World on FIRE! Collision INFINITE in Between Free MarketAMERICANISED Democracy and ETHNONATIONALISM leading to CIVIL war and ARMS race, UNPRECEDENTED VIOLENCE ECLIPSING the Earth and SPACE, the GALAXY!
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- One Hundred and Eighty FIVE
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Ethnic nationalism
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 | This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (November 2006) |
Ethnic nationalism is a form of nationalism wherein the "nation" is defined in terms of ethnicity. Whatever specific ethnicity is involved, ethnic nationalism always includes some element of descent from previous generations. Furthermore, the central theme of ethnic nationalists is that "...nations are defined by a shared heritage, which usually includes a common language, a common faith, and a common ethnic ancestry."[1] It also includes ideas of a culture shared between members of the group, and with their ancestors, and usually a shared language; however it is different from purely cultural definitions of "the nation" (which allow people to become members of a nation by cultural assimilation) and a purely linguistic definitions (which see "the nation" as all speakers of a specific language).
The central political tenet of ethnic nationalism is that each ethnic group on earth is entitled to self-determination. The outcome of this right to self-determination may vary, from calls for self-regulated administrative bodies within an already-established society, to an autonomous entity separate from that society, to a sovereign state removed from that society. In international relations, it also leads to policies and movements for irredentism — to claim a common nation based upon ethnicity.
In scholarly literature, ethnic nationalism is usually contrasted with civic nationalism. Ethnic nationalism bases membership of the nation on descent or heredity—often articulated in terms of common blood or kinship—rather than on political membership. Hence, nation-states with strong traditions of ethnic nationalism tend to define nationality or citizenship by jus sanguinis (the law of blood, descent from a person of that nationality) while countries with strong traditions of civic nationalism tend to define nationality or citizenship by jus soli (the law of soil, birth within the nation-state). Ethnic nationalism is therefore seen as exclusive, while civic nationalism tends to be inclusive. Rather than allegiance to common civic ideals, then, ethnic nationalism tends to emphasise shared narratives and common culture. For example, Germany is often cited as an example of ethnic nationalism; German citizenship is open to "ethnic Germans" (e.g. descendents of Germans living in the former Soviet Union).
The theorist Anthony D. Smith uses the term 'ethnic nationalism' for non-Western concepts of nationalism as opposed to Western views of a nation defined by its geographical territory. Diaspora studies scholars extend this non-geographically bound concept of "nation" among diasporic communities, at times using the term ethnonation or ethnonationalism to describe a conceptual collective of dispersed ethnics.[2]
There are also subtle forms of ethnic nationalism present in immigration policies. States such as Armenia, Bulgaria, Croatia, Finland, Germany, Hungary, Ireland, Israel, Romania, Serbia, and Turkey provide automatic or rapid citizenship to members of diasporas of their own dominant ethnic group, if desired.[1] For example, Israel's Law of Return, grants every Jew the right to settle in Israel and automatically acquire citizenship.[3]
A nation-state for the ethnic group derives political legitimacy from its status as homeland of that ethnic group, from its protective function against colonization, persecution or racism, and from its claim to facilitate the shared cultural and social life, which may not have been possible under the ethnic group's previous status as an ethnic minority.
Ethnic nationalism has sustained criticism because of its use by extremists to advocate racist agendas and genocide, such as the case of Nazi Germany and its extermination of millions of Jews and other ethnic and cultural groups during the Holocaust. More recent acts of violence that used ethnic nationalism as a justification include ethnic cleansing such as the Rwandan Genocide in 1994, and the Genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995. A long-standing and on-going example of this phenomenon is found in the ethnonationalist project to create a Jewish state in Palestine.[4]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ a b Muller, Jerry Z. "Us and Them." Current Issue 501 Mar/Apr 2008 9-14
- ^ Safran, William (January 2008). "Language, ethnicity and religion: a complex and persistent linkage." Nations and Nationalism 14(1) 171–190. DOI:10.1111/j.1469-8129.2008.00323.x
- ^ Hadary, Amnon. "Reclaiming Zionism." Judaism Vol. 48. Issue 1Winter 1999 1-14.
- ^ Pappe, Ilan. The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld Publications, 2006). Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem, 1947-1949 (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 1987). Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem revisited (Cambridge Cambridge University Press, 2004).
[edit] External links
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World on Fire
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| World on Fire | |
|---|---|
 paperback cover | |
| Author | Amy Chua |
| Country | United States |
| Language | English |
| Subject(s) | international economic relations, globalization, ethnic conflict |
| Genre(s) | current affairs |
| Publisher | Doubleday (hardcover) Anchor Books (paperback) |
| Publication date | 2003 (hardcover) |
| Media type | hardcover, paperback |
| ISBN | 978-0-385-72186-8 (paperback) |
| OCLC Number | 53994907 |
World On Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability is a 2002 book published by Yale Law School professor Amy Chua. It is an academic study into ethnic and sociological divisions in regard to economic and governmental systems in various societies.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Summary
In the Philippines, Chua explains, the ethnic-Chinese minority has far greater wealth than the indigenous majority, with the result being envy and bitterness on the part of the majority against the Chinese minority -- in other words, an ethnic conflict. She believes that democratization can increase ethnic conflicts when an ethnic minority is disproportionately wealthy. "When free market democracy is pursued in the presence of a market-dominant minority, the almost invariable result is backlash. This backlash typically takes one of three forms. The first is a backlash against markets, targeting the market-dominant minority's wealth. The second is a backlash against democracy by forces favorable to the market-dominant minority. The third is violence, sometimes genocidal, directed against the market-dominant minority itself."[1]. Also, "overnight democracy will empower the poor, indigenous majority. What happens is that under those circumstances, democracy doesn't do what we expect it to do -- that is, reinforce markets. [Instead,] democracy leads to the emergence of manipulative politicians and demagogues who find that the best way to get votes is by scapegoating the minorities." [1]
According to Chua, other examples of ethnic market-dominant minorities include Chinese people in Southeast Asia; "whites" in Latin America; Jews in Russia; Croats in the former Yugoslavia; and Ibos, Kikuyus, Tutsis, Indians and Lebanese, among others, in Africa [2].
In her book, Chua discusses different reasons for the market dominance of different groups. Some groups achieve market dominance because of colonial oppression or apartheid. In other cases, it may be due to the culture and family networks of these groups. For many groups there is no clear single explanation. [3]
Americans can also be seen as a global market-dominant minority, which particularly when combined with using military might and flaunting political domination, cause resentment. [4]
Chua states that she is a "big fan of trying to promote markets and democracy globally," but that it should be accompanied by attempts to "redistribute the wealth, whether it's property title and giving poor people property, land reform .... Redistributive mechanisms are tough to have if you have so much corruption." [5]
[edit] Accolades
- Selected one of The Economist Best Books of the Year 2003
[edit] Criticism
Amy Chua's thesis and her conclusions have been disputed by George Leef [6] of the John Locke Foundation, who proposes that many other factors may account for ethnic violence, including the most simple motivation of pure racism [7]. Leef concludes his review:
All that World on Fire proves in the end is that governments cannot be depended upon to prevent violence against people who have been, for whatever reason, demonized by others. That's nothing new.
Andreas Wimmer and Brian Min, criticizing the book state:
By contrast, our analysis shows that what has been observed in recent decades may simply be more of the same old story. Although history never repeats itself, the same process patterns may be operating at different times and in different historical contexts (cf. Collier and Mazzuca 2006). The dismemberment of empire and the formation of the nation-state have led to wars since the time of Napoleon. The patterns of warfare in the Caucasus and the Balkans in the 1990s resemble those on the Indian sub-continent in the 1940s, those of Eastern Europe during and after the World War I, and so on. The return of the "Macedonian syndrome," as Myron Weiner (1971) has called the intermingling of ethnic conflict and irredentist wars, explains such recurrent patterns of war much better than any variant of globalization theory. To treat them as a fundamentally new phenomenon, brought about by the end of the Cold War or increased globalization, represents yet another example of the widespread tendency among social scientists to perceive their own times as unique and exceptionally dynamic (on "chrono- centrism," see Fowles 1974).
They also note that several studies support the a variant of the democratic peace theory, which argues that more democracy causes a general decrease in systematic violence, at least for the most democratic nations. However, intermediately democratic nations do have a higher tendency for conflicts such as civil war than autocracies.[2]
[edit] See also
- Dominant minority
- Yuri Slezkine's book The Jewish Century (2004)
- Ethnic elite
[edit] External links
- Salon.com review By Michelle Goldberg
- The Guardian review By Martin Jacques
- Collected reviews
- Review by George Leef
- Booknotes interview with Chua on World on Fire, February 9, 2003.
[edit] References
- ^ Chua, Amy (2002). World on Fire. Doubleday. ISBN 0385503024.
- ^ [http://www.asanet.org/galleries/default-file/Dec06ASRFeature.pdf From Empire to Nation-State: Explaining Wars in the Modern World, 1816–2001] Andreas Wimmer. Brian Min. AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW, 2006, VOL. 71 (December:867–897)
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The term free market economy is sometimes used to ... usage), and in Europe social democracy, seek only to mitigate what they see as the problems of an unrestrained free market, and ...
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DOI: 10.2277/0521534747 Manufactured on demand: supplied direct from the printer
(Stock level updated: 17:01 GMT, 16 October 2009)
This book examines the relationship between free markets and democracy. It demonstrates how the implementation of even very painful free-market economic reforms in Chile and Mexico have helped to consolidate ...Free Market Democracy and the Chilean and Mexican Countryside Marcus J. Kurtz Ohio State University
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A professor at Yale Law School, Chua eloquently fuses expert analysis with personal recollections to assert that globalization has created a volatile concoction of free ...
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- 94 reviews
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A professor at Yale Law School, Chua eloquently fuses expert analysis with personal recollections to assert that globalization has created a volatile concoction of free ...
- User rating: 4/5 ·
- Hardcover ·
- 94 reviews
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More on this page
... within the institute bearing his name (e.g., Democracy—The God That Failed by Hans-Hermann Hoppe). World on Fire by Amy Chua (Doubleday 2003) is perhaps the most sweeping account of the visceral tension between democracy and free markets published to date. Subtitled "How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global ...Although Ludwig von Mises wrote approvingly of the just qualities of democracy, the incompatibility of democratic forms of government with wealth creation has been noted even ...
Land Rights, Ethno-nationality and Sovereignty in History
Edited by Stanley Engerman, Jacob Metzer
Series: Routledge Explorations in Economic History
List Price: $240.00
- ISBN: 978-0-415-32126-6
- Binding: Hardback (also available in Paperback)
- Published by: Routledge
- Publication Date: 17/06/2004
- Pages: 416
- Trim Size: 234X156
Recommend this title to a librarian using our Librarian Recommendation Form.
About the Book
The complex relationships between ethno-nationality, rights to land, and territorial sovereignty have long fed disputes over territorial control and landed rights between different nations, ethnicities, and religions. These disputes raise a number of interesting issues related to the nature of land regimes and to their economic and political implications.
The studies drawn together in this key volume explore these and related issues for a broad variety of countries and times. They illuminate the diverse causes of ethno-national land disputes, and the different forms of adjustment and accommodation to the power differences between the contesting groups. This is done within a framework outlined by the editors in their analytical overview, which offers contours for comparative examinations of such disputes, past and present.
Providing conceptual and factual analyses of comparative nature and wealth of empirical material (both historical and contemporary), this book will appeal to economic historians, economists, political scientists, sociologists, anthropologists and all scholars interested in issues concerning ethno-nationality and land rights in historical perspective.
http://www.routledge.com/9780415321266
World on FIRE!
Collision INFINITE in Between Free MarketAMERICANISED Democracy and ETHNONATIONALISM leading to CIVIL war and ARMS race, UNPRECEDENTED VIOLENCE ECLIPSING the Earth and SPACE, the GALAXY!for example, Various groups are involved in the Insurgency in North-East India, India's north east states, which are connected to the rest of India by a narrow strip of land known as the Siliguri Corridor or Chicken's Neck. Much of the region is notably ethnically and linguistically different from the rest of India. In the region several armed factions operate. Some groups call for a separate state, others for autonomy while some extreme groups demand nothing but complete independence.A number of political parties in Tamil Nadu, such as DMK and AIADMK owe their origins to the Self-respect movement,[3] the latter a 1972 breakaway from the DMK. Both parties are populist with a generally social democratic orientation.Not to mension MAHARASHTRA!
The movement has been in political power in Tamil Nadu since 1967, when the DMK under C. N. Annadurai defeated the ruling Congress Party. The incumbent (as of 2009) Chief Minister is M. Karunanidhi of the DMK.
A suspected US missile strike killed at least 14 people in Pakistan's troubled northwestern region bordering Afghanistan Saturday, media reports said.The attack targeted a Taliban hideout in the Bajaur tribal district, where the Pakistani military claimed victory over the militants early this year after months of fighting.
Ethnonationalism has taken over OLd Nationality dealt by Joseph STALIN. We live in a world of FREE MARKET DEmocracy as the Corporate Imperialism and zionist War Economy push for GLOBALISATION , the Post Modern Manusmriti Apartheid Rule under TRI IBLIS SATANIC Galaxy Order! Ethnonationalism and Democracy trying best to empower the Aboriginal Indigenous Ientities create UNPRECEDENTED Collision bigger than Big bang itself! DEMOGOGUES lead Insurrections against Hegemonies mobilising masses with the Impulsive ETHNONATIONALISM against the HEGEMONY Mainstream Blind nationalism. Global Institutions as World Bank, IMF, WTO, EC, ASEAN,SHAARC, UNESCO,GATT and MNCS including FIIs stand UNITED behind the ETHNIC Minorities controling the Wealth, Resources, State Power, Military, Services, Governance, Policies, Economy, Knowledge, Media, Intelligentsia, Arts, Industries, Bank and Money Market, Retail Chain, Minerals and so on. The ethnically Minority AFFLUENT Ruling Class Capture Land, Livelihood and Life. Nature is not spared. US aied DEMOCRACY and NGOs mobilise the ABORIGINAL and Indigenous Communities to voice the DEMAND of the Sons and Daughters of the SOIL, BHUMIPUTRA and a STRING of MARATHA MANUSH stand UNITED against the AMERICANISED LPG Democracy without addressing the basic issues of Resource and Human Management in a PLURAL Society. Imperialism made the Nationality Problem more COMPLEX as the ECONOMIC Reformas acomplish ETHNIC Cleansing!
Thus , the World in which we the Majority, Deprived, Underpreveleged, Black, Untouchable, Aboriginal and indigenous Communities LIVE, is on FIRE.
This PHENOMENON of Globalisation unites Terrorist groups, Ethnic identities, Extremism, Maoism, Regional Political parties led by DEMOGOGUES and Maoists together which leads to CIVIL War and ARMAMENT within to benefit only the Corporate War ECONOMY in the Global Village!
Now, Orissa gets a makeover, is renamed as Odisha!
The central government's nod to a proposal by Orissa government to re-name the state as Odisha has received appreciation from people in the state.
"This was a long-standing demand. There should also be changes in the names of all other places in Orissa which were misspelt," state Agriculture Minister and the ruling Biju Janata Dal's (BJD) general secretary Damodar Rout told IANS Saturday.
DENYING the EXISTENCE of ETHNONATIONALISM as reflected by MARATHA Manush, Amidst hectic lobbying for the post of Maharashtra chief minister, the 81 newly-elected legislators of the ruling Congress party met here Saturday to choose the legislature party leader, but left the decision to party chief Sonia Gandhi. Manipulated MANDATE derecognise ETHNIC Identity as FREE and FAIR Elections ENSURE Indigenous and ABORIGINAL Empowerment. The REACTION is quite MIND BOGGLING as Maharashtrians stabbed me in the back, Bal Thackeray Declares! Upset over Shiv Sena's electoral debacle in Maharashtra, party chief Bal Thackeray Saturday said it was not "outsiders" but Maharashtrians themselves who had stabbed him in the back.
Quoting an English newspaper headline 'MNS gives Cong Raj a hand", (Raj Thackeray-led MNS helps Congress retain power), the Sena chief said, "This sums it all".
Chhattisgarh to include kotwars in fight against naxals while Maoists gun down two rival activists in Jharkhand. Jharkhand is a CLASSIC Example of ETHNONATIONALISM , I have been witnessing along with Uttarakhand and Chhattishgarh since SEVENTIES. I spent at least two decades in Nationality Movement and then realised the Recognition by the Democratic Set UP has made it RATHER more a VIOLENT problem as ETHNIC Cleansing got momentum just after the MOVEMENT emerged Successful in all the THREE STATES which REMAIN Epicentres of MAOISM as ETHNONATIONALTI marginalised by AUTOCRACY and Free Market.Suspected Maoists abducted and killed two former activists of a rival outfit at Chando village in Palamau District of Jharkhand on Saturday.This is the first incident of violence by Naxals after the announcement of polls to the state assembly.
It is Chhath puja time and like millions of people in Bihar, the politicians were also busy Saturday performing the rituals to seek divine blessings, with an eye on the state assembly polls due next year.
Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, his political rivals Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) chief Lalu Prasad, his wife and former Bihar chief minister Rabri Devi and Lok Janshakti Party chief Ram Vilas Paswan were celebrating Chhath in their homes.
Chhattisgarh to include kotwars in fight against naxals !The Chhattisgarh government has decided to include revenue Kotwars (gram chaukidars) in the security network to strengthen information flow and exchange in naxal-hit regions of the tribal state.
According to senior state police officials, the weak information network in the naxal-affected districts led to many Maoists attacks in the last four years killing nearly 1,400 people including many security personnel and officials.
"Fitting the Kotwars into the information network will not only ensure village security but also embolden the fight against naxals," they said. Naxals have their ground information network across villages and districts mostly in women and children, who o ut of fear do not inform police about extremist activities in those areas, police said.
Official sources said that delay in receiving tip offs about naxal activities, has prompted the state government to take steps about inclusion of Kotwars into the information network to tackle the threat more effectively.
