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Zia clarifies his timing of declaration of independence

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Jyoti Basu: The pragmatist

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Memories of Another Day
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Partition of India - refugees displaced by the partition

Monday, November 23, 2009

Sharad Pawar, The NERO

What About Sharad Pawar, The NERO!

Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- Two Hunder Twenty Seven
Palash Biswas



We are back to square one, says Gavaskar
Hindu - 42 minutes ago
Mumbai, June. 11 (PTI): After Graham Ford dealt a major blow to the BCCI by declining its offer to coach Indian cricket team, Sunil Gavaskar today said they were "back to the square one" on the matter.
Ford rejects offer to coach India NDTV.com
Bacher, Rhodes on Ford as India's new coach Independent Online


Ford declines India coach job. Pawar is puzzled. He is never worried with so many newsbreaks on farmers committing suicide in Vidarbh, his base! This is the class Character of great Indian Politicians! This is the legacy of the rotten Brahminical Zionist political system!

Sharad Pawar
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Sharadchandra Govind Rao Pawar (Marathi: ???????? ????????? ????)(born December 12, 1940) Maratha strongman and president of the Nationalist Congress Party which he formed in 1999 in India.

[edit] Introduction
Sharad Pawar is from the town of Baramati in Pune district. He leads the NCP delegation in the Lok Sabha, representing his home constituency of Baramati. He has a prominent place in Indian national politics as well as regional politics of Maharashtra. He currently serves as Food and Agriculture Union Minister, with additional charge of Consumer Affairs and the Public Distribution System.
Since 2005 he is also serving as the elected Chairman of the Board for Control of Cricket in India.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sharad_Pawar


Yes, there may finally be a silver lining to the gloomy economic picture prevailing in the country.IT is not just fast moving consumer goods (FMCG), automobiles, fertilisers or agro-implements that are targeting the rural market. Telecom service providers, handset brands and insurance companies are likely to be the new categories eying this segment. For me, the basic question is whether we, the underprevileged Indians outcast from the Shining Brand India would survive at all!India’s economic growth and development is predicated to a large extent upon the development of its 700-million strong rural population. Currently, the majority of India’s population lives in about 600,000 small villages and are engaged primarily in agriculture and related activities. Since a very large labor force in agriculture necessarily implies very low per capita incomes, a substantial portion of India’s current agricultural labour force has to move to non-agriculture sectors for incomes in all sectors to go up. The challenge is to manage the transition of a large segment – perhaps even 80 percent – of the rural population from a village-centric agricultural-based economy to a city-centric non-agricultural economy, and do so in a reasonable period.

And mind you, this Rural India consists of Eighty Five percent enslaved Dalits, BC, OBC, Tribals and Minorities!

A few good reasons to remember Pablo Neruda today.Agriculture now is to be stressed as total area is decreasing by the govts,. promoting industries , Urbanisation, industrialisation, infrastructure, Open Market, Retail Chain, SEZ s, etc. Governments also claim to give employment by giving lands to MNCs , this is a indirect employment . Rural India is evicted just for SEZ INdia!Economic growth is both a cause and consequence of urbanization. By urbanization is meant the dense aggregation of people into economically interacting units (cities and towns) of anywhere between 100,000 people and several million people. Cities are engines of economic growth because they give rise to economies of scale, scope, and aggregation. This is so because infrastructure – buildings, roads, power, telecommunications, water, sanitation, security, maintenance – can be provided economically to larger aggregations of people. Availability of low cost infrastructure in turn makes the availability of a wide range of services possible in cities as opposed to very small villages. It is the aggregation of supply and demand for economic goods and services (and therefore indirectly for infrastructural goods) which account for cities.


