Looking For Bengali Refugees in Tamilnadu
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - FIVE Hundred Thirty Six
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/
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Sri Lankan refugees in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu
File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - Quick ViewRepatriation of refugees from Tamil Nadu began in December 1987 during a period ......2500 people were settled on the plantations, mostly in the Nilgiris ...
repository.forcedmigration.org/pdf/?pid=fmo:1940
Ethnic groups of Tamil Nadu - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Tamil Nadu lies in the southernmost part of the Indian Peninsula and is bordered by the ... the most commonly spoken language in India after Hindi and Bengali. ... districts of Kanyakumari, Tirunelveli, Coimbatore, Nilgiris and Theni. ...en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ethnic_groups_of_Tamil_Nadu - Cached
<article-title>Blue Mountains: The Ethnography and Biogeography of ...
of the Bengali landscape to a weaver of conundrums with the tensions of the Second World War, ... Nilgiris District of Tamil Nadu state, and to their central fea- ..... Ancient Hindu Refugees: Badaga Social History,. 1550-1975. ...[PDF]
CDR Background Papers on Refugees and Asylum Seekers Background ...
File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - Quick ViewAn influx of Bengali Muslims from India and Bangladesh is said to have ..... of the Deccan Peninsula (the states of Kerala and Tamil Nadu) (Encyclopedia of ... Kadars of Kerala, the Todas of Nilgiris and the Irulas of Karnataka (Ibid. ...
www.asylumlaw.org/docs/india/unhcr_bpas98_india.pdf
MATUA MAHASANGH HAS declared to demostrate in kolkata on 28th december demandingcitizenship for all bengali refugees. No political party has supported till this date.Matua religion is the Anti Brahamin movenet launched by Harichand Thakur! But PR Thakur supported Congress and opposed dr Ambedkar and Jogendra Nath Mandal. they had been supporting the Left Front. Now they have crossed fence to support Brahamin kanu\ya Mamata Banerjee who has NO sympathy for SC OBC ST people but have converted to matua to mobilse the Black untouchable vote bank for Change!
We, me and Sabita, had to begin our tour from Coimbtore. But we coukd not manage Railway Ticket as our visit to Tumkur was already scheduled.We had no choice to start on 10th November. By Chennai mail we reached Chennai first. We reached Coimbtore on 18th November. It was big city contrary to our knowledge.
Our friend Baldev Kumhar was there. We also jad Dr Subrahamnium who I earlier met in Cuttack. Aduran was there.Sudhir nag scheduled my progrramme but he was too busy and we could not meet.
Waman Meshram had informed anout Bengali resettled refugeess in Tamilnadu while we were in Kudon kullam in kanyakumari. we coulf not visit Tanhavur. So we had focused on Nilgiri.
Mr. Mangesh kumar, Professionally a Civil Engineer working based inorfinance Factory in Coonoor and close associate of our Allahabad days friend Udit Raj called in the night and informed that he had the lists of Bengali refugees in Coonoor.
The next day we had to visit Pallakkad in kerala where Custom commissioner P manouar was waiting. he informed us that we could not visit Valey of silence due to rainy season. We discussed at length amd he hosted a magnidicent Lunch in Noor khan. The HUNDI hyderabadi Biryani was a departure drom our daily South Indian dish. As we had bengali food only in kudon kullam thanks to kaltu drom sodepurand his friends working in the Nuclear friend. The Kerala folk had always been interactive as we had seen in janya kumari. We got into a trivenfram bus by mistake. But the driverand conductor ensured that we shoulf get the bus for kudon kullam in the Dusk abd it was raining. We got the bus from Srichandram en route to Trivendram. In Pallakkad also, the auto driveds and local people were very nice to interact. Most of them jnew Hindi.They were charging quite reasonably for every service.
We had dinner with Dr Subrahamanium Family. ASURAN and his sister joined us there. It was Telegu recipe. We discussed late in the night and the Dr escorted us with his car.