Also, the duties and responsibilities of Kotwars have been well defined in the Chhattishgarh Police Regulation and their services will be availed to curb crime and other naxal activities in the state.
The Kotwars (revenue officials of the lowest rank in rural areas) will be provided with a register wherein they have to record details of outsiders visiting the villages besides tracking other activities there, they said.
On the other hand, Links between a leading Indian militant group and the Tamil Tigers have for the first time been confirmed by a rebel leader Wednesday, two days after the army seized documents stating payments made towards weapons bought from the Tigers.
There were several reports in the past quoting intelligence reports that the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) had direct links with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).
On Monday, soldiers of the 19 Kumaon Regiment seized a large cache of weapons and explosives buried inside a pit, besides documents relating to the ULFA's financial transactions.
"There was a noting in one of the accounts statement that the ULFA paid Rs.2.3 million to the LTTE towards purchase of weapons," an army commander said. Now, for the first time, an ULFA leader admitted links with the LTTE.
"It was sometime in the early 90s when I was just an ordinary member at the Lakhipathar camp (in eastern Assam's Tinsukia district) when we saw three lanky Tamil men with our commander-in-chief Paresh Baruah. We were later told they were from the LTTE," Prabal Neog, a senior leader of the pro-talk ULFA faction, told IANS.
The Alpha and Charlie companies of the ULFA's 28th battalion, the most potent striking unit of the outfit, announced a unilateral ceasefire in June last year. The group now in a ceasefire mode named themselves as the pro-talk ULFA faction.
Meanwhile, Without a popular government for almost a year, Jharkhand will go to assembly polls in November-December staggered over nearly a month with the first phase of polling scheduled for November 27.
Announcing the five-phase poll schedule a day after the Union Cabinet decided to end President's rule in Jharkhand and dissolve the state assembly, the Election Commission said polling will be held on November 27, December two, eight, 12 and 18.
The counting of votes would take place on December 23, Chief Election Commissioner Navin Chawla told reporters here.
The state had been under President's rule since January 19 this year and a government has to be in place before January 18 next.
Dozens of ministers of Nitish Kumar's government and many former central and state ministers, legislators and MPs were celebrating the festival at their native villages across the state.
"We welcome the move. We have been demanding this since quite some time," Basanta Panigrahi, president of Utkal Sammilani, an organisation which works to protect the language, culture and tradition of the state, said.
"It is a welcome move. At least we will be able to use the right name of our state soon," college student Sudhakar Satpathy said. "Odisha is the ancient name of the state. It is a good move but only renaming of the state does not serve the purpose. The state government should promote Odiya culture and its language in true sense," former chief minister and Congress leader J.B. Patnaik told reporters.
The BJD government led by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik had approached the centre to amend the constitution after resolving in August last year to change the name of Orissa to Odisha and the name of its official language from Oriya to Odia.
The central cabinet approved the proposal Thursday, and the bill to amend the Constitution for the change is expected to be introduced in the next session of Parliament.
In Maharashtra, The Congress Legislature Party (CLP) meeting, which was held in the Vidhan Bhavan (state legislature), passed a one-line resolution that Sonia Gandhi would choose the chief minister.
A central team comprising party general secretary Digvijay Singh, Defence Minister A.K. Antony and Deputy Chairman of Rajya Sabha K. Rehman Khan were present to ascertain the views of the legislators for the post of chief minister, a party officer bearer said.
Incumbent Chief Minister Ashok Chavan, despite being a front-runner for the post and with the tacit support of Sonia Gandhi and party general secretary Rahul Gandhi, is likely to face a tough time from another prime contender - Narayan Rane.
While Chavan has the backing of union Power Minister Sushilkumar Shinde, Rane has the unexpected support of union Heavy Industries Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh.
Though Shinde and Deshmukh - both former chief ministers - have officially opted out of the race, the latter may not be averse to a third term as chief minister if circumstances permit.
State party chief Manikrao Thackre and another long-time hopeful Patangrao Kadam are also in the fray.
Party sources claim that of the 81 newly elected legislators, a majority support Rane for the post. Chavan, on the other hand is understood to have secured the support of a few of the 30-odd independents who have been elected.
Nitish Kumar's official residence wore a festive look as his elder brother Satish Kumar's family was performing Chhath. "Nitish Kumar is giving a helping hand to the family members despite his tight schedule," a staff member at the chief minister's 1, Anne Marg, residence said.
Kumar's wife Manju Sinha died in 2007. "Kumar may not be performing Chhath directly but he is keen to offer prayers to the sun god," a ruling Janata Dal-United leader close to him said.
A festive air is seen in Rabri Devi and husband Lalu Prasad's new residence, situated a few metres from the chief minister's home in the high security zone here. Rabri Devi's Chhath puja celebrations have been gala affairs every year, attracting attention ever since she became chief minister in 1997.
Lalu Prasad was helping Rabri Devi perform Chhath puja. "Chhath is not an easy festival, it is a difficult one as age-old traditions and rituals have to be followed. Lalu Prasad's presence gives strength to Rabri Devi," a RJD leader close to them said.
A special pond has been erected in Rabri Devi's new residence to worship the sun god. "She has been performing the rituals at her residence instead of going to any river," a staff member at her residence said.
Ram Vilas Paswan along with his wife and son are also camping in the state capital to provide moral support to his brother's families who are performing Chhath.
"Paswan along with his family visited the Lalu-Rabri residence Friday night to participate in the ritual of 'kharna' when sweet dishes are prepared and distributed," a leader close to Paswan said.
The Chhath festival was celebrated Saturday by millions of Hindus who converged on river banks, ponds and other water bodies to worship the setting sun.
They will make an offering to the rising sun on Sunday to mark the end of Chhath, which is celebrated in Bihar six days after Diwali. Married women and middle-aged men lead the preparations and observe fast.
"Nitish Kumar prefers not to celebrate Chhath. He usually keeps away from religious rituals. He celebrated Diwali and Durga Puja with simplicity this year," another member of the chief minister's staff said.
According to official sources, Nitish Kumar was busy monitoring security arrangements during the festive season.
Colourful idols of the sun god riding his chariot with seven horses, a new attraction this year, were being sold on riverbanks that had been cleaned up and decorated by the devotees. The administration along with voluntary organisations worked round-the-clock to clean up neighbourhoods and roads leading up to the banks of rivers and water bodies.
Striking a cynical note in his first editorial in party mouthpiece 'Saamna' after the assembly election results on October 22, the 84-year-old Thackeray said, "There is an evil spirit that is separating me from you (Marathi people) and not allowing a meeting of minds".
"I do not have any hope that even this writing will have any influence on your thinking. In fact, I have lost faith in everything, including Maharashtrians and also God. I am at great pains to make this statement but I have no desire to hide the truth and indulge in self-deception," he said.
24/10/2009Bofors case: Court defers order on dropping Quattrocchi's name
New Delhi: A city court on Saturday deferred its order on the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) plea to withdraw Italian businessman Ottavio Quattrocchi's name from the Bofors gun deal payoff case.
Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Kaveri Baweja deferred the order to Nov 6 on whether the CBI's application under section 321 of the criminal procedure code (CrPC) should be accepted.
The CBI had Oct 3 moved an application before a court here to quash all charges against Quattrocchi in the two-decade-old Bofors payoff case, saying the case cannot be kept pending forever as attempts to extradite him have failed in the past.
"The continued prosecution of Quattrocchi is unjustified in the light of various factors, including the failed attempts to extradite him," Additional Solicitor General P.P. Malhotra - appearing for the CBI - had said before the court of Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Baweja.
The CBI position had been contested by advocate Ajay Agarwal, who demanded that he be treated as a complainant in the case. But Malhotra said: "Petitioner has no locus standi to move the petition."
The court will now decide on both issues Nov 6.
Meanwhile, Agarwal has also filed a application under the Right to Information Act (RTI) with the CBI, seeking all the file notings and other related information about the case since it began.
"I have filed the RTI application Friday with the CBI and am waiting for the response," Agarwal told IANS.
In a 1987 broadcast, a Swedish radio station alleged that nearly Rs.64 crore ($13 million) were paid in kickbacks to the Congress party and the Rajiv Gandhi government for the multi-billion dollar Bofors howitzer deal. The scandal shook the nation and Rajiv Gandhi lost his two-thirds majority in parliament in the post-Bofors election two years later.
Source: IANS
China makes six-point proposal for cooperation with ASEAN
Hua Hin (Thailand), Oct 24 : Chinese Prime Minster Wen Jiabao made a six-point proposal for strengthening cooperation with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) during his address at the bloc's summit here Saturday.
Wen said the financial situation in China and ASEAN countries remained stable despite the global economic crisis, and trade between the two sides have entered 'a stage of restorative growth', Xinhua reported.
He proposed six steps to enhance cooperation between the two sides: create China-ASEAN Free Trade Area, accelerate infrastructure development, deepen agricultural cooperation, promote sustainable development, strengthen cultural exchanges and advance regional cooperation at various levels.
He also called for protection of intellectual property rights and removal of technical trade barriers.
Wen said Beijing plans to hold a China-ASEAN Free Trade Area forum next year.
He said the two sides should actively promote projects that would help raise grain production in the ASEAN region.
Both sides should make efforts to adopt the China-ASEAN Environmental Cooperation Strategy at the earliest possible date, so as to expand cooperation in the field of renewable energy, among others, he added.
--IANS
Insurgency in North-East India
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Various groups are involved in the Insurgency in North-East India, India's north east states, which are connected to the rest of India by a narrow strip of land known as the Siliguri Corridor or Chicken's Neck. Much of the region is notably ethnically and linguistically different from the rest of India. In the region several armed factions operate. Some groups call for a separate state, others for autonomy while some extreme groups demand nothing but complete independence.
Northeastern India consists 7 states (also known as the seven sisters): Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura, Arunachal Pradesh, Mizoram, Manipur, and Nagaland. Tensions exist between these states and the central government as well as amongst the tribal people, who are natives of these states, and migrant peoples from other parts of India.
The states have accused New Delhi of ignoring the issues concerning them. It is this feeling which has led the natives of these states to seek greater participation in self-governance. There are existing territorial disputes between Manipur and Nagaland.
There is a rise of insurgent activities and regional movements in the northeast, especially in the states of Assam, Nagaland, Mizoram and Tripura. Most of these organizations demand independent state status or increased regional autonomy and sovereignty.
India accuses the People's Republic of China of sponsoring these movements but has never provided evidence. Regional tensions have eased off as of late, with Indian and state governments' concerted effort to raise the living standards of the people in these regions. However, militancy still exists within the region. Among the rebellions in the area are Tripura Rebellion and Assam Conflict.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Assam
Assam has been the hotbed of militancy for a number of years due to its porous borders with Bangladesh and Bhutan. The main causes of the friction include the anti-foreigner agitation in the 1980s and the simmering Assam-Bodo tensions. The insurgency status in Assam is classified as Very Active.
[edit] ULFA
The United Liberation Front of Asom was formed in April 1979 to establish a sovereign state of Assam through an armed struggle. In recent times the organisation has lost out its middle rung leaders after most of them surrendered to the Indian forces.
[edit] NDFB
The National Democratic Front of Bodoland was formed in 1989 as the Bodo Security Force, aims to set up an autonomous region Bodoland.
[edit] Manipur
Insurgent groups in Manipur are also classified as Very Active and stem largely from the delay in statehood.
[edit] Peoples Liberation Army
The Peoples Liberation Army is a leftist organisation formed in 1978 with the aim of liberating Manipur from India.
[edit] UNLF
The United National Liberation Front was created in 1964 and demands an independent socialist state of Manipur.
[edit] PREPAK
People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak is an armed insurgent group in Manipur demanding a separate and independent homeland.
[edit] Nagaland
Nagaland was one of several princely states in India before Independence in 1947. Insurgent groups classified as Active, mainly demand full independence. The Naga National Council led by Phizo was the first group to dissent in 1947 and in 1956 they went underground.
[edit] NSCN-IM
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland was formed in 1980 to establish a Greater Nagaland, encompassing parts of Manipur, Nagaland, the north Cachar hills (Assam). The NSCN split in 1988 to form two groups namely NSCN(IM) & NSCN(K). As of now, both the groups are in ceasefire with the Indian government. However, they continue to be actively involved in illegal activities including extortion, kidnapping, inter-factional clashes, bootlegging and recruitment.
[edit] NSCN-K
The National Socialist Council of Nagaland—Khaplang is the second faction with the same aim of a Greater Nagaland and was formed in 1988.
[edit] Tripura
The insurgent groups in Tripura were emerged in the end of the 1970s, as ethnic tensions between the Bengali immigrants and the tribal native population. Their status is classified as Very Active
[edit] National Liberation Front of Tripura
The National Liberation Front of Tripura was formed in March 1989
[edit] All Tripura Tiger Force
The All Tripura Tiger Force was formed in 1990 with the sole aim of the expulsion of all Bengali speaking immigrants.
[edit] Meghalaya
Problems in Meghalaya arise from the divide between tribals and non tribal settlers, identity issues and growing corruption. The activity status is classified as Active.
[edit] ANVC
The Achik National Volunteer Council was formed in 1995 with the intentions of forming an Achik Land in the Garo Hills.
[edit] HNLC
The Hynniewtrep National Liberation Council aims to free the state from Garo domination and was formed in 1992.
[edit] Mizoram
Mizoram's tensions are largely due to the simmering Assamese domination and the neglect of the Mizo people. In 1986, the Mizo accord was which brought peace to the region. Insurgency status is classified as Partially Active
[edit] Hmar People's Convention-Democracy - HPC(D)
The People's Convention-Democracy was formed in 1995 to create an independent Hmar State. It is the offspring of the Hmar People's Convention(HPC), which entered into agreement with the Government of Mizoram which results in the formation of Sinlung Hills Development Council. However, of late, they have merged with other Hmar revolutionary groups in neighbouring Manipur and Assam with the aim of bringing the Hmars under one administrative unit.
[edit] BNLF
The Bru National Liberation Front was formed in 1997 to protect the rights and dignity of the Reangs. The BNLF have surrendered with 757 of their comrades to the Mizoram Government on October 21, 2006.
[edit] See also
[edit] References
Mansi Mehrotra Bodo Uprising http://www.clawsindia.in/index.php?action=master&task=199&u_id=57
[de:Befreiungsorganisationen im Nordosten Indiens]]
The Dravidian movement
By Gail Omvedt
``SO MANY movements have failed. In Tamil Nadu there was a movement in the name of anti-Brahmanism under the leadership of Periyar. It attracted Dalits, but after 30 years of power, the Dalits understand that they are as badly-off - or worse-off - as they were under the Brahmans. Under Dravidian rule, they have been attacked and killed, their due share in government service is not given, they are not allowed to rise.''
So says Dr. Krishnasami, leader of the militant movement of the Dalit community known as ``Devendra Kula Vellalas'' of southern Tamil Nadu and founder of a new political party, Puthiya Tamilakam. This sense of disillusionment with the Dravidian parties is pervasive among not only the Dalits but also many militant non-Brahmans as well. The anti-caste movements of the past, in Dr. Krishnasami's words, have failed to achieve their main goals. Mr. Thirumavalavan of the Liberation Panthers speaks of discrimination and atrocities against those who fight against the evil and adds: ``Castes keep their identity just as before, they don't intermarry, there are no longer any self-respect marriages.''
Like Dr. Krishnasami, he does not reject the goals of the movement, arguing ``the Dalit struggle has to be for the liberation of a nationality,'' and Hindutva should be opposed through Tamil nationalism. He feels that the existing Dravidian parties have betrayed the Dalits.
In Maharashtra also, militant non-Brahmans feel that ``Phule has failed.'' Militant Dalits discuss the reasons for the stagnation of their movement. There is widespread malaise. The spirit of the movement still exists, there are still activists committed to the cause but the public and political life of society, whether at a local level, where so many villages still maintain separate wells and separate drinking cups for the Dalits, or at the State or all-India level has not been transformed in the areas where the non-Brahman movements were the strongest.
In Tamil Nadu, the heights of corruption have been reached with a party calling itself ``Dravidian,'' while the major Dravidian parties are forming an alliance with the BJP. In Maharashtra, for all its progressive traditions, one of the most ferocious forms of Hindutva has been a ruling power for so many years. Police firing at Ramabai Nagar in Mumbai and the caste conflicts in southern Tamil Nadu show the persistence of the casteist attitude among even poor OBCs. It is not that there have been no gains but they have been so incomplete. In spite of the formal openness and some social mobility, caste continues to be highly correlated to both occupation and political power.
In spite of a powerful cultural challenge, the ``Vedic Sanskritic'' culture remains hegemonic in the very centres which mounted a challenge to it. There is a widespread assertion by the hitherto downtrodden and excluded communities throughout the country but the annihilation of caste remains a distant dream.
In Tamil Nadu, this failure contrasts with the apparent strength of the Dravidian parties. In Maharashtra, by the 1930s, the non- Brahman movement as a whole was absorbed into the Congress, with only Ambedkar leading an independent Dalit movement which saw itself as carrying on the heritage of Phule but was limited organisationally to the Dalits (and, among them, to the Mahars). In Tamil Nadu, on the other hand, Periyar's movement took on full force in the 1930s and 1940s, gathered people of all castes around it, made the commitment to women's liberation more of a mass force than Phule could, organised powerful mass campaigns against religious superstition and rather than vanishing into the ``mainstream,'' went on to found its own parties.
Why did the ideals fail in spite of an apparently powerful movement? Some will say the non-Brahman and Dravidian movements could not succeed because they were, in the end, ``bourgeois democratic.'' Some will point to the lack of a full economic and political vision - the movements focussed on ``identity'' issues but had no economic programme different from the Nehru Congress. Some will say the whole idea of a ``non-Brahman movement'' is an illusion since non-Brahmans are the immediate oppressors of the Dalits, their greatest enemy.