Not everyone can go in a MNC for employment.
What about Mr Sharad Pawar? Who sits in the Ivory Tower of KRISHI Bhavan and running the BCCI, high profile Cricket SHOWBIZ inspite of the betterment of Agro Sector? Is he answerable to the Nation, the Parliament, the Media, the People? No, He is not. No body cares to ask a disturbing question?
The much hyped National NO SEZ Movement including Kaling Nagar, Singur, Nandigram, Gurgaon, Navi Mumbai, Gujrat does not the criticise the Man who is basically, yes, constitutionally responsible for the betterment of Indian farmers! What is he doing, friends?

Demanding Buddhadev to be hanged has become a fashion in Kolkata, which is much more politicalised than the rest of the Nation, thanks to Marxism and Marxist regime! No one, even the economists and so called intellectuals do care to address the real challanges of Globalisation, the post modern Manusmriti!

We are worried of Rural India but we have no question to ask Mr Pawar! How starnge is it!
The man is an AVTAAR of NERO. Rural India burns and the minister is busy in Cricket Carnival! And how does he handle the Indian Cricket?

Here you are! See the Nautankee!

Graham Ford has turned down the Board of Control for Cricket in India's offer to coach the national side.Kent's Director of Cricket had got the nod ahead of former England [Images] spinner John Emburey after both men made presentations for the job in Chennai on Saturday evening.But Kent, on its web site, announced on Monday that the 46-year-old Ford declined the offer.

Ford, in a statement on the web site, said: "I am very grateful to the club for allowing me to go to India to find out more about the job of coaching the Indian team.

"I have had a chance to reflect on the offer made by the BCCI and their urgency to fill the vacant position and after careful consideration, I have decided to continue my work here at Kent.

"This has been a really difficult decision. I am honoured that India have shown such interest in my capabilities, but feel that this is the right decision for me and my family."

Graham Johnson, Kent's Chairman of Cricket, said: "This is really great news for Kent cricket. We are delighted Graham has decided to stay with us and would like to say how much we appreciate the way Graham has handled the last few days.

"I know that all in the business at Kent, the playing staff, the coaching staff and all our administrators will be thrilled by his decision.

"It also says much about the future vision we have for Kent, the way we conduct our business and how we all play a part in the delivery of that vision, not least through what we do on the field."

Economy of India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_India
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Economy of India
Currency 1 Indian Rupee (INR) (?) = 100 Paise
Fiscal year April 1–March 31
Trade organisations WTO, SAFTA
Statistics
GDP (PPP) $4.042 trillion (2006 est.)
(12th(nominal); 4th(PPP) [1])
GDP growth 9.0% (2005/06)
GDP per capita $820(nominal); $3,700(PPP) [2]
GDP by sector agriculture: 19.9%, industry: 19.3%, services: 60.7% (2006 est.)
Inflation (CPI) 5.3% (2006 est.)
Population
below poverty line 25% (2006 est.) [3]
Labour force 509.3 million (2006 est.)
Labour force
by occupation agriculture: 60%, industry: 12%, services: 28% (2003)
Unemployment 7.8% (2006 est.)
Main industries textiles, chemicals, food processing, steel, transportation equipment, cement, mining, petroleum, machinery, software
Trading partners
Exports $112 billion (2006 est.)
Export goods textile goods, gems and jewelry, engineering goods, chemicals, leather manufactures
Main export partners US 18%, China 8.9%, UAE 8.4%, UK 4.7%, Hong Kong 4.2% (2005)
Imports $187.9 billion f.o.b. (2006 est.)
Import goods crude oil, machinery, gems, fertilizer, chemicals
Main import partners China 7.2%, US 6.4%, Belgium 5.1%, Singapore 4.7%, Australia 4.2%, Germany 4.2%, UK 4.1% (2005)
Public finances
Public debt $132.1 billion (2006 est.)
Revenues $109.4 billion (2006 est.)
Expenses $143.8 billion; including capital expenditures of $15 billion (2006 est.)
Economic aid recipient: $2.9 billion (FY98/99)
Main source
All values, unless otherwise stated, are in US dollars
The economy of India is the fourth largest in the world as measured by purchasing power parity (PPP). When measured in USD exchange-rate terms, it is the tenth largest in the world, with a GDP of US $1.0 trillion (2007).[1] India is the second fastest growing major economy in the world, with a GDP growth rate of 9.2% at the end of the second quarter of 2006–2007.[2] However, India's huge population results in a per capita income of $3700 at PPP and $820 at nominal.[3] The World Bank classifies India as a low-income economy.[4]

