Muslims became disenchanted with the Congress in the wake of the Ayodhya movement. Congress governments had failed to protect their lives and properties during the communal riots that both preceded and followed the demolition of the Babri Masjid. Muslims now put their trust in Mulayam Singh Yadav and his Samajwadi Party, that had shown greater resolve in combating the sangh parivar.

The cumulative effects of these changes has been to radically transform the public discourse of Vinod Mehta's home state. In UP, identity became all. An individual was now judged chiefly by his caste or religion. This explains why, in his tours through UP, Nehru's great-grandson, Rahul Gandhi, addressed communities as communities, rather than as aggregations of individuals. First he slept in a Dalit home to send the signal that he cared more for Dalits than their presumed protector, Mayavati. Then he took Sam Pitroda to a meeting of backward castes to suggest that since Pitroda was born in a family of carpenters, and had yet been Rajiv Gandhi's friend, the Congress cared more for other backward classes than the Samajwadi Party. Then he stayed conspicuously silent when the Deoband mullahs issued a fatwa against Salman Rushdie, lest he, and the Congress, be seen as 'anti-Muslim'.

The UP election campaign of Rahul Gandhi thus consisted of appeals to a series of sectarian fears. He perhaps thought that these appeals would create a vote bank of some Dalits plus some Muslims plus some backwards, with some Brahmins and some Banias voting Congress out of sentimental attachment to the Nehru-Gandhi family. He hoped thereby to bring round 25 per cent to 30 per cent of the electorate, which in three- and four-cornered contests would allow the Congress candidate to win.

Instead of adding up these sums, Rahul Gandhi should have looked to the example of Bihar. There, Nitish Kumar realized that the politics of izzat, or self-respect, had played itself out. Dalits, backward castes, and Muslims all now wanted social and economic development. Thus Kumar's emphasis on schools, public health, and rural roads. But to improve the lives of people one needs also to live (continually and not episodically) alongside the people. Notably, Nitish Kumar left national politics to devote himself exclusively to his home state.

Through much of the election campaign in UP, Rahul Gandhi did not altogether eschew the crooked paths of casteism and communalism. In the last phase, perhaps realizing that this was a mistake, he has spoken of wishing to rid the state of criminality and corruption. At the same time, both Rahul Gandhi and his sister, Priyanka, have insisted that he does not want to become prime minister. These protestations would have carried more weight if he was to have fought an assembly seat, and made it clear that he was the Congress's chief ministerial candidate, thereby exchanging part-time parachuting for full-time commitment. Surely the two hundred million citizens of UP deserved nothing less.

ramachandraguha@yahoo.in

Trinamul labour pangs spill out

2012-02-11T00:18:00.001-08:00

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120211/jsp/bengal/story_15121332.jsp

Trinamul labour pangs spill out

OUR BUREAU

Calcutta, Feb. 10: The divisions in Trinamul's labour arm tumbled out in the open today when veteran trade union leader and government chief whip Sovandeb Chattopadhyay blamed a section in Indian National Trinamul Trade Union Congress (INTTUC) for bringing disrepute to the organisation.

"I am not a liability to the party and the party has never been embarrassed because of me. These days, one can hear several complaints against some of our leaders," said Chattopadhyay, two days after he was removed as national president of INTTUC.

Subrata Mukherjee, panchayat, rural development and public health engineering minister in Mamata Banerjee's cabinet was given the charge of Trinamul's labour wing in a shuffle that did not come as a surprise to many. Subrata's trade union background will come in handy if and when Trinamul tries to make inroads into Congress labour pockets.

Naxalite-turned-Trinamul leader Purnendu Bose, who is also the state labour minister, was made the chairman of the organisation while his aide, Dola Sen, remains the state president.

"I have been associated with trade unions for three decades and that's why I am saddened. I am getting calls from party supporters and leaders, who are saying that an injustice was done to me," Chattopadhyay later told The Telegraph.