None of these explanations is sufficient. Let us begin with three assertions: that a strong movement would have achieved and developed its own political-economic vision, that traditional Marxism is insufficient because it has never confronted caste, never understood that ``Brahmanism'' (or the Brahmanic Social Order, as some put it) was a fundamental social structure and not simply an ideological effervescence, and that the Dalit and other non-Brahman unity is difficult but necessary and possible because the non-Brahmans also are oppressed by caste. On this basis some comparisons of the contributions and inadequacies of the non- Brahman movements in Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, where they were historically the strongest, might help make a critical examination.
In many ways, Tamil Nadu and Maharashtra had complementary strengths and weaknesses. Phule, in the 19th century, could give a founding thrust and powerful vision to a new movement but the conditions of the time prevented mass mobilisation. Ambedkar was, in the end, limited to being a ``Dalit leader'' - he could not galvanise the whole movement. This situation was remedied, in a sense, in Tamil Nadu with the emergence of Periyar, who had an all-encompassing vision for and commitment to the Dalits and women as well as a mass base among the majority non-Brahman castes. Yet, the strength of the Tamil movement was also its weakness. As no leader like Ambedkar emerged, the Dalit part of the overall movement remained weak; it seems there was no mass awakening or autonomous organising in the Dalit communities in the pre-independence period comparable to what happened in Maharashtra.
During the 1930s and 1940s, under Ambedkar's leadership, the Dalits in Maharashtra organised themselves. Their fight - and the militant activist youth growing up then were conscious of this - was against Brahmanism and the caste system but it was often the lower class non-Brahmans they confronted directly and physically. All the years, Ambedkar called upon the Maharashtrian non-Brahman leadership to unite in a strong alliance against ``capitalism and Brahmanism,'' His weekly Janata was giving details of atrocities carried out in fact by non-Brahman castes. In the ``Hindu-Mahar riots'' in Nagpur in the 1940s, the Dalits defended themselves with sticks, stones and daggers against the OBC ``Hindus'' provoked by nationalist propaganda to see the Ambedkarites as traitors. The Dalits not only defended themselves, they drove Gandhi himself off a stage in 1941 when some self-designated ``Harijans'' tried to organise his rally. In other words, the kind of battle for dignity being waged today against Thevars in southern Tamil Nadu was fought by the Mahars in the 1930s and 1940s in Maharashtra - but under a banner proclaiming that the main fight was for the transformation of all of India.
In this sense, it may be said the main problem is not whether the Dalit-other non-Brahman unity is possible; rather, that the Dalits in Tamil Nadu as in most other parts of India (including the non-Mahar Dalits in Maharasthra) are still fighting to achieve its preconditions, their own organisation and a recognition from other communities of their dignity.
The question still remains: once autonomy, self-respect and some empowerment are achieved for the most downtrodden, how will the movement go forward to seek a wider unity and the annihilation of caste? Here it is necessary to consider and reconsider the answer given by Periyar and the Tamil non-Brahman movement generally: that the way forward is through a kind of national liberation, a recognition of a positive alternative community which was taken to be a ``Dravidian'' identity or a ``Tamil'' national identity.
THE NON-BRAHMAN movements of western and southern India during the colonial period were the most powerful expressions of a pan- Indian upsurge that sought to confront and destroy the millennial-old caste hierarchy. Brahmanism had been given shape as the ideology of the ruling class in the middle of the first millennium BC, with an exclusive intelligentsia claiming cultural purity and sacredness. This ideology and the caste hierarchy it was linked to gained hegemony over its greatest rival, Buddhism, about a thousand years later. It succeeded in maintaining its dominance under vastly changed material conditions even during the colonial period and the 50 years of Independence, with the Congress representing the ``moderate'' and the Jan Sangh (now BJP) the ``extremist'' form of the Brahmanic ideology.
One aspect of its success was the ability of the elite to define the ``Indian'' identity in its own terms, claiming that the core of Indian culture lay in Sanskrit, the Vedic tradition and the Vedanta. Since the 19th century this has been projected as ``Hinduism.'' This was the ``Great Tradition,'' the national tradition. All other challenging cultural traditions, whether based on the masses of the Bahujans and the Dalits, or among the Adivasis or in linguistic-national identities, were relegated to regional or local ``Little Traditions.'' Devatas like Murugan or Vithoba were proclaimed as forms of Vishnu or Shiva; Adivasi religions today are similarly appropriated. The choice placed before the masses was and is ``Sanskritisation'' versus ``westernisation;'' no force has existed projecting a ``Dalit'' or ``Bahujan'' or ``Dravidian'' all-India identity.
The non-Brahman movements all sought, in their own way, to challenge the claim that Brahmanism provided a national culture. Phule, for example, fiercely criticising the elite claims to form an ``Indian National Congress'', wrote, ``According to the mischievous selfish religion of the Aryas, the cunning Aryabhat Brahmans take the ignorant shudras and Mahars as low; the ignorant Shudras take the ignorant Mahars as low and the ignorant Mahars take the ignorant Mangs as low. Since they all stopped inter-marriage and eating together, various customs of thinking and behaving, eating and drinking, rituals exist and they don't mix with each other. How can the empty unity of such an agglomeration lead to a `Nation' as an integrated people?''
The basic issue posed by Phule was that a nation could not even come into being without overcoming the major force separating and handicapping its citizens, caste; what was held up by the Brahmanised elite as the core of the national culture, in fact, destroyed national unity. Phule also realised that an alternative Indian culture had to be created as a mass culture. His efforts included projecting an alternative universalistic religion, creating alternative progressive marriage rituals and eulogising an original, equalitarian peasant community of ``non-Aryans,'' symbolised by the `rakshasa' king Bali. Yet his voice remained a regional one, limited to Marathi, its influence hardly spreading beyond Pune district in his own time, while the Indian National Congress of the Brahmanic elite established its organisation throughout India. ``Non-Aryan'' as an identity was too negative and vague to capture the imagination of the people, even in Maharashtra. Phule failed. The non-Brahman movement could not move beyond gaining a share of power for some of the non-Brahman elite.
Ambedkar, in turn, wrote in English and sought to build an all- India movement, focussing its fight on what he called in 1938 ``Brahmanism and capitalism.'' He tried to establish an alliance with non-Brahmans in Maharashtra; outside, he tried to unite with leaders such as Periyar and Swami Sahajanand of Bihar for a progressive, broad non-Congress alliance. His choice of Buddhism was linked to an analysis of millennial-old historical conflicts described in terms of ``revolution and counter-revolution in ancient India. ``Buddhism was seen as a choice not only for the Mahars but for the cultural regeneration of all of India, as indicated in changing the new name of his weekly Prabudda Bharat. His Republican Party, in turn, was projected as a party of all oppressed masses. Neither could transcend the social limits of the Mahar community of Maharashtra and a section of north Indian Chamars. Ambedkar also failed.
And the Dravidan movement? Periyar brilliantly made ``self- respect'' a mass movement, building up a powerful force involving activists drawn from all castes and from both men and women. And, in projecting a ``Dravidian'' identity and rooting it in what was perceived of as the culture of the Tamil people, he succeeded in giving a powerful political thrust to this mass-based social alternative.
Yet the Dravidian movement also failed in establishing itself as an alternative to the ``Vedic Aryan-Brahmanic'' force it despised. Not only did it lose its radical social thrust, which would have included the liberation of women and full human rights to the Dalits; it remained confined to Tamil Nadu. In focussing on Tamil national identity, the concept of a ``Dravidian'' civilisational identity was lost. Even the people of the other southern States were not ready to accept their identity as Dravidians, let alone the vast majority of people in Maharasthra, Orissa, Gujarat or elsewhere. In spite of the fact that the Dravidian (or ``Tamil'')-speaking Indus civilisation was based in northwest India, in spite of evidence everywhere of the ``non- Aryan'' (usually Dravidian, sometimes Austro-Asiatic or other) origin of popular religious cults and cultural practices throughout India and in spite of the fact that languages like Marathi are said by linguists to have a `Dravidian substratum,'' the majority of Indians will think of themselves as having primarily a Vedic-the Aryan heritage.
The consequences for the popular Indian culture are stark. African-Americans had a ``black is beautiful'' movement; but television and the cinema throughout India testify to the fact that for Indians still ``light is right.'' Dark-skinned girls feel they are not beautiful, and every religious serial on Doordarshan continues to show the ``gods'' as light-skinned and ``rakshasas'' as dark, without protest. It is not surprising that a large section of the Indian masses fail to recognise Mrs. Sonia Gandhi as ``foreign''; she looks like what they have been taught as the ideal of beauty.
At least part of the fault for this dismal situation should lie with the acceptance of racist themes even by the opponents of the ``Aryan'' racism. In turning the Aryan theory of race upside down and taking non-Aryans as superior, Phule did not confront its racial limitations. When Periyar attacked ``Aryan Brahmans'' as the enemy, it was as if all Brahmans were pure descendents of Aryans, as if no non-Brahman had any Aryan blood, leave aside the question of accepting the ``Aryan'' caste culture. He identified these with the north, expressing the conflict as one of ``north'' versus ``south.''
Ambedkar was much more farsighted on these issues, rejecting the ``Aryan-non-Aryan theory'' as a historical explanation and asserting that caste was vastly different from race. He carefully characterised the enemy not as ``Brahmans'' but as ``Brahmanism,'' which he harshly attacked but defined not in terms of a specific group and simply as ``the negation of the values of liberty, equality and fraternity.'' But Ambedkar is not heeded by many of his followers on this issue today. By falling victim to racist/chauvinist attitudes towards ``north Indians'' as a group and ``Brahmans'' as a whole, the Dravidian movement in Tamil Nadu condemned itself to remaining a sectoral force, powerful in its homeland but warped even there and severely handicapped in contributing to an all-India liberatory movement.
http://www.ambedkar.org/gail/Dravidianmovement.htm
Jharkhand Movement and the Left
(Below is the paper presented by Manoj Bhakt at the seminar on Marxism and Jharkhand Question held by Indian Institute of Marxist Studies at Ranchi on April 25. A report on the seminar was carried in our June issue.)
I. Attempts at carving out a separate Jharkhand state on the Indian map had started during the British regime itself. These still continue fifty years after independence. Jharkhand movement is no exceptional case for a separate state. In many other parts of the country, movements for separate states (within Indian Union) by various nationalities and regional forces have been going on for a long time. Even after the dissolution of the first State Reorganisation Commission not only did the formation of separate states continue, the proposals rejected by the Commission acquired depth and became more broadbased in the form of mass movements. Along with these movements the question of development of states has also come up. Jharkhand movement is one of them and the question of the attitude of the Left towards this movement is integrally linked with the outlook of the Left on the question of development of the Indian state.
The debate concerning the nationality is quite old among the Left but in the Indian context this has not taken a concrete form. Here the nationality question has been limited to some rhetorics and formalisms by the Left and this has pushed the Left out of the arena of struggle. One cannot deny the complexity involved in this question. It would be foolish to adopt only one criteria for looking at all nationalities in India because various nationalities are at different stages of their socio-economic development. But within the Indian political system the movements striving for autonomy are not only oppressed but they are also isolated from the rest of the country by creating suspicion and declaring them anti-national. The ruling class uses this instrument against all autonomy movements. A big section of the Left, instead of opposing it, gets entangled in this. The Left needs to take a look at its policies on the interrelation between national unity and autonomy for nationalities.
In its form and content the movement for a separate Jharkhand state is a struggle for autonomy of a backward nationality and it is trying to find a solution within the totality of the Indian state. The colonialism of the British period and the rulers of independent India in the age of neo-colonialism have given rise to old and new social tensions in Jharkhand. These tensions had dealt a blow to the stagnation of colonialism of the earlier period. Subsequently, the activism of the new class and sub-class social groupings is taking an effective role in the public arena. These are the new facets to the Jharkhand movement. The Left cannot confine them merely to the cultural context because these are coming up in the form of day-to-day political questions. The gravity of this question is increasing more due to the growing influence of reactionary forces. The truth is that the creative utilisation of these social tensions has not found a proper place in the agenda of the Left. Lamenting over opportunism of the parties calling themselves Jharkhandi or shedding tears over this will not solve the problem. The Left is facing lots of problems in powerfully mobilising Jharkhandi forces against this opportunism and then taking this mobilisation to the leading role. There is a need to make a threadbare analysis of this situation and remove the weaknesses.
After independence the period of industrialisation in Jharkhand began. To tackle the growing discontent in Jharkhand many developmental projects were started. Industrialisation and these development projects only added to the distorted and lopsided development of this region - these brought in new problems in a flood-like manner. In all, the result was that Jharkhand region was being pushed towards incurable backwardness. Jobs and resettlement were not made available but almost all of ancestral land slipped out of the fold of Jharkhandis. Forests were uprooted, traditional forms of production were destroyed, and in return, Jharkhandis were pushed into the army of unorganised labourers. The change in composition of the population due to urbanisation soon alienated Jharkhandis from their own land. The worst victim of these changes was the Jharkhandi tribal life. The tribal identity of the adivasis - which is an important feature of Jharkhand - was attempted to be smothered under the facade of development and industrialisation. Surely, the ruling class was able to bring a small section of adivasis into its fold in this whole process. But the rest were left to suffer under this situation over which they had no control and which was forcibly thrust upon them from outside. The fallout of developmental projects and industrialisation also took the shape of sharp tendencies for regionalism. This provided strength to the unity of the tribal community and rationale to the cries of seperation from Bihar. The question of unlimited plunder of resources from Jharkhand and spending virtually nothing in return gave birth to movemental forms like economic blockade. Independent mass movements on issues like resettlement, forest protection and environment came up. The issue of tribal self-rule is also giving rise to mass mobilisation. All these types of struggling tendencies have an integral connection with Jharkhand movement. The Left's attitude towards them is not yet clear even though they are very much the products of independent India.
There can be many facets to the topic 'Jharkhand Movement and the Left'. But I will restrict my views to the above-mentioned context only. It could be that some aspects will be influenced by the limits of the topic. Secondly, there are many streams of left in India and I will mainly present my views on the basic assumptions and practices of CPI, CPI(M) and CPI(ML). Surely, the specific practice of Comrade AK Roy will also be discussed which is an important experience of the Left here.
II. The awakening against British imperialism provided the foundation for Indian nationalism. Now after independence when the British guns are not aimed at us, it is obvious that the nation had to be reorganised on the basis of democracy. Specially, the aspirations of the backward nationalities, minority nationalities and backward regional forces were to be respected in the formation of states. But with the transfer of power into the hands of comprador bourgeoisie and big landlords they gave protection to the fundamental neo-colonial feudal relations inside the country. That is, there was a change from colonialism to semi-colonialism. To some extent the feudal special privileges still form the basis for the relations between the forward and backward nationalities and the redistribution of power between various nationalities. These special privileges are also operative in the relations between states and centre, in the relations between developed and backward regions within states etc. The communist principle is to abolish all these old kind of special privileges whether they are direct or indirect, even if the benefit of these special privileges is availed by the elites of backward nationalities along with the ruling class of the forward nationalities.
Regarding the emergence of Indian state contradictory ideas are present among a large section of communists even today. In the first place, the undivided communist party denied in toto the importance of independence and later making amends to this gave it a status of victory of national democratic movement. CPI(M) presents things in a slightly different way. According to CPI(M), democratic revolution is yet to take place but feudal-colonial relation is not the central target of this revolution. As a result democratic revolution is unable to break the limits of the rhetorics of the economic and cultural questions. This means there is only a quantitaive difference between CPI and CPI(M) over the point that national unification is complete. In their eyes the problem of nationalities has almost been solved. And if at all it is strong anywhere it is because of the subversive forces acting from behind. Refusing to look for the roots of this problem in the Indian political arena, CPI and CPI(M) adopt the ruling classes' position of 'the external intervention'. In this way their nationalism is not much different from that of the ruling classes. These parties were never firm on the question of the right of nationalities to self-determination. And now they have deleted the word 'self-determination' from some of their recent documents.
Even though CPI(ML) is divided into many parts, we can consider two representative streams within it. The PWG overlooks the quantitative change in capitalism over the periods before and after independence. At the same time it belittles the importance of the Indian identity that was obtained with the struggle for independence. As a result, instead of viewing the nationality movement as part of the democratic movement it sees it as an important instrument to destroy state machinery and views the project of national unification as the union of independent and autonomous nationalities. This treats the movement of the Indian people against British imperialism as having gone waste. In this way, where CPI(M) raises the slogan of national chauvinism, PWG gets trapped in the advocacy of narrow nationalism.
The other view is that of CPI(ML) Liberation. It takes into account the development of Indian identity against British imperialism and also observes that the birth of multinational, multilingual state took place not only with semi-colonial distortions, but also the Indian unity and nationalism obtained during independence is under the burden of heavy bureaucratism and an overcentralised power. Because the imperialism stood as a real enemy before the people even after independence, the ruling class exploits the distorted nationalism. For Maley the movement of nationalities is an essential part of political agenda for the development of a true and composite nationalism. Autonomy for backward nationalities and national minorities are the preconditions for a federal and democratic India.
The violation of the right of backward nationalities in semi-colonial and semi-feudal Indian society means protecting the special privileges of the advanced nationalities. This rather provides labour for a pittance for imperialist economy and creates unlimited profits for it. Hence, communists are the staunch defenders of the autonomy for the backward nationalities so that the old type of special privileges can be done away with. At the same time real national unity can be strengthened from below. It is important to struggle against the discrimination of the nationalities to remove the distortions imposed by British imperialism or neo-imperialism. In this way we can say that the question of nationalism is not the residual question of 1947. On the one hand, the enthusiasm associated with the abolition of the jagirs, and on the other hand, partition on the basis of religious nationalism had for some time frozen this question and then later the formation of linguistic states had rendered it dormant. But fifty years later this question has acquired a new place and attained new importance.