India's economy is diverse and encompasses agriculture, handicrafts, textile, manufacturing, and a multitude of services. Although two-thirds of the Indian workforce still earn their livelihood directly or indirectly through agriculture, services are a growing sector and are playing an increasingly important role of India's economy. The advent of the digital age, and the large number of young and educated populace fluent in English, is gradually transforming India as an important 'back office' destination for global companies for the outsourcing of their customer services and technical support. India is a major exporter of highly-skilled workers in software and financial services, and software engineering. Other sectors like manufacturing, Pharmaceutical, biotechnology, nanotechnology, telecommunication, shipbuilding and aviation are showing strong potential with higher growth rates.

India followed a socialist-inspired approach for most of its independent history, with strict government control over private sector participation, foreign trade, and foreign direct investment. However, since the early 1990s, India has gradually opened up its markets through economic reforms by reducing government controls on foreign trade and investment. The privatisation of publicly owned industries and the opening up of certain sectors to private and foreign interests has proceeded slowly amid political debate.

India faces a burgeoning population and the challenge of reducing economic and social inequality. Poverty remains a serious problem, although it has declined significantly since independence, mainly due to the green revolution and economic reforms.



But India too has chosen to go down the tube. There was a time when
this country's word counted among the Third World nations. India was a
major leader when it advocated non-alignment, not as a namby-pamby
idea for passive aloofness but for an active opposition to big power
exploits everywhere in the world. Sixteen years ago India abandoned
all that and took a sharp turn to the right. It hasn't worked to our
advantage. Last week, the Indian prime minister returned empty-handed
and apparently annoyed from a G-8 summit in Germany. And though Dr
Manmohan Singh blamed the format of the summit for his `irritation'
which didn't accord him a proper forum to discuss India's
perspectives, there was a hint in the Indian Express that he may not
go to another G-8 meeting if things don't improve.Well, the prime
minister should have taken a stroll out of the secure precincts of the
summit venue and met with the protestors who had different ideas on a
variety of issues discussed or not discussed inside. They too were
deprived of a platform to be heard by the super-rich nations. Dr Singh
would have found an immediate affinity and perhaps even an audience
among the angry Europeans, because despite India's recent efforts to
abandon the left-liberal corner, its soul remains in the grip of its
old humane ideals. There was a time when Pablo Neruda came to Delhi to
discuss with Pandit Nehru proposals for a World Peace Congress,
euphemism for solidarity against American hegemony.

While in recent years key components of the Indian economy have become world leaders in innovation and growth, other parts of the Indian economy, especially in rural areas, have not experienced similar advances. The opportunity exists, however, to forge new linkages and advance the means by which agri-food production and marketing systems function and serve the larger economy. Innovations in the use of information and communications technology, coupled with equally necessary changes in the organization and management of the processes by which food and fiber raw materials are produced and marketed, offer exciting potentials to advance the effectiveness of the agri-food sector and rural economies.

The purpose of this conference is to explore innovative approaches and new business models for linking domestic and international consumer markets with rural entrepreneurs and communities. Using a unique set of instrumental case studies of innovative business practices from across the world, the conference will provide a forum for discussion and debate of how to best organize agri-food supply chains so that they contribute directly to increasing farm income, rural employment and sustainable development. An integral part of this process will be evaluating the role of private industry in facilitating the establishment of alternative business models, driving technological advances, and catalyzing entrepreneurial innovation within rural communities.