During his unscheduled interaction with the media at Writers', he said that though a section in the organisation was elated with his ouster, he would continue playing a role in Trinamul's trade union front. Chattopadhyay did not name Bose, but it was apparent that his tirade was directed at the labour minister.

"Nobody ever associated me with syndicates but some leaders have brought disrepute to the party for their alleged involvement in them," said the veteran trade union leader, who was closeted in an hour-long meeting with Mamata yesterday.

Some syndicate members had claimed indirect support from Bose, though the minister has always maintained that he has got nothing to do with syndicates.

Referring to today's remarks by Chattopadahyay, a Trinamul source said: "Everyone in the party knows that two factions of INTTUC are at war with each other. In several companies across the state, INTTUC members are running parallel unions that are in conflict with each other."

While Chattopadhyay has been at the helm of one of the factions, Bose and Sen are heading the other group. A Trinamul source said that Chattopadhaya's removal would help Bose and Sen to try and consolidate their position in INTTUC.

But controlling the trade union front of the party will be easier said than done for the duo, who are facing stiff resistance in districts like East Midnapore, South and North 24-Parganas, Hooghly and Howrah.

In East Midnapore, resistance is expected from Haldia MLA Seuli Saha and INTTUC district unit president Tushar Mondal. Saha alleged that Sen did not give approval to newly formed unions in companies across Haldia. "I am saddened by the fact that whenever a new union with the local MLA at the helm seeks INTTUC affiliation, we are denied it for unknown reason," Saha said.

Why the controversy now, asks court, and tells general to retreat and keep his word SAMANWAYA RAUTRAY

2012-02-11T00:15:00.001-08:00

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120211/jsp/nation/story_15121363.jsp

Why the controversy now, asks court, and tells general to retreat and keep his word

SAMANWAYA RAUTRAY

Defence minister AK Antony greets army chief Gen VK Singh at Rajghat on Martyrs' Day in January. (PTI)

New Delhi, Feb. 10: General V.K. Singh got praise for his four decades of service but little else from the Supreme Court, which today refused to intervene on the army chief's date of birth and asked him why he was creating "such a controversy" now after having earlier committed to accept whatever was in the "best interests" of the force.

At the end of a two-hour hearing, the two-judge bench gave Singh, who it described as a "meritorious" officer that the court was "proud" of, the option to withdraw his petition. "You withdraw. We want to ensure that as army chief you serve the country as you have served for years now. This (petition) should not come in the way of your commitment (to the country), in public interest, in national interest," Justice R.M. Lodha said.

After making a last-ditch bid to persuade the court by offering to resign "within 48 hours" if his year of birth in official records was accepted as 1951 instead of 1950, the army chief withdrew his petition.

The court then disposed of the matter as "not pressed", with the face-saver of an assurance from the attorney-general that the government had full "faith" in Singh and his capability to lead the Indian Army. The government had only contested his petition on a matter of principle, Attorney-General G.E. Vahanvati said.

At the outset, the government in deference to the court's wish agreed to withdraw parts of its December 30, 2011, order that had made adverse references to Singh.

The dispute is over two records of the chief's date of birth maintained by the army headquarters — the adjutant general's branch shows it as May 10, 1951, the date on Singh's matriculation certificate. The military secretary's branch reflects it as May 10, 1950. The government has gone by the military secretariat, which is responsible for promotions and postings, and the army chief had appealed against this decision months before he is due to retire on May 31.

The court saw nothing wrong with the general approaching it. "We have no doubts that you have been honestly pursuing your date of birth," Justice Lodha said. "Right from the beginning you have been saying this. You have not come up suddenly for having some benefits."

"You have just come to the court to point out the government's fault in not correcting your date of birth… There is no malice in your seeking to restore the date of birth as May 10, 1951," the court said. "It is unfortunate, inadvertent or a matter of destiny, whatever you call. You have been very candid and honest."

Such matters "should not have been dragged into the public domain and should have been handled properly", it further said.