III. On the nationalities question in Indian context the debates within the Left have not developed much. The main reason is that CPI and CPI(M), while mentioning the multinational character hesitate to pose this question as a fundamental problem of Indian politics. At the same time they were content with the initiatives taken by the Congress party and considered the Sixth Schedule as the maximum limit for autonomy. This looks more surprising in a situation when CPI(M) has been taking up seriously the demand for reorganisation of centre-state relations which is a justified demand. Let us look at CPI(M)'s outlook on the question of nationalities with the help of one of its documents: "During this period the movement for separate state/identity continued. Chiefly among them were the demands for Bodo adivasis in Assam and Jharkhand area in Bihar. The Fourteenth Congress had said that in these two regions the regional autonomous councils be established with adequate powers and if necessary the constitution could be amended for this." Similar recommendations have been given on other similar issues in this document.
Let us take an excerpt from CPI's document: "For our multilingual and multinational country the ethnic problem is a decisive problem. In spite of linguistic reorganisation even now many problems exist. Small tribes and adivasis are coming to new awareness. And they are struggling for the establishment of their languages, culture, political rights and identity.... The struggle of the adivasis for their identity and homeland has taken up a new dimension. Jharkhand, Bodoland and North Cachar Hills are involved in this. The movements have become mass movements. The centre has to begin talks to find a solution. There are going to be many such movements in many other states having a good percentage of tribal population." (Draft of the CPI's statement relating to its programme; 1-6 Jan. 1997). CPI mentions no reason for its sudden change in attitude because before this CPI had opposed movements for a separate state.
CPI(ML) Liberation views the question of nationality like this: "India is a land of various nationalities, ethnic and linguistic groups. Increasing economic and cultural homogeneity, anti-colonial freedom struggle and the decades old unity forged from anti-imperialist and democratic struggles have provided a unified Indian identity to our multi-national character. But the process of gradual development of this Indian identity has been a victim of big comprador and national chauvinistic distortions, economic and cultural discriminations and regional disparities on a large scale. Due to this various separatist tendencies have got a boost....We are for the construction of national unity from below where various nationality groups, national minorities will have a guarantee to the broadest possible autonomy. The unification of India on a democratic basis is an important part of democratic revolution".
Nationalities in India can be divided into three main categories. In the first category are developed nationalities like Tamils and Punjabis, in the second category are backward nationalities like Jharkhandis and in the third category are extremely backward nationalities like Nagas and Mizos. The attitude of the communists to different movements of the nationalities will be different. Where the ruling classes of developed nationalities want to strengthen their position in the Indian political structure through the movements of concerned nationalities, the people of the extremely backward nationalities express their resistance against the political constructions imposed on them through their nationality movements. There are two simultaneous trends in the movement of backward nationality like Jharkhand. One is that of the emerging neo-rich sections of the concerned nationality who try to remove the outside rulers and take over their place and the other is that of the exploited people who along with their struggle against the outside rulers conduct struggle against the local neo-rich sections. In the movements of developed nationalities the communists can go to the maximum extent of extending negative support. The task of the communists in the movement of the backward nationality is to prepare the leadership of peasants and workers against the rich classes of the concerned nationality and to compete for the position of leadership in this movement and bring about a polarisation on the basis of classes. Communists are not only the staunch supporters of the movements of extremely backward nationalities but they also develop an appropriate structure for a progressive leadership. Let us look at the practice of these three streams of the Left in this light.
The CPI(M) wants to solve the problem of nationality through tribal autonomous councils even though in this very document it discusses the failure of Bodoland Council and says that adequate powers have not been given to it. The difficulty is that most of these movements have passed through the stage of autonomous councils. Even the movement of Gorkhaland, after having a taste of autonomous council, is coming up again while the government which is to devolve the powers to them is led by CPI(M). So what can we conclude from this: it is most likely that the CPI(M) would include this in "disruptionist activities". There is one more possibility that CPI(M) opposes the movements of nationalities or regional forces so long as they are associated with real mass aspirations. But when the different strata of the movement get degenerated at the hands of the ruling class of the concerned nationality and lose their mass character, CPI(M) promptly establishes friendship with these degenerated leaderships. Perhaps, the change in CPI(M)'s relations with AGP and DMK suggests the same story.
In the past, CPI's attitude towards the nationality movement has not been different from this. The above-mentioned quotation from a CPI document doesn't present a self-criticism of its practice in the past. Even then the change that has taken place is positive and welcome. But if there is no holistic view about this then usually the change proves to be an opportunist exercise. Second thing is that the emphasis of CPI has been more for talks with the central government rather than on mass movements. It is doubtful whether this approach will inspire CPI to prepare for a real mass movement.
Maley (CPI(ML) Liberation) has adopted a critical view of the movements of advanced nationalities. For example, it adopted a negative position on the issue of Khalistan. At the same time not only did Maley support the movements in Uttarakhand and Jharkhand but it also actively intervened in them. Along with emerging as the strong supporter of the movements of extremely backward national minorities like Karbis and Misings, it has also built up organisations like ASDC, TPF etc., to provide these movements a leftward orientation. Practices like these enrich the experiences of the Left in the Indian context.
Lenin says that the overthrowing of the entire feudal crimes, entire oppression of nationalities and the special privileges of any one nationality or one language is the essential duty of the proletariat as a democratic force and this is certainly in the interest of the proletarian class struggle which is made hazy and hindered by the conflicts among the nationalities. (From Critical Comments on the Nationality Question). According to Lenin, the question of right to self-determination of the nationalities more than being a question of nationalism is a question of democracy and in this the communist principle is minimum nationalism and maximum democracy. This is the reason why the communists even while struggling against narrow nationalism on the question of nationality, in the relative sense are the staunchest supporters of maximum autonomy and their only aim is to direct the class struggle within the concerned nationality in favour of the people.
IV. The modern composition of Jharkhand was developed in reaction against British colonialism despite the fact that conducive integrated economic structure based on geographic features, backward agriculture and forests, and integral cultural heritage, unique inter-tribal relations etc., were present for this. Tensions were sparked off in the society due to new polarisations caused by the growing pressures on land by the state at the time of colonial subjugation and the consequent transfer of the land constantly into the hands of usurers and ????, as well as due to other external pressures. As a result, revolts in this region took the form of tradition and culture developed under resistance. In the initial period these revolts were of religious and retrograde form which is a special feature of peasant revolts. But progressively the development of these struggles took place in the form of looking for a new system against the raj, zamindari and usury. The Munda resistance from 1789 to 1820, the Kol revolt of 1830-31, the Bhumij revolt of 1834, the Santhal revolt of 1855-56, the Sepoy Mutiny of 1856-57, the upsurge under the leadership of Birsa Munda during 1895-1901 etc., kept the entire region agitated with a series of revolts spanning over more than a century. If the people faced the repression together, they also enjoyed the fruits of victory together. The laws that were made under compulsion were the achievements of these struggles. The Chotanagpur-Santhal Parganas Tenants Act (1872, 1886, 1903, 1908) that put a check on land sales in Chotanagpur and Santhal Parganas etc., were enacted under the pressure of these struggles. The spontaneous struggles in Jharkhand have laid the foundation for a tradition of resistance. At the same time it also did the initial work of giving an identity to Jharkhand. There is no doubt that the hero of the above-mentioned struggles was the adivasi and he had the complete support of non-adivasi small peasant too. During this time, the growing activity of the missionaries and the efforts of the British government to coopt small groups of adivasis gave birth to a section of educated, Westward-looking adivasis. And in this process Chotanagpur Unnati Samaj, then Adivasi Mahasabha, and finally Jharkhand Party came into existence. Even before independence the demand for a separate state was proposed to the Simon Commission and the Cripps Commission. The new leadership had no movemental programme and it lacked the energy for waging struggles. Its only asset was its allegiance to the ruling class and its party. At the centre of this leadership was the famous and brilliant Jaipal Singh Munda. In spite of a spectacular electoral victory of the Jharkhand Party, its entire leadership went over to Congress later. One reason could be that the State Reorganisation Commission (1955) had rejected the demand for a separate Jharkhand state. In spite of all weaknesses these happenings had two important contributions - first, this struggle for a separate Jharkhand state took a long-term character, and secondly, it pointed to the lack of unity between adivasis and non-adivasis as the weakness of the movement.
Four years after the demise of Jharkhand Party a momentary upsurge came in Jharkhand with Birsa Seva Dal. This was also a movement of educated adivasi youth but its character was just the opposite of Jharkhand Party. Organising peasants near towns and in farflung villages and bringing them in direct action against the oppressors was the main activity of Birsa Seva Dal. In spite of some remarkable initiatives this collapsed in the face of repression. This was the first movement in the history of Jharkhand which was influenced by the Left and its source of inspiration was Naxalbari. It is said that some leaders of the Birsa Seva Dal had relations with CPI(ML).
Then began the second phase of Jharkhand movement. This was the struggle for land seizure and against usury in North Chotanagpur and Santhal Parganas which in the beginning was an explosion of the adivasi peasant movement and later spread to wider areas in the countryside. Adivasi groups armed with bows and arrows along with non-adivasi small peasants would come and capture the land of usurers, harvest the fields and walk away with the crops. This struggle of ???? was actually a struggle between land grabbers and peasants. During this time with the efforts of Comrade AK Roy, this struggle was extended to the unorganised labourers in the coalbelt who were fed up with the Bihari mafias. The late Vinod Bihari Mahato was a militant leader of the Kurmis and he used to work through the Shivaji Samaj. Shibu Soren was leading the struggle against the usurers. With the merger of these three streams Jharkhand Mukti Morcha was constituted in 1973. The speciality of this movement was the struggle of the poor peasants in the countryside, the anti-mafia struggle of unorganised labourers in the urban localities and the living unity of adivasis and the non-adivasis. With the opposition to the mafia, the anti-Bihar tendency became prominent in the urban areas. The police and the administration used to look down upon the life style of the locals and this was also responsible for the anti-Bihari tendency. This phase of Jharkhand movement created a force of enlightened activists of the Jharkhand movement in all villages and localities.
It was in this phase of Jharkhand movement that Comrade AK Roy's formulation of 'Jharkhand and Lalkhand' came to the fore. Compared to all other phases in the past this phase was extremely broad-based, deep and all-pervasive. But with the waning of the first upsurge all the three streams again divided and Shibu Soren's opportunism came to the fore in the form of his agreement with Indira Gandhi. In spite of this, this struggling phase in the period of establishment of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) took the Jharkhand movement to new heights and gave it a qualitative leap. The agreement with Congress not only made the leadership dubious but there was a degeneration in its pro-people direction. And the intrusion of anti-Jharkhand forces into JMM also took place.
The next upsurge in Jharkhand began in the eighties. This time the leadership was in the hands of the educated Jharkhandi youth and identity was the main issue. In this period the influence of the emerging petty-bourgeois elements on the movement was clear. Militant bandhs for two-three days and militant participation of the urban youth were a speciality of this movement. But All Jharkhand Students Union (AJSU) which was the convener of this movement soon got degenerated with a greed for power. During this time some well-known Jharkhandi intellectuals, some ML groups, Jharkhand Party and AJSU made efforts and formed the Jharkhand Coordination Committee (JCC). This also took up programmes like demonstrations and bandhs. But none of the constituents could emerge as a consensus centre. Even though it had some theoretical formulations it could not give birth to a movement that could generate theorisation.
From time to time there were talks with the centre and the state governments but these talks could not express the strength of the movement. The report of the expert committee on Jharkhand also ended up with a recommendation of a vaguely defined council. These talks were reduced down to a form of bargaining between the parties in power and the degenerated leadership. After each round of talks this leadership would return from Patna and Delhi, more inactive to take movemental initiatives and be more suspect in the eyes of the public. What a contradictory thing this is that such a broad-based movement could not exert appropriate influence over these talks. Once again, in the '90s, began the phase of joint activities with economic blockades and general strikes. These were militant and effective. This time JMM was with JD which was in power. As a result of this movement and various rounds of talks with state and central governments the present undemocratic and powerless JAAC was established which appears less as a product of a movement and more as a product of unholy bargains.
The criminalisaton of politics based on the development of mafiadom in Jharkhand area is a reflection of the lumpenisation of economy. Generally with the ongoing process of economic liberalisation and specifically with the intrusion of MNCs this lumpenisation of economy has gone from bad to worse. The result has been the consolidation of lumpen capital. On the one hand, this capital has developed such a network that it can absorb a section of Jharkhandi population, especially a section of the unemployed. On the other hand, this has been successful in establishing a unity of the neo-rich in rural Jharkhand and the kulaks.
While this special phenomenon has on the one hand weakened the economic concept of 'locals vs. outsiders', on the other hand, it has strengthened the economic base of Jharkhandi type of regional parties (From the report of Jharkhand Regional Committee, CPI(ML)).
In this brief history of the Jharkhand movement the traditional Left could not take sides. The CPI and CPI(M) leaders say that "Jharkhand is no solution, class struggle is the solution". It is correct but the problem is that without solving the Jharkhand problem class struggle cannot be freed in this region. The second argument of CPI-CPI(M) leaders is that the leadership of the Jharkhand movement is in the hands of powerful sections of Jharkhand. There is truth in this too but this section also raises the slogan of freeing itself from the oppression of Bihari ruling class. Does your silence not become a support to the Bihari ruling class in which bureaucrats, corrupt politicians and small and big mafia are present? Does this not mean that the fate of the people would be left in the hands of Jharkhandi exploiters? Does this not mean giving a consent to the special privileges of the Bihari nationality? Whatever be its meaning, the result was that the Left got removed from the social-political centre of Jharkhand and got reduced to some practices in the area of trade union and this provided arguments to the anti-Left forces within Jharkhand. Not only this, the Left could have established a bridge between the Jharkhandi peasants-workers and Bihari peasants-workers. The Left could have enlightened the toiling masses of Bihar with this consciousness that without Jharkhand the process of democratisation of Bihar and the defeat of feudalism is not possible. But the Left could not take up this role. CPI, by taking the decision to participate in the Jharkhand movement has taken a welcome step but without its self-criticism this decision of their's could degenerate into opportunism.
From the very beginning Maley has supported the Jharkhand movement. This support gradually developed from active support to the policy of direct intervention. Maley's mass political organisation IPF started actively participating in the eighties. Its MLA vigorously raised the issue of Jharkhand in the assembly from time to time. As a constituent of the JCC, IPF took active part in its joint programmes. Later through the Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Samiti, Maley actively intervened in the Jharkhand movement. We shall discuss about this later. Finally, under the banner of Maley, programmes like Jharkhand bandh were successfully undertaken. At the same time, Maley also popularised the slogan "No Jharkhand, no democratic Bihar" among the toiling sections in Bihar. Even though Maley went into joint activities with the supporters of Jharkhand as well as with Jharkhandi parties both inside and outside the assembly, it also spoke against the vacillating attitude of these parties towards Congress and BJP and highlighted this as the main source of opportunism. Maley has always given a call for strengthening the leadership of workers-peasants in the Jharkhand movement on a class basis and stressed on the polarisation of anti-Congress forces in the Jharkhand movement. Due to Maley's tactics not only has it been accepted by the Jharkhandis but it has a special place in the movement for a separate Jharkhand state.
V. The different experiences of the Jharkhand movement has also given birth to many debates. Let us take a look.
1. 26 Districts Vs. 18 Districts: With the formation of JAAC the debate related to the political, geographical boundaries of Jharkhand has come to a halt for the time being. At present 18 districts of south Bihar are popularly known as Jharkhand districts. It is claimed that Jharkhand comprises of 26 districts including the adjoining areas in West Bengal, Orissa and Madhya Pradesh. Socially and culturally these districts are similar to Jharkhand and in these regions Jharkhandi sentiments are also present to some extent. Hence the proposal for a Jharkhand of 26 districts is not baseless. But the intensity of the movement is not the same in all the states and coordinating it outside Bihar is impractical and difficult. It is clear that the movement for greater Jharkhand can get its strength from the alienation of Jharkhand from Bihar and the process of state reorganisation once again. For the time being the actual force of the movement lies in the Bihar part of Jharkhand.
2. Internal Colonialism: This formulation in the context of Jharkhand was by Comrade AK Roy. According to this, backward nationalities are colonies of developed nationalities. This formulation of Comrade AK Roy was readily accepted by petty bourgeois intellectuals. The theory of internal colonialism changes the entire context of the Jharkhand movement. Instead of the Indian ruling classes or the oppressors of the developed nationalities, Bihari nationality becomes the target. Due to this, open or secret channels of bargaining are opened up with the ruling classes. At the same time this formulation is also favourable to the growing ruling class within Jharkhand. This formulation dilutes the class consciousness of Jharkhandi people and harms the unity of the toiling people of various nationalities.
3. Adivasi Autonomy: Industrialisation, urbanisation and the various legal webs have ended the control of adivasis over the material resources of adivasi life. At the same time the changes that came about after independence have dealt a blow to their social status. And as a result the traditions of adivasi community, their social institutions and culture have become insecure and their natural development has also been impeded. Today RSS on the one hand and the Christian missionaries on the other have started communalising the adivasi tradition. In reaction to this within the adivasi community itself retrograde conservatism is taking birth. At the same time the stagnant traditional institutions are being badly exploited by the oppressors and due to this stagnation the adivasi community has become the cheapest source of labour for imperialistic capitalism. Private capital like Tatas and state capital like HEC have converted the adivasis into insecure, contract labourers.
To break through this stagnation, it is needed today that the adivasis be provided with political autonomy so that they themselves can develop the administrative, social and cultural institutions. The need for adivasi autonomy will still be there in a separate Jharkhand state. Almost all the Left streams subscribe to this.
VI.There have been some special experiments by the Left in the Jharkhand movement and this has enriched the experiences of the Left. These have been the experiment of Comrade AK Roy, the formation of Jharkhand Kranti Dal by CPI(ML) PCC and the experiment of JHAMKIS by CPI(ML) Liberation.