Indian farmers may lose healthy appetite for gold
Source of significant investment demand may disappear as Indian farmers move to cities and the country continues its industrialisation.

Author: Tessa Kruger
Posted: Monday , 11 Jun 2007

JOHANNESBURG -

A considerable source of investment-related demand for gold could disappear as millions of Indian farmers move to cities or join industrialisation in India.

The Fortis/VM Group said in a recent Yellow Book article a great gold market driver to watch in the short and longer term, is whether India's rural poor continue to invest in gold during times of stress and transition, or if they will secure their income in alternative ways.

The Indian rural poor still account for two thirds of annual gold purchases in the country, despite its emerging middle class.

But millions of Indian farmers are expected to move to urban centres over the long-term as they seek greater wealth and their farms disappear in the midst of industrialisation.

The Indian government is looking at policies to move India's 200m subsistence farmers into manufacturing to address their exposure to unsustainable land practices and to ensure that rural populations contribute to India's extraordinary economic growth.

Small scale farming in the country is also under threat from the vast debt burdens of small farmers - a symptom of a wider breakdown in agriculture due to a decline of public investment in agriculture, among other factors.
http://www.mineweb.net/mineweb/view/mineweb/en/page33?oid=22050&sn=Detail


THERE was a time when Indian poets and writers would be engaged with
Indian issues as closely as they were involved with the rest of the
world. The heart-rending cry against capitalism of Majaaz in his poem

"Sarmaayadaari" of the 1930s had a universality that Iqbal had earlier
leaned on to berate imperialism. On the face of it, it may appear that
Iqbal was hostile to the West. However, his concerns were really
riveted to the exploitation of the weak and the poor. For example, he
says:

"Europe's hordes, with flame and fire

Desolate the world entire;

O architect of yonder realms,

To rebuild the world arise!

Out of leaden sleep

Out of slumber deep

Arise!

Out of slumber deep,

Arise!" Zabur-i-Ajam (Persian Psalms)

In the Urdu-Hindi tradition of poetry and prose writing, as with other
Indian languages, there was concern for practically every raging issue
of the time regardless of which corner of the world the subject
belonged to. From the massacre of Vietnam (Sardar Jaafri, Niaz Haider)
to the plight of the Palestinians (Faiz) to Apartheid and Fascism,
every thing was up for scrutiny and comment. It may sound sadly absurd
today, but there was a time when popular sentiment in the newly-freed
colonies of South Asia was one of suspicion of the British
Commonwealth. It was thus that Majrooh Sultanpuri declared Pandit
Nehru an agent of imperialism, all because Nehru thought it was a good
idea to take India into the Commonwealth. Majrooh's poem became a
popular refrain for many an Indian street-fighter. "Commonwealth ka
daas hai Nehru; maar lo saathi, jaane na paaye!" the poet thundered.

Majrooh was a leading member of the left-dominated Progressive Writers
Association apart from being a popular song writer for movies. He also
wrote a moving tribute to the people of Pakistan who were at that time
locked in a grim battle with Ayub Khan's martial law. In powerful
words that echoed the 16th Century sufi poet Kabir, Majrooh enthused
masses across the border thus:

"Jalaa ke mishal-i- jaa'n, hum junoo'n sifaat chaley!

Jo ghar ko aag lagaae hamaare saath chaley!!

Sutoon-i-daar par rakhte chalo saro'n ke chiraagh!

Jahaa'n talak ye sitam ki siyaah raat chale!!"


If Dr Singh looked around in the crowd he would find that Fidel Castro
and Hugo Chavez are their idols, not any current European leader. He
would find that the war on terror which he supports with such
sincerity, rings hollow with people across the world. As it did on
another Sept 11, (not in 2001 but in 1973) when President Nixon
ordered the CIA to overthrow Salvador Allende's government in Chile.
Neruda applauds himself as a terrorist bard in this pamphlet he wrote
as a moving poem at that time. And it's well worth noting for those,
in India and Pakistan as elsewhere, who are locked in a major
disagreement with the policies of George W. Bush or his protégés, that
very little has changed in the world since Neruda wrote the following
lines in a collection of poems called: "A call for the destruction of
Nixon and praise for Chilean revolution."