But the bench expressed its inability to declare any date as his actual date of birth while sitting in judicial review on the government decision.

"There is a civilian authority, you have to accept it," Justice H.L. Gokhale said at one point. "Let's be fair to them, they could have very well said: 'We don't want you as a chief.' But they didn't."

Justice Gokhale reminded the general that if he wanted to have his date of birth determined, he would have to file a civil suit and appear in the witness box and give evidence in support of his claims.

"This is not adjudication for determining date of birth but concerns the recognition of a particular date of birth by the respondent (Union of India) in the official service records," the two-judge bench said.

The bench examined three letters, dated January 24, 2008, January 30, 2008 and November 12, 2009, to shrug off Singh's plea.

"You say that you will accept what is determined in the best interests of the organisation. Why are you ruining it at this stage? Creating such a controversy?" Justice Lodha asked, citing the letters.

"We can't deny that you hold such a high post. Why do you want to reopen all these issues? With all the pain in your heart, you ultimately left it to authorities. They have taken a decision. It was well thought out and well deliberated. You respected your commitment repeatedly. Why do you want to get out of it now?"

Justice Lodha also said that it would have been a different case had he been victimised, harassed and had not achieved anything. "You have achieved what you had to in the army. Why should a person of your stature, having given a commitment, go back on it now?"

The date of birth discrepancy should have been corrected at the UPSC level. But it wasn't. "What can we do now?" he asked Singh's counsel Uday Lalit.

"The records were reconciled at the stage of commissioning. UPSC records should have shown 1951," Lalit contended, suggesting the army chief should not be penalised because this wasn't done. "After that every single document has been 1951," he said.

The bench, however, refused to accept his arguments. "All the documents at the threshold show your date of birth as May 10, 1950."

Even as late as 2008, the military secretary's branch and the adjutant general showed different dates of birth, it said.

"The matter was then discussed at the highest level. You were called, you accepted your date of birth as 1950…. if you had insisted on 1951, you would have exposed yourself to disciplinary action. Therefore, the concerned officer writes to bring to a close the controversy. You are reconciled to it (date of birth as 1950)," Justice Lodha observed.

"Having given that assurance, it would not behove a meritorious officer to go back on that position," he said. "It is extremely unfortunate. You have every right to agitate your grievance in the highest court. It was an unfortunate inadvertence. But you accepted it in 2008, 2009."

"We have to find fault with the government of India in deciding your date of birth," the judge continued.

But Justice Gokhale was quick to cut him short. "It is not fair to criticise the ministry. Thereafter, you become chief," he said.

After the two-hour hearing in a packed courtroom, the bench asked Singh: "Does it (date of birth as determined by the authorities) suffer from such a flaw that it has to be corrected by exercise of our extraordinary powers?"

Lalit insisted on arguing the case further, saying there was no such thing as official date of birth as opposed to actual date of birth. Justice Lodha shot down his arguments: "With all the inconsistencies in the records maintained by two branches in the army, you left it to the authorities to take a final call. This commitment must also be honoured."

Lalit offered that the army chief would step down within 48 hours should the court agree to change his date of birth to May 10, 1951, and spoke of the morale of the 13-lakh strong force. "I have been wronged," he maintained.

This prompted the court to ask: "Has the stage come where all the dirty linen has to be washed in public?"

The bench then asked Lalit to check with Singh whether he intended to press on further.

The attorney-general intervened at this stage to assure the court that the government had full faith in Singh.

Justice Lodha told Lalit: "You have rightly and gracefully, as a dignified officer, you left it to the government to act objectively. You will accept this."

Justice Gokhale interjected: "You could have gone to court then. But you became chief of army staff."

After Singh agreed to withdraw his petition, the court disposed of it.

"Given the constraints of judicial review, the government decision (on date of birth) stands," the two-judge bench ruled at 2pm after a short recess. "Wise people are those who move with the winds."