Comrade AK Roy has taken the Jharkhand movement as a part of the communist movement. He brought the theory of internal colonialism to the fore. He presented Jharkhand as the biggest internal colony within India. He called the adivasis communists by birth and the communitarianism of the adivasis as favourable to socialism. This is how his practice began. According to Comrade Roy, the liberation of Jharkhand would not only convert it into Lalkhand but will also inspire the communist movement all over India. In his scheme of things the next in line after Lenin and Birsa was Sibhu Soren. In this theorisation, communists had only to let themselves be simply swept away in the flow of JMM. Comrade Roy in his practice neglected some of the important historical experiences of the communist movement. First is that the communists can consciously provide direction to a spontaneous movement and convert them into a communist movement. Or else these movements will in absolute terms become the victims of petty-bourgeois deviations. Second thing is that claiming adivasis to be communists by birth and comparing the consciousness of their communitarianism with socialist consciousness is not only based on a wrong understanding of communism or socialism but it also produces misunderstanding about their important role in the Jharkhand movement. Regarding the participation of communists in the flow of JMM, Comrade Roy himself had to take to the shores. From time to time Vinod Bihari Mahato also separated from JMM and Shibu Soren - on whom the responsibility of being the next link after Lenin and Birsa was bestowed - and went into the lap of Congress. In spite of the failures of Comrade AK Roy's practice, there appears the spark of a meeting point between the communist movement and the Jharkhand movement and it cannot be denied that this practice brought the movement as a broadbased front of workers and peasants, specially adivasis to the fore. Due to its weak ideological basis and the weak understanding of the class composition in Jharkhand, Comrade Roy's practice degenerated from a communist leadership to the development of the opportunist and petty bourgeois leadership of Jharkhand.
CPI(ML) PCC intervened in the Jharkhand movement under the banner of Jharkhand Kranti Dal. It developed a few pockets in Singhbhum and Gumla but this organisation had a non-political approach and was involved in grassrootist practice. As a result it got alienated from the politics of Jharkhand. It also participated in the JCC. Slowly this organisation declined and PCC withdrew from furthering this practice.
CPI(ML) Liberation intervened in the movement for a separate Jharkhand state under the banner of Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Samiti (JHAMKIS) in the beginning of 1990s. Its main slogan was Separate Jharkhand state, Fight for forest, land and employment! It displayed a militancy in its demonstrations and programmes, it tired to combine the economic struggles at the grassroots with the movement for a separate state. At the same time it also started developing relations with the movements based on the issues like displacement. But the tendency that differentiated it from other Jharkhandi organisations was its aggressive stance against Congress and BJP. After a long debate in the process of joint activities, it decided to come out of the JCC on the question of Congress. JMM was bringing in the Congress through all the doors into JCC and the stance of AJSU and JPP was also vacillatory. JHAMKIS was an organisation with a semi-political character and with the entry of Maley into the Jharkhand movement directly its role became that of mass organisation of workers and peasants.
From time to time the Left experiments provided strength to the Jharkhand movement on the one hand and on the other hand it also gave a direction to the class polarisation within Jharkhand. It is true that till now the work of understanding and formulating the experiences of these experiments in the correct context is still incomplete. But these experiments have proved that there lie hidden many favourable possibilities for the Left in the Jharkhand movement.
JAAC has made a mockery of the aspirations of Jharkhandis. Today Jharkhand movement is again facing a stagnation. The leadership of the traditional Jharkhandi parties are seen with suspicion by their own cadres and masses. They are declaring new programmes but these programmes are hardly producing any enthusiasm among the Jharkhandi people. The question now is probably not that of programmes. The question is of direction.
Only the Left, by polarising the Jharkhandi forces, can present the solution to this problem of direction at present. Jharkhand movement, in which along with the aspirations of nationalities class struggle is also present, awaits the arrival of new forces at this new juncture. BJP's Vananchal is a ploy to sabotage the possibility of class struggle here. It has been proved that the issue of Vananchal has gained ground due to the Jharkhandi opportunism. The unique peasant movement of which the struggle of the tribals is a part, and the anti-mafia struggle of the unorganised labourers within Jharkhand can be resolutely taken to their logical culmination only by the Left. The two real heroes of Jharkhand are these two forces and without bringing them to the centrestage, the struggle for a separate Jharkhand state cannot either be pro-people or be provided with a committed leadership. History is a witness to the fact that the coming together of Jharkhandi and Left forces has produced a stormy struggle for a separate state. But Left could not maintain its continuity. This has been its weakness. There could be many issues on which there are differences between Jharkhandi and Left forces. But we have to search for ways in which a principled cooperation could be developed between the two streams and all the efforts could be channelised towards breaking through this stagnation.
(Translated from Hindi by Siddartha)
http://www.cpiml.org/liberation/year_1997/july/article2.htm
Ethnic cleansing
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Ethnic cleansing is a term that has come to be used broadly to describe all forms of ethnically-motivated violence, ranging from murder, rape, and torture to the forcible removal of populations.[1] A 1993 United Nations Commission defined it more specifically as, "the planned deliberate removal from a specific territory, persons of a particular ethnic group, by force or intimidation, in order to render that area ethnically homogenous."[1] The term entered English and international media usage in the early 1990s to describe war events in the former Yugoslavia.
The term ethnic cleansing is not to be confused with genocide. These terms are not synonymous, yet the academic discourse considers both as existing in a spectrum of assaults on nations or religio-ethnic groups. Simply put, ethnic cleansing is similar to forced deportation or 'population transfer' whereas genocide is the "intentional murder of part or all of a particular ethnic, religious, or national group." [2] The idea in ethnic cleansing is "to get people to move, and the means used to this end range from the legal to the semi-legal."[3]Some academics consider genocide as a subset of "murderous ethnic cleansing." [4] Thus, these concepts are different, but related, "literally and figuratively, ethnic cleansing bleeds into genocide, as mass murder is committed in order to rid the land of a people."[5]
Synonyms include ethnic purification.[6]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Definitions
The official United Nations definition of ethnic cleansing is "rendering an area ethnically homogeneous by using force or intimidation to remove from a given area persons of another ethnic or religious group"[7]
The term ethnic cleansing has been defined as a spectrum, or continuum by some historians. In the words of Andrew Bell-Fialkoff:
- [E]thnic cleansing [...] defies easy definition. At one end it is virtually indistinguishable from forced emigration and population exchange while at the other it merges with deportation and genocide. At the most general level, however, ethnic cleansing can be understood as the expulsion of a population from a given territory.[8]
Terry Martin has defined ethnic cleansing as "the forcible removal of an ethnically defined population from a given territory" and as "occupying the central part of a continuum between genocide on one end and nonviolent pressured ethnic emigration on the other end."[9]
In reviewing the International Court of Justice (ICJ) Bosnian Genocide Case in the judgement of Jorgic v. Germany on 12 July 2007 the European Court of Human Rights quoted from the ICJ ruling on the Bosnian Genocide Case to draw a distinction between ethnic cleansing and genocide.
The term 'ethnic cleansing' has frequently been employed to refer to the events in Bosnia and Herzegovina which are the subject of this case ... General Assembly resolution 47/121 referred in its Preamble to 'the abhorrent policy of 'ethnic cleansing', which is a form of genocide', as being carried on in Bosnia and Herzegovina. ... It [i.e. ethnic cleansing] can only be a form of genocide within the meaning of the [Genocide] Convention, if it corresponds to or falls within one of the categories of acts prohibited by Article II of the Convention. Neither the intent, as a matter of policy, to render an area "ethnically homogeneous", nor the operations that may be carried out to implement such policy, can as such be designated as genocide: the intent that characterizes genocide is "to destroy, in whole or in part" a particular group, and deportation or displacement of the members of a group, even if effected by force, is not necessarily equivalent to destruction of that group, nor is such destruction an automatic consequence of the displacement. This is not to say that acts described as 'ethnic cleansing' may never constitute genocide, if they are such as to be characterized as, for example, 'deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part', contrary to Article II, paragraph (c), of the Convention, provided such action is carried out with the necessary specific intent (dolus specialis), that is to say with a view to the destruction of the group, as distinct from its removal from the region. As the ICTY has observed, while 'there are obvious similarities between a genocidal policy and the policy commonly known as 'ethnic cleansing' ' (Krstić, IT-98-33-T, Trial Chamber Judgment, 2 August 2001, para. 562), yet '[a] clear distinction must be drawn between physical destruction and mere dissolution of a group. The expulsion of a group or part of a group does not in itself suffice for genocide.
– ECHR quoting the ICJ[10]
[edit] Origins of the term
The term, ethnic cleansing, appears to have been popularised by the international media some time around 1992. It may have originated some time before the 1990s in the military doctrine of the former Yugoslav People's Army, which spoke of "cleansing the field" (čišćenje terena, [tʃîʃtɕeːɲe terěːna]) of enemies to take total control of a conquered area. The origins of this doctrine are unclear.
During the 1990s the term was used extensively by the media in the former Yugoslavia in relation to the Croatian War of Independence, since Serb paramilitary forces and JNA engaged in forcible removal of Croats and other non-Serbs from areas of Croatia occupied by rebel Serbs. Rebel Serbs and JNA have committed widespread and systematic acts of persecution (murder, violence, detention, intimidation) against non-Serb population creating a such coercive atmosphere, atmosphere of fear, that targeted population had no option but to flee or to be deported by force. These acts were carried out from at least August 1991. The displacement of non-Serb population which followed these attacks was not merely the consequence of military action, but in fact its primary objective.[11]
A Carnegie Endowment report on the Balkan Wars in 1914 points out that village-burning and ethnic cleansing have traditionally accompanied Balkan wars, regardless of ethnicities involved. In probably the earliest attestation of the term, Vuk Karadžić makes use of the word cleanse to describe what happened to the Turks in Belgrade when the city was captured by the Karadjordje's forces in 1806.[12] Konstantin Nenadović wrote in his biography of famous Serbian leader published in 1883 that after the fighting "the Serbs, in their bitterness (after 500 years of Turkish occupation), slit the throats of the Turks everywhere they found them, sparing neither the wounded, nor the woman, nor the Turkish children".[13]
Later attestation of the term cleansing can be found on 16 May 1941, during the Second World War, by one Viktor Gutić, a commander in the Croatian extremist faction, the Ustaše: Every Croat who today solicits for our enemies not only is not a good Croat, but also an opponent and disrupter of the prearranged, well-calculated plan for cleansing [čišćenje] our Croatia of unwanted elements [...].[14][unreliable source?] The Ustaše carried out large-scale ethnic cleansing and genocide of Serbs in Croatia during the Second World War and sometimes used the term "cleansing" to describe it.[15].
Some time later, on 30 June 1941, Stevan Moljević, a lawyer from Banja Luka who was an ideologue of the Chetniks, published a booklet with the title On Our State and Its Borders. Moljević assessed the circumstances in the following manner: "One must take the opportunity of the war conditions and at a suitable moment take hold of the territory marked on the map, cleanse [očistiti] it before anybody notices and with strong battalions occupy the key places (...) and the territory surrounding these cities, freed of non-Serb elements. The guilty must be promptly punished and the others deported - the Croats to (significantly amputated) Croatia, the Muslims to Turkey or perhaps Albania - while the vacated territory is settled with Serb refugees now located in Serbia.[16][unreliable source?]
The term "cleansing", more specifically the Russian term "cleansing of borders", ochistka granits (очистка границ), was used in Soviet Union documents of the early 1930s in reference to the resettlement of Poles from the 22-km border zone in Byelorussian SSR and Ukrainian SSR. The process was repeated on a larger and wider scale in 1939–1941, involving many other ethnicities with cross-border ties to foreign nation-states, see Involuntary settlements in the Soviet Union and Population transfer in the Soviet Union.[9]
A similar term with the same intent was used by the Nazi administration in Germany under Adolf Hitler. When an area under Nazi control had its entire Jewish population removed, whether by driving the population out, by deportation to Concentration Camps, and/or murder, the area was declared judenrein, (lit. "Jew Clean"): "cleansed of Jews".(cf. racial hygiene).
[edit] Ethnic cleansing as a military and political tactic
The purpose of ethnic cleansing is to remove the conditions for potential and actual opposition, whether political, guerrilla or military, by physically removing any potentially or actually hostile ethnic communities. Although it has sometimes been motivated by a doctrine that claim an ethnic group is literally "unclean" (as in the case of the Jews of medieval Europe), more usually it has been a rational (if brutal) way of ensuring that total control can be asserted over an area.
Ethnic cleansing was a common phenomenon in the Bosnian war. This typically entailed intimidation, forced expulsion and/or killing of the undesired ethnic group as well as the destruction or removal of the physical vestiges of the ethnic group, such as places of worship, cemeteries and cultural and historical buildings. According to numerous ICTY verdicts, Serb[17] and Croat[18] forces performed ethnic cleansing of their territories planned by their political leadership in order to create ethnically pure states (Republika Srpska and Herzeg-Bosnia). Furthermore, Serb forces committed genocide in Srebrenica at the end of the war.[19]
Based on the evidence of numerous Croat forces attacks against Bosnian Muslims (Bosniaks), the ICTY Trial Chamber concluded in the Kordić and Čerkez case that by April 1993 Croat leadership from Bosnia and Herzegovina had a common design or plan conceived and executed to ethnically cleanse Bosniaks from the Lašva Valley in Central Bosnia. Dario Kordić, as the local political leader, was found to be the planner and instigator of this plan.[20]
In 1993, during the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, armed Abkhaz separatist insurgency, confronted with large population of ethnic Georgians, implemented a campaign of ethnic cleansing against the ethnic Georgians (Georgians formed the single largest ethnic group in pre-war Abkhazia, with a 45.7% plurality as of 1989) of Abkhazia.[21] As the results, more than 250,000 ethnic Georgians were forced to flee and approximately 30,000 people were killed during separate incidents involving massacres and expulsion. (See Ethnic cleansing of Georgians in Abkhazia)[22][23] This was recognized as ethnic cleansing by OSCE conventions and was also mentioned in UN General Assembly Resolution GA/10708.[24]
As a tactic, ethnic cleansing has a number of significant impacts. It enables a force to eliminate civilian support for resistance by eliminating the civilians — recognizing Mao Zedong's dictum that guerrillas among a civilian population are fish in water, it removes the fish by draining the water. When enforced as part of a political settlement, as happened with the forced resettlement of ethnic Germans to the new Germany after 1945, it can contribute to long-term stability.[25] Some individuals of the large German population in Czechoslovakia and prewar Poland had encouraged Nazi jingoism before the Second World War, but this was forcibly resolved[26]. It thus establishes "facts on the ground" - radical demographic changes which can be very hard to reverse.
For the most part, ethnic cleansing is such a brutal tactic and so often accompanied by large-scale bloodshed that it is widely reviled. It is generally regarded as lying somewhere between population transfers and genocide on a scale of odiousness, and is treated by international law as a war crime.
[edit] Ethnic cleansing as a crime under international law
There is no formal legal definition of ethnic cleansing.[27] However, ethnic cleansing in the broad sense - the forcible deportation of a population - is defined as a crime against humanity under the statutes of both International Criminal Court (ICC) and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY).[28] The gross human-rights violations integral to stricter definitions of ethnic cleansing are treated as separate crimes falling under the definitions for genocide or crimes against humanity of the statutes.[29]
The UN Commission of Experts (established pursuant to Security Council Resolution 780) held that the practices associated with ethnic cleansing "constitute crimes against humanity and can be assimilated to specific war crimes. Furthermore ... such acts could also fall within the meaning of the Genocide Convention." The UN General Assembly condemned "ethnic cleansing" and racial hatred in a 1992 resolution.[30]
There are however situations, such as the expulsion of Germans after World War II, where ethnic cleansing has taken place without legal redress. Timothy V. Waters argues that if similar circumstances arise in the future, this precedent would allow the ethnic cleansing of other populations under international law.[31]
[edit] Silent ethnic cleansing
Silent ethnic cleansing is a term coined in the mid-1990s by some observers of the Yugoslav wars. Apparently concerned with Western media representations of atrocities committed in the conflict — which generally focused on those perpetrated by the Serbs — atrocities committed against Serbs were dubbed "silent", on the grounds that they were not receiving adequate coverage.[32]
Since that time, the term has been used by other ethnically oriented groups for situations that they perceive to be similar — examples include both sides in Ireland's recent conflict, and the expulsion of ethnic Germans from former German territories during and after World War II.
Some observers[who?], however, assert that the term should only be used to denote population changes that do not occur as the result of overt violent action, or at least not from more or less organized aggression - the absence of such stressors being the very factor that makes it "silent", although some form of coercion is still used.
[edit] Instances of ethnic cleansing
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This section lists incidents that have been termed "ethnic cleansing" by some academic or legal experts. Not all experts agree on every case; nor do all the claims necessarily follow definitions given in this article. Where claims of ethnic cleansing originate from non-experts (e.g., journalists or politicians) this is noted.