"Because I love my country

I claim you, essential brother,

Old Walt Whitman with your gray hands.

So that, with your special help

Line by line, we will tear out the roots

Aand destroy the bloodthirsty President Nixon.

There can be no happy man on earth,

No one can work well on this planet

While that nose continues to breathe in Washington

Asking the old bard to confer with me

I assume the duties of a poet

Armed with a terrorist's sonnet

Because I must carry out with no regrets

This sentence, never before witnessed,

Of shooting a criminal under siege,

Who in spite of his trips to the moon

Has killed so many here on earth

That the paper flies up and the pen is unsheathed

To set down the name of this villain

Who practises genocide from the White House."

How many poets or intellectuals or for that matter politicians in
India or Pakistan are willing to arm themselves with the "terrorist's
sonnet"? Let's look for them. Neruda's 103rd birthday falls on July
12, a good time as any to redeem the old pledge.


After 1947, Hindu leaders in Kashmir made efforts to stop the practice of untouchability. Perhaps there was a realisation that if Dalits continued to be suppressed, they might convert to Islam, in which case the Hindus would be reduced to an even smaller minority than they already were in the state. Wherever the Muslim population is higher, you will find that dominant caste Hindus practice a lower degree of untouchability and discrimination vis-Ã -vis the Dalits. So, in Doda, since the Muslims are a majority, untouchability is not that severe now. But I have had to face caste discrimination myself, despite having been a government school teacher all my life. Once I was posted in a village which had only Hindus living in it and no Dalits. Because I was a Dalit, no Hindu would let me stay in their homes, so I had to live in the school building itself. In many villages in Doda, Dalits are still treated or thought of as lesser beings. In towns things are changing now somewhat because our people are going in for education.
But in the plains of Jammu, where there are very few Muslims left, discrimination against Dalits by dominant caste Hindus is fairly common. In Doda, we have this massive Muslim population, so it is not possible for dominant caste Hindus to treat us the way they might want, because they know that if they do, we might join hands with the Muslims.
http://www.tehelka. com/story_ main31.asp? filename= Cr160607Shadowli nes.asp



http://socialjustic e.ekduniya. net/ThematicArea /Dalits/news_ item.2007- 06-08.1796372082
Economics behind dalits massacre: Bhalchandra Mungekar
A single most cause of Dalits atrocities are economic and in most cases, upper Castes Hindus do not take kindly to the economic prosperity of a few Dalit families
November 11, 2006: Planning Commission member Bhalchandra Mungekar visits Kherlanji village to file an independent report on the Dalit massacres

Terming the Kherlanji Dalit killings as an incident that goes beyond the realms of the word 'condemnation' , Planning Commission member Bhalchandra Mungekar on Saturday said time-bound disposal of justice in the case is important for the credibility of UPA government at the Centre and DF government in the state.

"The violent fallout on the streets of Nagpur and elsewhere could have been averted had the people seen the state legitimately act against the culprits," Mungekar, an economist, told reporters after meeting Bhaiyyalal Bhotmange, the Dalit villager whose family was allegedly massacred by upper caste villagers over a land dispute on September 29, this year.

Mungekar, who is responsible for the department of social justice and empowerment in the plan panel, will submit a report of his findings and observations to PM Manmohan Singh, and apprise him of the situation.

He, however, clarified on Saturday that he had visited the village in his personal capacity as plan panel member. The plan panel member, who flew in a day after the CM Vilasrao Deshmukh's visit to the village, found questionable anomalies in the delay in the government's action over such a grave incident "that has dented the state's progressive and secular image."