Age of civilian age and service age SAMANWAYA RAUTRAY

2012-02-11T00:06:00.001-08:00

Age of civilian age and service age

SAMANWAYA RAUTRAY

New Delhi, Feb. 10: The Supreme Court's decision today means that the entry made for the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) exam has been recognised without going into the "civilian" matriculation certificate that is used often to settle age-related disputes.

"All the documents at the threshold show your date of birth as May 10, 1950," the court told Gen. V.K. Singh's counsel, referring to the entries made when forms were filled for the UPSC-conducted exam to the National Defence Academy. (Gen. Singh's supporters have been saying 1950, instead of 1951, was scribbled by mistake, possibly by a teacher who inspired him to join the military.)

Under established law, the matriculation certificate (the general's lawyer has said civilian documents such as PAN card shows 1951 as his year of birth on the basis of the matriculation certificate) is usually taken into consideration.

In the absence of such a certificate or if it's proved that the certificate has been falsified, courts often recognise school-leaving certificates issued by headmasters. Bone tests are also allowed when no other options are available.

However, in this particular case in which the general directly went to the Supreme Court because of paucity of time and to avoid hierarchical complications, the matriculation certificate faced a legal hurdle.

The Supreme Court, under Article 32 of the Constitution, cannot examine such certificates as evidence. For that, a civil suit has to be filed and the person has to prove the authenticity of the certificate.

The court declined to go into "the civilian aspect", taking the UPSC entry as the threshold. "We are not adjudicating the real date of birth. We are only concerned with the recognition of the date of birth. The controversy is confined to the date of birth recorded in service records," the bench said.

The court added that "nobody has challenged the matriculation certificate about his date of birth…. None, even the government has not challenged his date of birth in the matriculation certificate".

Declining to pass any directive on the documents issued by civilian agencies like the school board and the income-tax department, the bench said: "We can't say so as none of the authorities is before us."

If Gen. Singh wanted to rest his case on the matriculation certificate, he would have had to go to a civil court or the Armed Forces Tribunal where an officer junior to the army chief would have adjudicated the matter.

So, the Supreme Court today broadly based its decisions on a well-known principle of administrative law, known as the doctrine of estoppel in which a person cannot go back on a claim once it is legally made. Under the doctrine, Singh cannot go back on his acceptance, made in 2008 and 2009, of 1950 as his date of birth, wherein he implicitly gave up his rights.

However, in cases of estoppel too, lower courts normally carry out an inquiry into whether the right had been waived without fear or favour.

This assumes significance in Singh's dispute as an annexure to his complaint includes excerpts of communication that suggest he was issued an ultimatum to accept the date preferred by the army headquarters.

The Supreme Court made a reference to this today. "…if you had insisted on 1951, you would have exposed yourself to disciplinary action. Therefore, the concerned officer writes to bring to a close the controversy. You are reconciled to it (date of birth as 1950)," Justice R.M. Lodha of the two-judge bench said.

However, the top court cannot inquire if the waiver was voluntary in a judicial review, where it is only authorised to examine whether the decision-making process was vitiated or mala fide.

Singh had not alleged any mala fide and the court chose not to look into whether the process was vitiated.

The court today suggested that if Singh persisted with his plea, "we will refer the case to the tribunal. Other service matters go to the tribunal. If you are going to the tribunal, you may have to go to the witness box".

Had Gen. Singh gone to a civil court, it would have been time-consuming and a conclusion may not have been found before this May 31, the scheduled date of his retirement if 1950 is taken as his year of birth.

Gone with the ‘wise’ wind VK bows to court, cloud on full stint SUJAN DUTTA

2012-02-11T00:03:00.000-08:00

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120211/jsp/frontpage/story_15121383.jsp

Gone with the 'wise' wind
VK bows to court, cloud on full stint

SUJAN DUTTA

New Delhi, Feb. 10: India has an army chief who is twice-born. Year after year, in 1950 and in 1951, Gen. V.K. Singh was born to the same set of parents and the same Gen. V.K. Singh rose to be the army chief.