[edit] In early modern history
- After the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland and Act of Settlement in 1652, the whole post-war Cromwellian settlement of Ireland has been characterised by historians such as Mark Levene and Alan Axelrod as ethnic cleansing, in that it sought to remove Irish Catholics from the eastern part of the country, others such as the historical writer Tim Pat Coogan have describe the actions of Cromwell and his subordinates as genocide.[33]
- Michael Mann, basing his figures on those provided by Justin McCarthy, states that between 1821 and 1922, around 5.5 million Muslims were expelled from south-eastern Europe as Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia gained their independence from the Ottoman Empire. These countries sought to expand their territory against the remaining Muslim areas, which culminated in the Balkan wars of the early 20th century.[34]
[edit] 20th century
- The Bolshevik regime killed or deported an estimated 300,000 to 500,000 Don Cossacks during the Russian Civil War, in 1919-1920.[35][Need quotation on talk to verify]
- The German government's persecutions and expulsions of Jews in Germany, Austria and other Nazi-controlled areas prior to the initiation of mass genocide. Estimated number of those who died in the process is approximately 6 million Jews.[36][Need quotation on talk to verify]
- At least 330,000 Serbs, 30,000 Jews and 30,000 Roma were killed during the NDH (see Jasenovac) (today Croatia and Bosna and Herzegovina) [37][38] and the same number of Serbs were forced out of the NDH , in may 1941 - may 1945. Estimates of the total numbers of men, women and children killed there goes up to 700,000. [39]
- During WWII, in Kosovo & Metohija, some 10,000 Serbs lost their lives[40][41], and about 80[40] to 100,000[40][42] or more[41] were ethnically cleansed.[42]
- Deportation of Crimean Tatars, Kalmyks, Chechens, Ingush, Balkars, Karachays and Meskhetian Turks by Soviet Union to Central Asia and Siberia, 1943-1944.[43]
- The Population exchange between Greece and Turkey has been described as an ethnic cleansing.[44]
- During the four years of occupation 1941 - 1944, the Axis (German, Hungarian and Croatian) forces committed numerous war crimes against civilian population (Serbs, Roma and Jews): about 50,000 people in Vojvodina (north Serbia) (see Occupation of Vojvodina, 1941-1944) were murdered and about 280,000 were arrested, raped or tortured.[45] The total number of the killed people in Bačka was 19,573 (under Hungarian occupation), in Banat 7,513 (under German occupation) and in Syrmia 28,199 (under Croatian occupation). [46]
- The ethnic cleansing of Hungarians, or the massacres in Bačka by Titoist partisans during the winter of 1944-45, about 40.000 massacred.[47][Need quotation on talk to verify]
- The ethnic cleansing of Cham Albanians from Southern Epirus by Greeks which took place in 1944 and 1945, circa 18,000-35,000[48][Need quotation on talk to verify] fled to Albania, and from several hundred to 2,800 killed.
- During Axis occupation in Albania (1943-1944), Albanian collaborationist organization Balli Kombëtar with Nazi German support mounted a major offensive in southern Albania (Northern Epirus) with devastating results: over 200 Greek populated towns and villages were burned or destroyed, 2,000 ethnic Greeks were killed, 5,000 imprisoned and 2,000 taken hostages to concentration camps. Moreover, 30,000 people had to find refuge in nearby Greece during and after that period.[49][50][Need quotation on talk to verify]
- At the end of World War II many Germans were expelled from eastern Europe, it is described as ethic cleansing by Thomas Kamusella, which he links to the development of ethnic nationalism in central and eastern Europe. Piotr Pikle describes the expulsion of Germans at the end of World War II from Czechoslovakia as ethnic cleansing, and Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees describe the simultaneous expulsion of Germans from Poland as ethnic cleansing.[51]
- During the Partition of India 5 million Hindus and Sikhs fled from what became Pakistan into India and more than 6 million Muslims fled from what became India into Pakistan. The events which occurred during this time period have been described as ethnic cleansing. [52][53]
- The 1948 Palestinian exodus that accompanied the establishment of the State of Israel has been described as an "ethnic cleansing."[54][55][56] There is much disagreement as regards how many Palestinians were expelled and how many left of their own will.
- Between the 1948 Arab-Israeli War and the Six Day War in 1967, there was a Jewish exodus from Arab lands, in which 99 percent of Sephardic Jews (approximately 800,000 people) fled or were forced to leave Arab countries of North Africa and the Mediterranean. Many migrated to Israel; others to the United States and Europe. The Jews of Egypt and Libya were expelled while those of Iraq, Yemen, Syria, Lebanon and North Africa left as a result of a coordinated effort among Arab governments to create physical and political insecurity.[57] Most were forced to abandon their property. [58][59][60][61] Ashley Perry, editor of Middle East Strategic Information (MESI), and Avi Beker have described this as ethnic cleansing.[62] [63] A bipartisan resolution passed by the UN Congress in October 2003 characterized the Jewish exodus from Arab lands in similar terms, noting that they, "were forced to flee and in some cases brutally expelled amid coordinated violence and anti-Semitic incitement that amounted to ethnic cleansing."[62] Ran HaCohen, while conceding that Jews faced harassment in Arab countries following the 1948 war, whether from the people and/or regimes, finds this characterization to be, "shamefully cynical when it is imputed by the very Zionists who demanded 'let my people go', or by the same Israel that did all it could to force those very countries to let their Jews leave."[64]
- After the Republic of Indonesia achieved independence from the Netherlands in 1949, around 300.000 people, predominantly Indos or Dutch Indonesians (people of mixed Indonesian and European descent), fled or were expelled.[65]
- Kashmiris who have fled the Indian military action in Kashmir, have migrated to Pakistan, as well as to Great Britain, Canada and the USA.[66]
- In the aftermath of the 1949 Durban Riots (an inter-racial conflict between Zulus and Asians in South Africa), hundreds of Indians fled Cato Manor.[67]
- On 5 and 6 September 1955 the Istanbul Pogrom or "Septembrianá"/"Σεπτεμβριανά", secretly backed by the Turkish government, was launched against the Greek population of Constantinople. The mob also attacked some Jews and Armenians of the city. The event contributed greatly to the gradual extinction of the Greek minority in the city and country, which numbered 100,000 in 1924 after the Turko-Greek population exchange treaty. By 2007 there were only 5000 Greeks. The Turkish government further forced expulsion of the Greek minority in the Imbros and Tenedos islands in the period 1923-1993.[citation needed]
- Between 1957-1962 President Nasser of Egypt carried out an Anti-European policy, which resulted in the expulsion of 100-200,000 Greeks from Alexandria and the rest of Egypt. Many other Europeans were expelled, such as Italians and French.[citation needed]
- On 5 July 1960, five days after the Congo gained independence from Belgium, the Force Publique garrison near Léopoldville mutinied against its white officers and attacked numerous European targets. This caused the fear amongst the approximately 100,000 whites still resident in the Congo and led to their mass exodus from the country.[68]
- Ne Win's rise to power in 1962 and his relentless persecution of "resident aliens" (immigrant groups not recognised as citizens of the Union of Burma) led to an exodus of some 300,000 Burmese Indians. They migrated to escape racial discrimination and wholesale nationalisation of private enterprise a few years later in 1964.[69][70]
- The creation of the apartheid system in South Africa, which began in 1948 but reached full flower in the 1960s and 1970s, involved some ethnic cleansing, including the separation of blacks, Coloureds, and whites into separate residential areas and private spheres. The government created Bantustans, which involved forced removals of non-white populations to reserved lands.[71][72] The governing minority forced relocation of the majority to different areas, as well as restricting their movement, education and social activities.[citation needed]
- As Algeria fought for independence, it expelled the pied-noir population of European descent and Jews; most fled to France, where they had citizenship. In just a few months in 1962, 900,000 of these European descendants and native Jewish people left the country.[73][74]
- Some 150,000 Italians settled in Libya, constituting about 18% of the total population.[77] In 1970, the government expelled all of Libya's ethnic Italians, a year after Muammar al-Gaddafi seized power (a "day of vengeance" on 7 October, 1970).[78]
- Between 1967 and 1973, the British government expelled the entire population of Diego Garcia, a small island in the Indian Ocean.[79] There are ongoing court cases as regards the rights of the population to return to the island.[80]
- By 1969, more than 350,000 Salvadorans were living in Honduras. In 1969, Honduras enacted a new land reform law. This law took land away from Salvadoran immigrants and redistributed this land to native-born Honduran peoples. Thousands of Salvadorans were displaced by this law (see Football War).[citation needed]
- During the Bangladesh War of Independence of 1971 around 10 million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, fled the country to escape the killings and atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army. Furthermore, many intellectuals and other religious minorities were targeted by death squads and razakars.[citation needed]
- Idi Amin's regime forced the expulsion in 1972 of Uganda's entire ethnic Asian population, mostly of Indian descent.[81]
- Greek Cypriots and Greek military forced Turkish Cypriots out of Greek territory in Cyprus from 1963-1974.[82]
- The ethnic cleansing in 1974-76 of the Greek population of the areas under Turkish military occupation in Cyprus during and after the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus.[83]
- Following the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975, the Lao kingdom was overthrown by the communists and the Hmong people became targets of retaliation and persecution. Thousands made the trek to and across the Mekong River into Thailand, often under attack. This marked the beginning of a mass exodus of Hmong people from Laos.[citation needed]
- The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia disproportionately targeted ethnic minority groups. These included ethnic Chinese, Vietnamese and Thai. In the late 1960s, an estimated 425,000 ethnic Chinese lived in Cambodia, but by 1984, as a result of Khmer Rouge genocide and emigration, only about 61,400 Chinese remained in the country. The Cham Muslims suffered serious purges with as much as half of their population exterminated. A Khmer Rouge order stated that henceforth "The Cham nation no longer exists on Kampuchean soil belonging to the Khmers" (U.N. Doc. A.34/569 at 9).[84][85][86]
- Subsequent waves of hundreds of thousands of Rohingya fled Burma and many refugees inundated neighbouring Bangladesh including 250,000 in 1978 as a result of the King Dragon operation in Arakan.[citation needed]
- The Sino-Vietnamese War resulted in the discrimination and consequent migration of Vietnam's ethnic Chinese. Many of these people fled as "boat people". In 1978-79, some 450,000 ethnic Chinese left Vietnam by boat as refugees (many officially encouraged and assisted) or were expelled across the land border with China.[citation needed]
- Aftermath of Indira Gandhi assassination in 1984, the ruling party Indian National Congress supporters formed large mobs and killed around 3000 Sikhs around Delhi which is known as the Anti Sikh Riots during the next four days. The mobs using the support of ruling party leaders used the Election voting list to identify Sikhs and kill them.
- The forced assimilation campaign of the late 80s directed against ethnic Turks resulted in the emigration of some 300,000 Bulgarian Turks to Turkey.[citation needed]
- The Nagorno Karabakh conflict has resulted in the displacement of population from both sides. 528,000 Azerbaijanis from Nagorno Karabakh Armenian controlled territories including Nagorno-Karabakh, and 185,000[87] to 220,000 Azeris, 18,000 Kurds and 3,500 Russians fled from Armenia to Azerbaijan from 1988 to 1989.[88] 280,000 to 304,000[87] persons—virtually all ethnic Armenians—fled Azerbaijan during the 1988–1993 war over the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh.[89]
- Since April 1989, some 70,000 black Mauritanians—members of the Peul, Wolof, Soninke and Bambara ethnic groups—have been expelled from Mauritania by the Mauritanian government.[90]
- In 1989, after bloody pogroms against the Meskhetian Turks by Uzbeks in Central Asia's Ferghana Valley, nearly 90,000 Meskhetian Turks left Uzbekistan.[91][92]
- In 1991, following a crackdown on Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, 250,000 refugees took shelter in the Cox's Bazar district of neighbouring Bangladesh.[93]
- In 1991, in retribution for supporting Saddam Hussein against Kuwait during the 1990 Invasion of Kuwait, Kuwait carried out the expulsion of 400,000 Palestinians.[94]
- As a result of 1991–1992 South Ossetia War, about 100,000 ethnic Ossetians fled South Ossetia and Georgia proper, most across the border into North Ossetia. A further 23,000 ethnic Georgians fled South Ossetia and settled in other parts of Georgia.[95] According to Helsinki Watch, the campaign of ethnic-cleansing was orchestrated by the Ossetian militants, during the events of Ossetian–Ingush conflict, which resulted in expulsion of approximately 60,000 Ingush inhabitants from Prigorodny District.[96]
- The widespread ethnic cleansing accompanying the Croatian War of Independence that was committed by rebel Serbs and Serb-led JNA on the occupied areas of Croatia (self-proclaimed Republic of Serbian Krajina) (1991-1995). Large number of Croats and non-Serbs were removed, either by murder, deportation or being forced to flee. The majority of Croatia's Serb population was ethnically cleansed by the Croatian army at the end of the war in Operation Storm.[97] In few last days of august 2005. more than 250.000 Serb refugees[98] fled out of Croatia.
- The widespread ethnic cleansing accompanying the Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992-1995), Large numbers of Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks were forced to flee their homes and expelled.[99] Beginning in 1991, political upheavals in the Balkans displaced about 2,700,000 people by mid-1992, of which over 700,000 of them sought asylum in Europe.[100][101]
- The widespread ethnic cleansing committed against Albanians on the Albanian-dominated breakaway Kosovo province (of Serbia) (1999). Large numbers of Albanians were forced to flee their homes and expelled.[99]
- The forced displacement and ethnic-cleansing of more than 250,000 people, mostly Georgians but some others too, from Abkhazia during the conflict and after in 1993 and 1998.[102]
- The 1994 massacres of nearly 1,000,000 Tutsis by Hutus, known as the Rwandan Genocide[103][better citation needed][citation needed]
- The mass expulsion of southern Lhotshampas (Bhutanese of Nepalese origin) by the northern Druk majority of Bhutan in 1990.[104] The number of refugees is approximately 103,000.[105]
- An estimated 1,000 Tamil people were killed, tens of thousands of houses were destroyed by the Sinhalese-dominated government of Sri Lanka in what is commonly known as Black July.The murder, looting and general destruction of property was well organized. Mobs armed with petrol were seen stopping passing motorists at critical street junctions and, after ascertaining the ethnic identity of the driver and passengers, setting alight the vehicle with the driver and passengers trapped within it. Mobs were also seen stopping buses to identify Tamil passengers and subsequently these passengers were knifed, clubbed to death or burned alive.[citation needed]
- In October 1990, the militant Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), forcibly expelled the entire ethnic Muslim population (approx 75,000) from the Northern Province of Sri Lanka. The Muslims were given 48 hours to vacate the premises of their homes while their properties were subsequently looted by LTTE. Those who refused to leave were killed. This act of ethnic cleansing was carried out so the LTTE could facilitate their goal of creating a mono-ethnic Tamil state in Northern Sri Lanka.[citation needed]
- Displacement of more than 500,000 Chechen and ethnic Russian civilians living in Chechnya during the First Chechen War in 1994-1996.[106][107][108]
- The Jakarta riots of May 1998 targeted many Chinese Indonesians. Suffering from looting and arson many Chinese Indonesians fled from Indonesia.[109][110]
- More than 800,000 Kosovar Albanians fled their homes in Kosovo during the Kosovo War in 1998-9, after being expelled. Although on the contrary over 200,000 Serbs and other non-Albanian minorities were forced out of Kosovo during and after the war while most Albanians returned.[111][112]
- There have been serious outbreaks of inter-ethnic violence on the island of Kalimantan since 1997, involving the indigenous Dayak peoples and immigrants from the island of Madura. In 2001 in the Central Kalimantan town of Sampit, at least 500 Madurese were killed and up to 100,000 Madurese were forced to flee. Some Madurese bodies were decapitated in a ritual reminiscent of the headhunting tradition of the Dayaks of old.[113]
[edit] 21st century
- In Jammu and Kashmir, India, the violent Islamic insurgency has specifically targeted the Hindu Kashmiri Pandit minority and 400,000 have either been murdered or displaced.[114] This has been condemned and labeled as ethnic cleansing in a 2006 resolution passed by the United States Congress.[115] Also in 2009 Oregon Legislative Assembly passed a resolution to recognize September 14, 2007, as Martyrs Day to acknowledge ethnic cleansing and campaigns of terror inflicted on non-Muslim minorities of Jammu and Kashmir by militants seeking to establish an Islamic state.[116]
- In 2003, Sinafasi Makelo, a representative of Mbuti Pygmies, told the UN's Indigenous People's Forum that during the Congo Civil War, his people were hunted down and eaten as though they were game animals. Both sides of the war regarded them as "subhuman" and some say their flesh can confer magical powers. Makelo asked the UN Security Council to recognise cannibalism as a crime against humanity and an act of genocide.[117][118]
- In the late-1990s and early 2000s, paramilitaries organized and armed by the Indonesian military and police forces murdered large numbers of civilians in East Timor.[119][120][121][122][123][124][125]
- Since the mid-1990s the central government of Botswana has been trying to move Bushmen out of the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. As of October 2005, the government has resumed its policy of forcing all Bushmen off their lands in the Game Reserve, using armed police and threats of violence or death.[126] Many of the involuntarily displaced Bushmen live in squalid resettlement camps and some have resorted to prostitution and alcoholism, while about 250 others remain or have surreptitiously returned to the Kalahari to resume their independent lifestyle.[127] "How can we continue to have Stone Age creatures in an age of computers?" asked Botswana's president Festus Mogae.[128][129]
- Attacks by the Janjaweed, militias of Sudan on the African population of Darfur, a region of western Sudan.[130][131] A 14 July 2007 article notes that in the past two months up to 75,000 Arabs from Chad and Niger crossed the border into Darfur. Most have been relocated by the Sudanese government to former villages of displaced non-Arab people. Some 2.5 million have now been forced to flee their homes after attacks by Sudanese troops and Janjaweed militia.[132]
- Currently in the Iraq Civil War (2003 to present), entire neighborhoods in Baghdad are being ethnically cleansed by Shia and Sunni militias.[133][134] Some areas are being evacuated by every member of a particular group due to lack of security, moving into new areas because of fear of reprisal killings. As of 21 June 2007, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees estimated that 2.2 million Iraqis had been displaced to neighboring countries, and 2 million were displaced internally, with nearly 100,000 Iraqis fleeing to Syria and Jordan each month.[135][136][137]
- The removal of around 8,500 Jews (including the forced removal of about half of them)[138] from the Gaza Strip, and around 660 from four small settlements in the West Bank,[139] in 2005 through the implementation of Israel's unilateral disengagement plan.[140][141][142][143] This was the first instance in history of Jews forcibly resettling other Jews.