"People have sent the message that inaction wouldn't be tolerated," Mungekar said, but appealed to the people to shun violence. Maharashtra, he said, is seeing a surge in cases of Dalit atrocities. "This is an outcome of declining Dalit political voice and resistance in the country."

But the reasons behind such atrocities are mostly economic. "In most cases, upper caste Hindus do not take kindly to the economic prosperity of a few Dalit families." He said the Bhotmange family was facing oppression from entire village for 17 long years. "And the main reason for it was the land they owned," he said.

He said he would suggest to the Centre that if there are only one or two Dalit families in a village they must be rehabilitated in other villages where Dalits are in better numbers.

Any punishment to the perpetrators of such brutality would be inadequate, but justice to Bhotmange is a must to restore the government's credibility.

Meanwhile, peace returned to Nagpur and eastern parts of Vidarbha, after the CM promised the government is not opposed to handing over the probe of the massacre to the CBI.

LEADER ARTICLE: Naxalites Today
11 Jun, 2007 l 0208 hrs ISTlA Srinivas
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/Opinion/Editorial/LEADER_ARTICLE_Naxalites_Today/articleshow/2113095.cms

Forty years after the Naxalbari uprising, it is remarkable that Maoism remains a potent political force. It has survived the disappearance of Maoism in the land of its origin and the collapse of the Soviet bloc. It has survived the retreat of the Left in academia and trade unions, which contributed to the rise of a middle class that was indifferent to politics in general and the Left in particular.

It has survived the rise of caste, as opposed to class, politics as well as the growing sway of the ideology of Hindutva. It has survived even the rise of the NGO sector, which, barring exceptions, provided a platform to those who sought to separate 'social' work from 'political' work.

While some Naxals of the 60s and 70s did an about-turn in their political beliefs and practices, the movement seems none the weaker for that reason. True, the far Left landscape is a minefield of splinter groups, but for all their differences these organisations pose a serious threat to state power. Therefore, when one takes stock of 40 years of Naxalism, one should understand it as a phenomenon of the present rather than the past.

The ideological underpinnings of Naxalism have not changed. Most parties to the left of CPM still believe in rural armies encircling the cities as the path of revolution. Despite their theoretical allegiance to Marx and Lenin, they have not made any serious effort to organise urban masses, instead evolving over the years as a political organisation of tribals, marginal peasants and Dalits in a corridor of about 150 districts from Bihar to Andhra Pradesh through Chhattisgarh and Orissa. Urban upper middle class ex-Naxals might laugh off the encirclement theory, but to rural cadres exposed to the excesses of urban India after the consumer boom of the 90s the Charu Mazumdar line remains plausible as ever.

The fact is that 'objective conditions' in certain pockets of the country are no different from what they were in 1967. Those who believe that economic reforms have delivered millions out of poverty should qualify their optimism. Amidst a steady reduction in poverty in the 80s and 90s, defined in terms of calories consumed or expenditures made, there is an alarming prevalence of malnutrition, as indicated by the government's National Family Health Surveys and NSS data on protein intake. This should lead us to broaden our definition of poverty to include access to healthcare, education and basic consumer goods. Health spending, in particular, contributes to a swift transition from subsistence or even comfortable existence to poverty, pushing families into debt; hence, focusing more on incomes than assets to measure poverty can be misleading. Calorie intake norms should be supplemented by measures of protein and vitamin intake, so that lower calorie consumption is not taken to mean that people have moved on to superior substitutes.

A triumphalist media, soaking in the success of India's economic growth, has missed or chosen to ignore these statistical gaps. Therefore, it is hardly surprising that a section of urban India does not understand the causes of Naxalism. Even if we take the current methodology of poverty estimation at face value and accept that the absolute numbers of the poor have fallen over decades, the statistics, being averages, do not capture the intensity of distress in certain pockets despite high growth in recent years. These are precisely the regions — eastern Uttar Pradesh, Bastar, interior Orissa, parts of West Bengal, Vidarbha — where the influence of Naxalism has increased. To be poor is one thing, and to seem condemned to one's fate quite another. Rising incomes in post-reform India have created a rapidly growing aspirational class, but they have also contributed to an army of socio-economic orphans — those who have been rejected by all mainstream political parties and adopted by a parallel network of Naxalites, Gandhians and socialists.