Damned by superlative praise from the Supreme Court, Gen. Singh has lost in the unparalleled case of the army chief versus the Union of India.

While the court sought to mollify the general, lavishing praise on him and noting the praise from the government for him, there is a sense of impotent rage among the general's frustrated friends who say he has no option now but to quit.

The government's position will remain unchanged — that he was born on May 10, 1950, and, therefore, has to retire on May 31 this year. Gen. Singh will have to give up his contention that he was born a year later.

The army chief's lawyer at one point said that he would step down in 48 hours if the government accepted his contention. That was not accepted by the court.

The Supreme Court said the date of birth set by the government in his service records must reign supreme. He has to accede to civilian authority. But on his contention that he was born on May 10, 1951 — the date reflected in his passport, identity card and PAN card issued by the same civilian authority — the court found no reason to doubt his honesty. But the honesty was immaterial.

"Wise people are those who move with the winds," Justice R.M. Lodha, the senior on the bench that also included Justice H.L. Gokhale, advised the army chief, bringing closure to the general's legal battle.

In the government, bureaucrats believe Gen. Singh has been tilting at windmills. He believes he is acting out of conviction in a battle for his honour and integrity.

Any time now, Gen. Singh is set to quit office, resign or ask for premature retirement after the Supreme Court today "disposed of his petition as withdrawn", his friends believe.

The general has not made his intention public yet. He left for a scheduled visit to the south-western command in Jaipur.

On a day the Supreme Courts of the Maldives, Pakistan and India looked set to reshape the texture of relations among state institutions in the sub-continent, it was here in New Delhi that officials, bureaucrats, ministers, politicians and soldiers were glued to television sets following the case of the army chief versus his own government.

There was a quiet but barely concealed satisfaction within the government. The usually reticent A.K. Antony's defence ministry was happy with the outcome.

"We are happy that the issue has been finally resolved and the controversy has been put to rest," defence ministry spokesperson Sitanshu Kar said after the Supreme Court order with emphasis added to "finally".

Gen. Singh, who was in his office in Army Headquarters during the nearly two-hour hearing in the Supreme Court, left for the scheduled visit to Jaipur shortly afterwards. He is due back in New Delhi tomorrow.

But a confidant of the chief admitted that "it is now untenable for him to continue to occupy Army House after challenging the government in court and saying that it was a matter of honour and integrity".

"We have a robust machinery," a defence ministry official replied, asked if the government has begun the process of naming Gen. Singh's successor, should he quit early.

There is still some confusion in Army Headquarters on the technicalities of the case. Since the government had withdrawn its December 30 order, which rejected Gen. Singh's statutory complaint, an officer wondered what would be its fate now.

But there is no confusion in the ministry. Armed with the Supreme Court order it will expect the adjutant-general's branch — the official record-keeper — to abide by its directives.

Gen. Singh has to retire on May 31, this year, after all his pleas to reconcile records were quashed.

In the event of Gen. Singh's premature departure from office, the government can appoint any of the seven army commanders or the vice-chief of army staff as the chief.

If it goes by the seniority principle, the top three lieutenant generals in contention for the office would be western army commander Lt Gen. Shankar Ghosh, central army commander Lt Gen. V.K. Ahluwalia and eastern army commander Lt Gen. Bikram Singh. If Gen. Singh chooses to stay in office till May 31, Lt Gen. Bikram Singh would automatically be the senior-most army commander as the others would have retired on reaching the age of 60 years by then.

The government could also force the hand of Gen. Singh with whom the trust deficit is now public. Usually, the government announces the name of the chief-designate two months before the retirement of the incumbent. An earlier announcement could make it difficult for Gen. Singh to demit office at a time of his own choosing because he could be asked to continue as a caretaker, effectively a lame-duck, chief.

nandigramunited

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