- Although Iraqi Christians represent less than 5% of the total Iraqi population, they make up 40% of the refugees now living in nearby countries, according to UNHCR.[144][145] In the 16th century, Christians constituted half of Iraq's population.[146] In 1987, the last Iraqi census counted 1.4 million Christians.[147] But as the 2003 invasion has allowed the growth of militant Islamism, Christians' total numbers slumped to about 500,000, of whom 250,000 live in Baghdad.[148] Furthermore, the Mandaean and Yazidi communities are at the risk of elimination due to the ongoing atrocities by Islamic extremists.[149][150] A 25 May 2007 article notes that in the past 7 months only 69 people from Iraq have been granted refugee status in the United States.[151]
- The ethnic cleansing of African American population of some racially mixed Los Angeles neighborhoods by Mexican street gangs. According to gang experts and law enforcement agents the Mexican Mafia leaders, or shot callers, have issued a "green light" on all blacks.[152][153][154][155][156]
- In October 2006, Niger announced that it would deport the Arabs living in the Diffa region of eastern Niger to Chad.[157] This population numbered about 150,000.[158] While the government was rounding Arabs in preparation for the deportation, two girls died, reportedly after fleeing government forces, and three women suffered miscarriages. Niger's government had eventually suspended a controversial decision to deport Arabs.[159][160]
- In 1950, the Karen had become the largest of 20 minority groups participating in an insurgency against the military dictatorship in Burma. The conflict continues as of 2008. In 2004, the BBC, citing aid agencies, estimates that up to 200,000 Karen have been driven from their homes during decades of war, with 120,000 more refugees from Burma, mostly Karen, living in refugee camps on the Thai side of the border. Many accuse the military government of Burma of ethnic cleansing.[161] As a result of the ongoing war in minority group areas more than two million people have fled Burma to Thailand.[162]
- Civil unrest in Kenya erupted in December 2007.[163] By 28 January 2008, the death toll from the violence was at around 800.[164] The United Nations estimated that as many as 600,000 people have been displaced.[165][166] A government spokesman claimed that Odinga's supporters were "engaging in ethnic cleansing".[167]
- The 2008 attacks on North Indians in Maharashtra began on 3 February 2008. Incidences of violence against North Indians and their property were reported in Bombay, Pune, Aurangabad, Beed, Nashik, Amravati, Jalna and Latur. Nearly 25,000 North Indian workers fled Pune,[168][169] and another 15,000 fled Nashik in the wake of the attacks.[170][171]
- South Africa Ethnic Cleansing erupted on 11 May 2008 within three weeks 80 000 were displaced the death toll was 62, with 670 injured by the violence when South Africans ejected non-nationals in a nationwide ethnic cleansing/xenophobic outburst. The most affected foreigners have been Somalis, Ethiopians, Indians, Pakistanis, Zimbabweans and Mozambiqueans. Local South Africans have also been caught up in the violence. Refugee camps a mistake Arvin Gupta, a senior UNHCR protection officer, said the UNHCR did not agree with the City of Cape Town that those displaced by the violence should be held at camps across the city.[citation needed]
[edit] See also
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[edit] References
[edit] Notes
- ^ a b Carmichael, 2002, p. 2.
- ^ [Schabas W. A., 2000, Genocide in International Law, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.][1]
- ^ Naimark, 2001 [Naimark N. M., 2001, Fires of Hatred: Ethnic Cleansing in 20th Century Europe, Cambridge: Harvard University Press.][2]
- ^ [Mann M., 2005,The Dark Side of Democracy: Explaining Ethnic Cleansing, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.][3]
- ^ [Naimark, N. 2007, Theoretical Paper: Ethnic Cleansing, Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence][4]
- ^ Drazen Petrovic, "Ethnic Cleansing - An Attempt at Methodology", European Journal of International Law, Vol. No. 3. Retrieved 20 May 2006.
- ^ Hayden, Robert M. (1996) Schindler's Fate: Genocide, Ethnic Cleansing, and Population Transfers. Slavic Review 55 (4), 727-48.
- ^ Andrew Bell-Fialkoff, "A Brief History of Ethnic Cleansing", Foreign Affairs 72 (3): 110, Summer 1993. Retrieved 20 May 2006.
- ^ a b Martin, Terry (1998). The Origins of Soviet Ethnic Cleansing. The Journal of Modern History 70 (4), 813-861. pg. 822
- ^ ECHR Jorgic v. Germany §45 citing Bosnia and Herzegovina v. Serbia and Montenegro ("Case concerning the application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide") the International Court of Justice (ICJ) found under the heading of "intent and 'ethnic cleansing'" § 190
- ^ ICTY Summary of judgement for Milan Martić.
- ^ Judah, Tim (1997). The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. pp. 75.
- ^ Mirko Grmek, Marc Gjidara, Neven Simac (1993) (in French). Le Nettoyage ethnique: Documents historiques sur une idéologie serbe. Paris. pp. 24.
- ^ Pavelicpapers.com
- ^ Pavelicpapers.com
- ^ The Moljevic Memorandum
- ^ "ICTY: Radoslav Brđanin judgement". http://www.un.org/icty/brdjanin/trialc/judgement/index.htm.
- ^ "ICTY: Kordić and Čerkez verdict". http://www.un.org/icty/kordic/trialc/judgement/index.htm.
- ^ ICTY; "Address by ICTY President Theodor Meron, at Potočari Memorial Cemetery" The Hague, 23 June 2004 [5]
- ^ "ICTY: Kordić and Čerkez verdict - IV. Attacks on towns and villages: killings - C. The April 1993 Conflagration in Vitez and the Lašva Valley - 3. The Attack on Ahmići (Paragraph 642)". http://www.un.org/icty/kordic/trialc/judgement/kor-tj010226e-5.htm#IVC3.
- ^ US State Department, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1993, Abkhazia case.
- ^ Chervonnaia, Svetlana Mikhailovna. Conflict in the Caucasus: Georgia, Abkhazia, and the Russian Shadow. Gothic Image Publications, 1994.
- ^ S State Department, Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1993, February 1994, Chapter 17.
- ^ General Assembly Adopts Resolution Recognizing Right Of Return By Refugees, Internally Displaced Persons To Abkhazia, Georgia
- ^ Judt, Tony. Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 Penguin Press, 2005
- ^ Judt, Tony. Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945 Penguin Press, 2005.
- ^ Ward Ferdinandusse, The Interaction of National and International Approaches in the Repression of International Crimes, The European Journal of International Law Vol. 15 no.5 (2004), p. 1042, note 7.
- ^ Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Article 7; Updated Statute of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, Article 5.
- ^ Daphna Shraga and Ralph Zacklin "The International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia", The European Journal of International Law Vol. 15 no.3 (2004).
- ^ A/RES/47/80 ""Ethnic cleansing" and racial hatred" United Nations. 12/16/1992. Retrieved on 2006, 09-03
- ^ Timothy V. Waters, On the Legal Construction of Ethnic Cleansing, Paper 951, 2006, University of Mississippi School of Law. Retrieved on 2006, 12-13
- ^ Krauthammer, Charles: "When Serbs Are 'Cleansed,' Moralists Stay Silent", International Herald Tribune, 12 August 1995.
- ^
- Albert Breton (Editor, 1995). Nationalism and Rationality. Cambridge University Press 1995. Page 248. "Oliver Cromwell offered Irish Catholics a choice between genocide and forced mass population transfer"
- Ukrainian Quarterly. Ukrainian Society of America 1944. "Therefore, we are entitled to accuse the England of Oliver Cromwell of the genocide of the Irish civilian population.."
- David Norbrook (2000).Writing the English Republic: Poetry, Rhetoric and Politics, 1627-1660. Cambridge University Press. 2000. In interpreting Andrew Marvell's contemporarily expressed views on Cromwell Norbrook says; "He (Cromwell) laid the foundation for a ruthless programme of resettling the Irish Catholics which amounted to large scale ethnic cleansing.."
- Frances Stewart (2000). War and Underdevelopment: Economic and Social Consequences of Conflict v. 1 (Queen Elizabeth House Series in Development Studies), Oxford University Press. 2000. p. 51 "Faced with the prospect of an Irish alliance with Charles II, Cromwell carried out a series of massacres to subdue the Irish. Then, once Cromwell had returned to England, the English Commissary, General Henry Ireton, adopted a deliberate policy of crop burning and starvation, which was responsible for the majority of an estimated 600,000 deaths out of a total Irish population of 1,400,000."
- Alan Axelrod (2002). Profiles in Leadership, Prentice-Hall. 2002. Page 122. "As a leader Cromwell was entirely unyielding. He was willing to act on his beliefs, even if this meant killing the king and perpetrating, against the Irish, something very nearly approaching genocide"
- Tim Pat Coogan (2002). The Troubles: Ireland's Ordeal and the Search for Peace. ISBN 9780312294182. p 6. "The massacres by Catholics of Protestants, which occurred in the religious wars of the 1640s, were magnified for propagandist purposes to justify Cromwell's subsequent genocide."
- Peter Berresford Ellis (2002). Eyewitness to Irish History, John Wiley & Sons Inc. ISBN 9780471266334. p. 108 "It was to be the justification for Cromwell's genocidal campaign and settlement."
- John Morrill (2003). Rewriting Cromwell - A Case of Deafening Silences, Canadian Journal of History. Dec 2003. "Of course, this has never been the Irish view of Cromwell.
Most Irish remember him as the man responsible for the mass slaughter of civilians at Drogheda and Wexford and as the agent of the greatest episode of ethnic cleansing ever attempted in Western Europe as, within a decade, the percentage of land possessed by Catholics born in Ireland dropped from sixty to twenty. In a decade, the ownership of two-fifths of the land mass was transferred from several thousand Irish Catholic landowners to British Protestants. The gap between Irish and the English views of the seventeenth-century conquest remains unbridgeable and is governed by G.K. Chesterton's mirthless epigram of 1917, that "it was a tragic necessity that the Irish should remember it; but it was far more tragic that the English forgot it." - James M Lutz, Brenda J Lutz, (2004). Global Terrorism, Routledge:London, p.193: "The draconian laws applied by Oliver Cromwell in Ireland were an early version of ethnic cleansing. The Catholic Irish were to be expelled to the northwestern areas of the island. Relocation rather than extermination was the goal."
- Mark Levene (2005). Genocide in the Age of the Nation State: Volume 2. ISBN 978-1845110574 Page 55, 56 & 57. A sample quote describes the Cromwellian campaign and settlement as "a conscious attempt to reduce a distinct ethnic population".
- Mark Levene (2005). Genocide in the Age of the Nation-State, I.B.Tauris: London:
[The Act of Settlement of Ireland], and the parliamentary legislation which succeeded it the following year, is the nearest thing on paper in the English, and more broadly British, domestic record, to a programme of state-sanctioned and systematic ethnic cleansing of another people. The fact that it did not include 'total' genocide in its remit, or that it failed to put into practice the vast majority of its proposed expulsions, ultimately, however, says less about the lethal determination of its makers and more about the political, structural and financial weakness of the early modern English state.
- ^ Michael Mann, The dark side of democracy: explaining ethnic cleansing, pp. 112-4, Cambridge, 2005 "... figures are derive[d] from McCarthy (1995: I 91, 162-4, 339), who is often viewed as a scholar on the Turkish side of the debate. Yet even if we reduce his figures by 50 percent, the would still horrify. He estimates between 1812 and 1922 somewhere around 5 1/2 million Muslims were driven out of Europe and 5 million more were killed or died of disease or starvation while fleeing. ... In the final Balkan wars of 1912-13 he estimates that 62 percent of Muslims (27 percent dead, 35 percent refugees) disappeared from the lands conquered by Greece, Serbia, and Bulgaria. This was murderous ethnic cleansing on a stupendous scale not previously seen in Europe, ..."
- ^ Kort, Michael (2001). The Soviet Colossus: History and Aftermath, p. 133. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. ISBN 0-7656-0396-9.
- ^ Naimark, op. cit.
- ^ United States Holocaust Memorial Museum about Jasenovac and Independent State of Croatia
- ^ Genocide and Resistance in Hitler's Bosnia: The Partisans and the Chetniks, 1941-1943 pp20
- ^ http://www.jasenovac.org/whatwasjasenovac.php
- ^ a b c Serge Krizman, Maps of Yugoslavia at War, Washington 1943.
- ^ a b ISBN 86-17-09287-4: Kosta Nikolić, Nikola Žutić, Momčilo Pavlović, Zorica Špadijer: Историја за трећи разред гимназије природно-математичког смера и четврти разред гимназије општег и друштвено-језичког смера, Belgrade, 2002, p. 182.
- ^ a b Annexe I, by the Serbian Information Centre-London to a report of the Select Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom.
- ^ 60 Years After: For Victims Of Stalin's Deportations, War Lives On
- ^ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/harut-sassounian/turkish-prime-minister-ad_b_208246.html
- ^ Enciklopedija Novog Sada, Sveska 5, Novi Sad, 1996 (page 196).
- ^ Slobodan Ćurčić, Broj stanovnika Vojvodine, Novi Sad, 1996 (pages 42, 43).
- ^ Tibor Cseres: Serbian vendetta in Bacska
- ^ Victor Roudometof, Collective Memory, National Identity, and Ethnic Conflict Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian Question, p.181-182 The figure of 30,000 is adopted from the Cham associations without checking the other sources used in the discussion in this chapter.
- ^ Albania in the Twentieth Century, A History: Volume II: Albania in Occupation and War, 1939-45. Owen Pearson. I.B.Tauris, 2006. ISBN 1845111044.
- ^ .Pyrrhus J. Ruches. Albania's captivesArgonaut, 1965, p. 172 "The entire carnage, arson and imprisonment suffered by the hands of Balli Kombetar...schools burned".
- ^ The Expulsion of 'German' Communities from Eastern Europe at the end of the Second World War, European University Institute, Florense. EUI Working Paper HEC No. 2004/1, Edited by Steffen Prauser and Arfon Rees pp. 24,20,29
- ^ http://cambridge.org/us/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780521856614&ss=exc
- ^ http://74.125.47.132/search?q=cache:EPiGNBHDvxMJ:www.sasnet.lu.se/partition.doc+Ethnic+cleansing+partition+of+India&cd=8&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefox-a
- ^ Michael Mann, The dark side of democracy: explaining ethnic cleansing, Cambridge University Press, 2005, page 109, 519
- ^ Masalha, Nur (1992). Expulsion of the Palestinians. Institute for Palestine Studies, this edition 2001, p. 175.
- ^ Morris, Benny. The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem Revisited, Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 239–240.
- ^ Ya'akov Meron, "Why Jews Fled the Arab Countries", Middle East Quarterly, September 1995.
- ^ Itamar Levin, Locked Doors: The Seizure of Jewish Property in Arab Countries. Praeger/Greenwood. (2001) ISBN 0-275-97134-1
- ^ Shohat, Ella: "Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Jewish Victims", Social Text, No. 19/20, (Autumn, 1988), (pp. 1-35), Duke University Press
- ^ Maurice Roumani, The Case of the Jews from Arab Countries: A Neglected Issue, Tel Aviv: World Organization of Jews from Arab Countries. (1977) ASIN B0006EGL5I
- ^ Malka Hillel Schulewitz, The Forgotten Millions: The Modern Jewish Exodus from Arab Lands London 2001 ISBN 0-8264-4764-3
- ^ a b http://www.jcpa.org/JCPA/Templates/ShowPage.asp?DRIT=5&DBID=1&LNGID=1&TMID=111&FID=625&PID=861&IID=1020&TTL=The_Forgotten_Narrative:_Jewish_Refugees_from_Arab_Countries
- ^ http://www.jpost.com/servlet/Satellite?cid=1214132663726&pagename=JPost%2FJPArticle%2FShowFull
- ^ Ran HaCohen, "Ethnic Cleansing: Some Common Reactions"
- ^ Struggle for Independence : 1945-1949
- ^ "Kashmiri refugees denied property ownership rights in Pakistan"
- ^ "Current Africa race riots like 1949 anti-Indian riots: minister", TheIndianStar.com
- ^ ::UN:: History Learning Site
- ^ Martin Smith (1991). Burma - Insurgency and the Politics of Ethnicity. London,New Jersey: Zed Books. pp. 43–44,98,56–57,176.
- ^ Asians v. Asians, TIME
- ^ Bell, Terry: Unfinished Business: South Africa, Apartheid and Truth, (pp. 63-4), Verso, (2001, 2003) ISBN 1-85984-545-2
- ^ Valentino, Benjamin A., Final Solutions: Mass Killing and Genocide in the Twentieth Century, (p. 189), Cornell University Press, (2004) ISBN 0-8014-3965-5.
- ^ "Marketplace: Pied-noirs breathe life back into Algerian tourism"
- ^ Pied-Noir
- ^ Country Histories - Empire's Children
- ^ Who's Fault Is It?
- ^ Libya - Italian colonization
- ^ Libya cuts ties to mark Italy era
- ^ http://www.economicexpert.com/a/Diego:Garcia.html
- ^ http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/2380013.stm
- ^ 1972: Asians given 90 days to leave Uganda
- ^ TRNC: Chronology - 1963-1974
- ^ "'Ethnic cleansing', Cypriot style". New York Times. 1992-09-05. http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9E0CE7D6143AF936A3575AC0A964958260. Retrieved 2008-12-29.
- ^ Genocide - Cambodia
- ^ The Cambodian Genocide and International Law
- ^ Cambodia the Chinese
- ^ a b Building Security in Europe's New Borderlands, Renata Dwan, M.E. Sharpe (1999) p. 148
- ^ De Waal, Black Garden, p. 285
- ^ Refugees and displaced persons in Azerbaijan
- ^ Fair elections haunted by racial imbalance
- ^ Focus on Meskhetian Turks
- ^ Meskhetian Turk Communities around the World
- ^ Burmese exiles in desperate conditions, BBC News
- ^ http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/4089961.stm
- ^ Human Rights Watch/Helsinki, RUSSIA. THE INGUSH-OSSETIAN CONFLICT IN THE PRIGORODNYI REGION, May 1996.