The 'problem' of Naxalism is as much a crisis of political empowerment as it is of sheer economic backwardness. It is hardly surprising that Naxal influence is strongest in tribal India. Tribals, more than any other oppressed category, have got nothing out of the Indian state, before or after globalisation. The Indian state has always taken land alienation of tribals for granted, as one of the consequences of 'progress' that must be put up with owing to a skewed pattern of land distribution, tribals and Dalits are at the receiving end of the land- owning castes.

In addition, a contractor-politician nexus controls the wealth of the forests and pushes tribals to the margins. A repressive state apparatus, represented by the police and the black laws they use to their advantage, helps keep this exploitative system going.

With the opening up of the Indian economy to trade and investment, the entry of mining companies in Orissa and Chhattisgarh poses a threat to the livelihood of tribals and their way of life. Naxalites are among those — though not the only, or even main, political force — who are with the tribals in this context. Even as their adherence to violence cannot be condoned, it is no worse than the violence of the state and oppressive forces in the region.
In a sharply unequal society, the line between peaceful and violent politics can turn into a blur. The way out is to address entrenched injustices rather than try to stamp out the responses to it. Should we give this effort another 40 years?

BJP rejects PM's call to back UPA's Prez nominee

The main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party has ruled out the possibility of supporting United Progressive Alliance's candidate for presidency, describing as 'unfortunate' Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's suggestion to the National Democratic Alliance to come in support of the ruling alliance's nominee.


BJP vice-president Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi insisted that no parallel can be drawn between the election of A P J Abdul Kalam as President and the present move by UPA in the upcoming election for the highest office.

"The situation is completely different. During the NDA rule, we held thorough discussions with the then opposition on our choice of the candidate for presidency unlike today when the Congress has not bothered at all to consult us on who should be the next President," he told media persons on Sunday.


The BJP leader, whose party is believed to have made up his mind to support Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat as an independent candidate for presidential election, alleged that the prime minister instead has used the media to 'instruct' the NDA to back the nominee of the ruling alliance.

"His move is rather unfortunate," Naqvi said.

Committee formed to probe Chandigarh roof collapse
Chandigarh administration on Monday constituted a two-member committee to probe into the collapse of a concrete shed in a grain market in Chandigarh, which left two dead.

The committee headed by Deputy Commissioner R K Rao has been asked to submit its report within a month, an official release said in Chandigarh on Monday.

Superintending Engineer Krishanjit Singh would be its other member.

The committee will go into the reasons of the shed caving in. It will also suggest corrective and precautionary measures to be adopted in respect of other buildings and sheds in the grain market complex.

Two persons were killed and 13 injured when the roof of the market collapsed on Sunday evening.

DEBATE - Will the new investment package announced by the Prime Minister help boost agriculture growth?

Govt cannot abdicate its responsibilities

Take farmers into confidence, not corporate houses

http://www.financia lexpress. com/fe_full_ story.php? content_id= 166752

KRISHAN BIR CHAUDHARY
Posted online: Monday, June 11, 2007 at 0000 hours IST

The prime minister, Manmohan Singh and the National Development Council have failed to realise the problems facing Indian agriculture and the farming community. Mere announcement of a food security mission for increasing production of wheat, rice and pulses and pegging up central government’s investment to Rs 25,000 crore within a span of four years will not solve the problems.

The figures and words of the NDC resolution sounds “big” and “great” , but what does it means to farmers. The PM in his opening speech raised concerns over farmers’ suicides, but he did not dare to say that he had resolved the issue in Vidarbha through a package he had announced.

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