- ^ Russia: The Ingush-Ossetian Conflict in the Prigorodnyi Region (Paperback) by Human Rights Watch Helsinki Human Rights Watch (April 1996) ISBN 1564321657
- ^ FACTBOX - Brief history of Croatia's rebel Serb Krajina region | World | Reuters
- ^ [6]
- ^ a b Committee on Foreign Relations, US Senate, The Ethnic Cleansing of Bosnia-Hercegovina, (US Government Printing Office, 1992)
- ^ Bosnia: Dayton Accords
- ^ Resettling Refugees: U.N. Facing New Burden
- ^ Bookman, Milica Zarkovic, "The Demographic Struggle for Power", (p. 131), Frank Cass and Co. Ltd. (UK), (1997) ISBN 0-7146-4732-2
- ^ Leeder, Elaine J., "The Family in Global Perspective: A Gendered Journey", (p. 164-65), Sage Publications, (2004) ISBN 0-7619-2837-5
- ^ Voice of America (18 October 2006)
- ^ UNHCR Publication (State of the world refugees)
- ^ First Chechnya War
- ^ Ethnic Russians in the North of Caucasus - Eurasia Daily Monitor
- ^ Chechen census fiasco
- ^ Anti-Chinese riots continue in Indonesia, August 29, 1998, CNN
- ^ Wages of Hatred, Business Week
- ^ Serbia threatens to resist Kosovo independence plan
- ^ Kosovo/Serbia: Protect Minorities from Ethnic Violence (Human Rights Watch)
- ^ Behind Ethnic War, Indonesia's Old Migration Policy
- ^ Pallone introduces resolution condemning Human rights violation against Kashmiri Pandits, United States House of Representatives, 2006-02-15
- ^ Expressing the sense of Congress that the Government of the Republic of India and the State Government of Jammu and Kashmir should take immediate steps to remedy the situation of the Kashmiri Pandits and should act to ensure the physical, political, and economic security of this embattled community. HR Resolution 344,United States House of Representatives, 2006-02-15
- ^ Senate Joint Resolution 23, 75th OREGON LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY--2009 Regular Session
- ^ DR Congo pygmies 'exterminated'
- ^ DR Congo Pygmies appeal to UN
- ^ Yes to Kosovo, No to East Timor? - International Herald Tribune
- ^ 7.30 Report - 8/9/1999: Ethnic cleansing will empty East Timor if no aid comes: Belo
- ^ U.S. Fiddles While East Timor Burns | AlterNet
- ^ James M. Lutz, Brenda J. Lutz, Global Terrorism
- ^ Outrage Over East Timor
- ^ Hoover Institution - Hoover Digest - Why East Timor Matters
- ^ We cannot look the other way on ethnic cleansing - Opinion
- ^ "Bushmen forced out of desert after living off land for thousands of years". The Daily Telegraph. http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2005/10/29/wbot29.xml&sSheet=/news/2005/10/29/ixworld.html. Retrieved 2005-10-29.
- ^ African Bushmen Tour U.S. to Fund Fight for Land
- ^ Exiles of the Kalahari
- ^ UN condemns Botswana government over Bushman evictions
- ^ Collins, Robert O., "Civil Wars and Revolution in the Sudan: Essays on the Sudan, Southern Sudan, and Darfur, 1962-2004 ", (p. 156), Tsehai Publishers (US), (2005) ISBN 0-9748198-7-5 .
- ^ Power, Samantha "Dying in Darfur: Can the ethnic cleansing in Sudan be stopped?"[7], The New Yorker, 30 August 2004. Human Rights Watch, "Q & A: Crisis in Darfur" (web site, retrieved 24 May 2006). Hilary Andersson, "Ethnic cleansing blights Sudan", BBC News, 27 May 2004.
- ^ Arabs pile into Darfur to take land 'cleansed' by janjaweed
- ^ Iraq is disintegrating as ethnic cleansing takes hold
- ^ "There is ethnic cleansing"
- ^ Iraq refugees chased from home, struggle to cope
- ^ U.N.: 100,000 Iraq refugees flee monthly. Alexander G. Higgins, Boston Globe, 3 November 2006.
- ^ In North Iraq, Sunni Arabs Drive Out Kurds
- ^ 'Israel evicts Gaza Strip settlers', BBC News Online, 17 August, 2005.
- ^ 'Settlers and army clash in W Bank', BBC News Online, 22 August, 2005.
- ^ Robinson, Eugene. "Betrayed in Gaza", Washington Post, August 19, 2005.
- ^ Klein, Morton A. "Gaza Withdrawal Rewards Terrorism", The Jewish Journal of Greater Los Angeles February 27, 2004.
- ^ Jacoby, Jeff. "Sharon's retreat is a victory for terrorists", Jewish World Review, April 1, 2005.
- ^ Gross, Tom. Exodus From Gaza Tom Gross Mid-East Media Analysis. Retrieved November 4, 2006.
- ^ Christians, targeted and suffering, flee Iraq
- ^ IRAQ Terror campaign targets Chaldean church in Iraq - Asia News
- ^ UNHCR | Iraq
- ^ Christians live in fear of death squads
- ^ Jonathan Steele: While the Pope tries to build bridges in Turkey, the precarious plight of Iraq's Christians gets only worse | World news | guardian.co.uk
- ^ Iraq's Mandaeans 'face extinction'
- ^ Iraq's Yazidis fear annihilation
- ^ Ann McFeatters: Iraq refugees find no refuge in America. Seattle Post-Intelligencer May 25, 2007.
- ^ Roots of Latino/black anger
- ^ Ethnic Cleansing in L.A.
- ^ Thanks to Latino Gangs, There's a Zone in L.A. Where Blacks Risk Death if They Enter
- ^ FBI called to deal with 'race' gang violence
- ^ A bloody conflict between Hispanic and black gangs is spreading across Los Angeles
- ^ Niger starts mass Arab expulsions
- ^ Reuters Niger's Arabs say expulsions will fuel race hate
- ^ Niger's Arabs to fight expulsion
- ^ UNHCR | Refworld - The Leader in Refugee Decision Support
- ^ Burma Karen families 'on the run', BBC News
- ^ " Human Rights in Burma: Fifteen Years Post Military Coup ", Refugees International
- ^ U.S. envoy calls violence in Kenya 'ethnic cleansing'
- ^ Al Jazeera English - News - Kenya Ethnic Clashes Intensify
- ^ U.N.: 600,000 Displaced In Kenya Unrest
- ^ BBC NEWS | Africa | Kenya opposition cancels protests
- ^ BBC NEWS | Africa | Kenya diplomatic push for peace
- ^ "25000 North Indian workers leave Pune". Indian Express. http://www.expressindia.com/latest-news/25-000-North-Indian-workers-leave-Pune/276576/3/. Retrieved 2008-04-06.
- ^ "25000 North Indians leave, Pune realty projects hit". Times of India. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/25000_North_Indians_leave_Pune_realty_projects_hit_/articleshow/2809937.cms. Retrieved 2008-04-04.
- ^ "Maha exodus: 10,000 north Indians flee in fear". Times of India. 2008-02-14. http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/2780795.cms. Retrieved 2008-04-06.
- ^ "MNS violence: North Indians flee Nashik, industries hit". Rediff. 2008-02-13. http://www.rediff.com/news/2008/feb/13nasik1.htm. Retrieved 2008-04-06.
[edit] Bibliography
- Bell-Fialkoff, Andrew (1993). "A Brief History of Ethnic Cleansing". Foreign Affairs 72 (3): 110. http://www.foreignaffairs.org/19930601faessay5199/andrew-bell-fialkoff/a-brief-history-of-ethnic-cleansing.html.
- Bowker, Robert P. G. (2003). Palestinian Refugees: Mythology, Identity, and the Search for Peace. Lynne Rienner Publishers. ISBN 1588262022.
- Carmichael, Cathie (2002). Ethnic cleansing in the Balkans: nationalism and the destruction of tradition (Illustrated ed.). Routledge. ISBN 0415274168, 9780415274166.
- Milton-Edwards, Beverley (2008). The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A People's War (Illustrated ed.). Taylor & Francis. ISBN 0415410436, 9780415410434.
- The terrorist conjunction: the United States, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and al-Qā'ida. Greenwood Publishing Group. 2007. ISBN 0275996433, 9780275996437. http://books.google.ca/books?id=yXCkz5OZ7-AC&pg=PA71&dq=%22ethnic+cleansing%22+palestinians&lr=&as_brr=3#v=onepage&q=%22ethnic%20cleansing%22%20palestinians&f=false.
- Honderich, Ted (2006). Right and Wrong, and Palestine, 9-11, Iraq, 7-7 .... Seven Stories Press. ISBN 1583227369, 9781583227367.
- Jackson Preece, Jennifer (1998). "Ethnic Cleansing As An Instrument of Nation-State Creation". Human Rights Quarterly 20 (4): 359. doi:.
- Jacoby, Tami Amanda (2007). Bridging the barrier: Israeli unilateral disengagement (Illustrated ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. ISBN 754649695, 9780754649694.
- Kimmerling, Baruch (2003). Politicide: Ariel Sharon's war against the Palestinians. Verso. ISBN 1859845177, 9781859845172.
- McDowall, David (1989). Palestine and Israel: The Uprising and Beyond. I.B. Tauris. ISBN 1850432899.
- Petrovic, Drazen (1998). "Ethnic Cleansing - An Attempt at Methodology". European Journal of International Law 5 (4): 817. http://www.ejil.org/journal/Vol5/No3/art3.pdf.
- Porteous, John Douglas; Smith, Sandra Eileen (2001). Domicide: the global destruction of home: "Top 250" Red Series Maps Series (Illustrated ed.). McGill-Queen's Press - MQUP. ISBN 0773522581, 9780773522589. http://books.google.ca/books?id=6t_KSirfEnsC&pg=PA89&dq=%22ethnic+cleansing%22+palestinians&lr=&as_brr=3#v=onepage&q=%22ethnic%20cleansing%22%20palestinians&f=false.
- Yiftachel, Oren (2006). Ethnocracy: land and identity politics in Israel/Palestine, Part 797 (Illustrated ed.). University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 081223927X, 9780812239270.
[edit] External links
- Totoist Atrocities in Vojvodina 1944-1945
- Genocide of The Ethnic Germans in Yugoslavia 1944-1948
- Documents and Resources on War, War Crimes and Genocide
- Photojournalist's Account - Images of ethnic cleansing in Sudan
- Timothy V. Waters, On the Legal Construction of Ethnic Cleansing, Paper 951, 2006, University of Mississippi School of Law (PDF)
- Genocides and Ethnic Cleansings of Central and East Europe, the Former USSR, the Caucasus and Adjacent Middle East -- 1890 - 2007
- Ethnic Cleansing in West Papua
- Dump the "ethnic cleansing" jargon, group implores May 31, 2007, World Science
- Visegrad Genocide Memories
- Srebrenica Genocide Blog
- Institute for Research of Crimes Against Humanity and International Law of the Sarajevo University
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The Mises Institute monthly, free with membership
Volume 23, Number 12
December 2003
William H. Peterson
The democracy of the market is not the democracy that Plato spoke of in his Republic (c. 370 BC) as "a charming form of government, full of variety and disorder, and dispensing a kind of equality to equals and unequals alike," nor that Aristotle in his Rhetoric (c. 322 BC) chided as "when put to the strain, grows weak, and is supplanted by oligarchy." It is not that which George Bernard Shaw taxed in his Maxims for Revolutionists (1903) as substituting "election by the incompetent many for appointment by the corrupt few," nor that Hans-Hermann Hoppe exposes in his Democracy—The God That Failed (Transaction, 2001, p. 96) that "majorities of 'have-nots' will relentlessly try to enrich themselves at the expense of the 'haves'."
For see how Ludwig Mises lit up a near-unknown yet highly effective daily democracy—the marketplace—in his Socialism (Liberty Classics, 1981, p. 11), giving this democracy a critically needed political dimension today. As Mises wrote: "When we call a capitalist society a consumers' democracy we mean that the power to dispose of the means of production, which belongs to the entrepreneurs and capitalists, can only be acquired by means of the consumers' ballot, held daily in the marketplace."
Mises was on solid ground. For what is political democracy? See its Greek derivation: rule or "kratia" by the people, the "demos." But who rules whom? Why do state hegemony and interventionism reign today as givens, why does the free individual fade across the West, why does political majoritarianism divide society?
So I say capitalism, so harassed today, should be especially thought through and guarded in the heat of current debate. Note its basis in private property, equal rights, a limited state (so unlimited today). Note it stars entrepreneurs with their private tools of production of goods and services. Note how its fallible CEOs (Enron, Tyco, etc.) get quickly whipped by the stock market, far faster than by the courts or the Securities and Exchange Commission. For firms are democratically led and, if need be, punished, by their customers—i.e., said Mises, by sovereign consumers everywhere with their make-or-break "orders" (what a word!) and their key market price signals.
Whither then our berated, underrated, far overregulated and much misread capitalism? Yet isn't it still, per our Founders (though the word capitalism had yet to be coined), a royal road to social cooperation, a vital private network of governments of the people, by the people, for the people, all with individual assent—highly-used withdrawable assent?
Withdrawable? Consider in a free society, countless hierarchies of governance of power, such as the New York Times, Harvard, New York Stock Exchange, Microsoft, the Southern Baptists, the Salvation Army, Wal-Mart and some 25 million other firms, farms and organizations; yet all are totally dependent on that withdrawable individual assent. So you're free to switch from GM to Ford, from Yale to MIT, from Burger King to McDonald's. And vice versa. Talk about democracy!
Democracy? But isn't this our political shield for a Pax Americana to police a sinful, quite undemocratic globe, with the focus now on the turbulent undemocratic Middle East? But doesn't this serve up de Jouvenel's classic conundrum (74 AD): Sed quis custodiet ipsos custodes (But who is to guard the guards themselves?) Thomas Paine saw this snag in 1776 in Common Sense as "a necessary evil."
Bismarck likened the legislative process to the unsightly conversion of pigs into sausages. Churchill said democracy is the least awful way to effect a peaceful change of political power. Or as Swiss thinker Felix Somary held in his Democracy at Bay (Knopf, 1952, p. 6): Political democracy blends two "fictions," one the idea that "an entire people can assume sovereignty," the other the idea of "the innate goodness of man."
So I juxtapose below America's Political Democracy with the Misesian point of our Consumer Democracy to clarify which is which—and ask you, with both needful of repairs, which needs the most by far?
In one democracy you vote but every other year for candidates (who may not win) to "represent" you and many others indirectly on myriad issues. In the other, you vote daily, often, directly, for specific vendors, goods, or services, in an endless plebiscite going on every minute of every day, with dollars as ballots. To be sure, some get more ballots than others. Yet Mises saw this outcome as transient, as consumers themselves vote "poor people rich and rich people poor" (Human Action, Yale University Press, 1949, p. 270).
So one democracy is public, the other private. One funds failing programs and schools, the other lets failing firms and private schools fail. One is coercive and centralized, the other voluntary and decentralized. One runs, inadvertently, a growth-impeding win-lose zero-sum game, the other, also inadvertently, a pro-growth win-win positive-sum game. This difference, alone, sets America's future.
One democracy runs by politics and monopoly, unmindful of Henry David Thoreau's Civil Disobedience of 1849 when he saw "little virtue in the action of masses of men" and voting as "a sort of gaming;" the other runs a market society by economics and competition. One forgets the individual, per William Graham Sumner's famed "The Forgotten Man" lecture in 1883, the other remembers him/her (imperfectly per that spam on your PC monitor).
One democracy plays incumbency ruses: compromises with principle, gerrymandering, log-rolling, warmongering, free-lunch guises such as big federal "grants" (bribes?) to states and localities ($313 billion, annualized, 1st qtr., 2003), the other is cleansed by competition, cost-cutting, demonstrated market deeds for consumers free to choose.
One democracy veers to the Machiavellian amoral short run in aim, the other to moral contracts and the longer run. One, with coercive power, yields to Acton's law that power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely. Yet the other, if gloriously voluntaristic, can and does slip into some corporate behavior—money-grasping or getting into bed with political power to win subsidies, import quotas, and other mischief via special interests—despite President Dwight Eisenhower's 1961 farewell message against a "military-industrial complex."
One democracy can glorify war, including class warfare, the other glorifies peaceful trade in a virtual global concordance on private property rights (if widely derided as "globalization")—per IBM's old motto of "World Peace Through World Trade."
One entered World War I, naïvely, as "The War to End War" and "Make the World Safe for Democracy"—only to reap Lenin and Stalin in Russia, Hitler in Germany, Mussolini in Italy, Franco in Spain, Tojo in Japan, Tito in Yugoslavia, Mao in China, Peron in Argentina, Castro in Cuba, Allende in Chile, Pol Pot in Cambodia, and lesser imitators throughout Asia, Africa, Central Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East. President Bush II seeks to "democratize" an entire region while citing Germany and Japan as post-World War II successes, but he remains silent on our failures like North Korea, Vietnam, Bosnia, Somalia, Haiti (this gamely tagged as "Operation Democracy").
One democracy rues income disparity and, like Robin Hood, "transfers" wealth, the other lifts all boats. One denies itself crucial feedback information—or what Mises called "economic calculation," predicting in 1920 the ultimate collapse of socialism à la the USSR—the other uses that calculation to help allocate limited resources to their perceived optimum market uses. One wastes capital and talent (human capital), the other saves and invests it, self-interestedly, yes—yet, when under a moral code and the rule of law—spontaneously, harmoniously, constructively.
Market democracy explains the success of the West via Adam Smith's "invisible hand" idea of self-interest in a system of "natural liberty," of self-help by helping others, or per his famed line in Wealth of Nations (1776, Modern Library ed., p. 14): "It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, or the brewer, or the baker that we expect our dinner, but from their regard of their own interest."
No question then that capitalism or a market society is America's greatest democracy. The question is: Can we tame political democracy à la our Founding Fathers in 1776 or will we allow it to devour us per Ancient Greece?
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Amazon.com: World on Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy ...
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Free Market Democracy and the Chilean and Mexican Countryside ...
Free Market Democracy and the Chilean and Mexican Countryside, Marcus J. Kurtz, 9780521827379, Cambridge University Press.
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Book results for Free market democracy
| Free market democracy | |||
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