In the morning, we did start for Coonoor and reached OOTY Bus stand which was air conditioned and was better than Dum Dum Airprt.city bus service in coimbtoremay be a cause of envy for the peoe living in Metros. You would get bus within Two Minutes!
We had not been in the Himalayas for long. Nikgiri Hills with beautiful Teas Gardens was just like an experience to feel at home. It was green all over. from the other side, from Mysore, it is dense forest of sandal woods.
At Coonoor we discovered that the bengali refugees mangesh Kunmar knew, were all construction workers fron West Bengal.though most of them are refugees as we met a group in Guruvaur express and interacted with them who belong to Burdwan refugee colonies. They were not resttled. But baldev confirmed that thereare Bengali refugee resettlement. In 1952, west bengal government tried to resettle Bengali refugees in darjilling tea gardens. My father led the resistanc e and had been ousted from Bengal. No body could tell me whether the refugees were settled in the Tea gardens.
We met Dr Shibani Burman who belongs to Contai and is a relative to our senior friend Dr Gunadhar Barman.She is in the Pastur institute , Coonoor.even she did not know anything about the bengali refugees. but she invited us to visit Nilgiri once again. We spent som time in the fanous Sim park and then Mangesh kumar lifetd us to OOTY.
We returned Coimbtore in the very night as we had to get tarin forbangaluru next morning!
Genral Information - Coonoor
In the lap of nature and the Niligiri Hills Coonoor is a picturesque hill resort. Since long the hill resort of Coonoor has attracted the holidaymakers, nature lovers, adventure seekers, film directors et al alike. The rich flora and fauna add to the beauty of the hill resort. The other famous hill resort of the Nilgiris is that of Ooty/ Udhagamandalam/ Ootacamund. Besides nature spots Coonoor offers opportunities for adventure sports like trekking and hiking too. In the summer months the hill resort is crowded with refugees from the hot and dusty plains.
History :
The Nilgiri hills have been the home of the Toda tribe for centuries. Coonoor began to develop as a tourist destination in the 19th century when the British made the region a popular hill station. During summers Coonoor enjoys a mild climate while the burning sun scorches the surrounding plains. The British gentleman, who discovered these hills in 1819, returned the following year to build the first bungalow. Attracted by the temperate climate, the British elite lost no time and established their settlements in the hills. With them came tea plantations. The construction of a railway line accelerated the development of this region.
In those days the rail track from Chennai ended at Mettupalayam. From there the journey to the hills had to be undertaken on pony or bullock cart. In August 1891, the Governor of Chennai laid the foundation of the Nilgiri railway. The concourse was ready within three years, after which a new company undertook the project. In 1897, the line reached Coonoor and was officially inaugurated the following year. By 1908, the line was extended up to Ooty. Today the train is a major attraction and Coonoor attracts a large number of tourists round the year.
Place To See :
Coonoor has some great scenic places to visit. Sim's Park, located in the midst of a ravine, covers an area of 12 hectares and exhibits over 1000 species of plants, trees and flowers. For some of the finest views around visit the Lamb's Rock, 6km away, where you can feast your eyes on the captivating view of the Burliyar ravine and the plains ofMettupalayam. Lady Canning's Seat, a little further ahead, is a point said to have been frequented by the Viceroy's wife. Dolphin's Nose, is a rocky projection in the hill-side from where you can catch more panoramic views of the hills and plains.
There are three spectacular waterfalls cascading down the hill-side: St. Catherine falls, 250 feet high, Law's falls and Kateri falls. You can climb up to the ruins of the Droogfortress and explore the area or even do some excellent bird-watching.
For excursions outside, you could visit the neighbouring hill station of Ooty; a trip on the Ooty- Mettupalayam mountain railway, which goes via Coonoor, is a memorable experience.
How Get There :
By Air
The nearest airport from Coonoor is Coimbatore Peelamdeu Airport, which is at a distance of 70 km. Coimbatore is connected by air to airports in South India, especially to Chennai and Bangalore. Bangalore airport, 310 km away from Coonoor, is the nearest international airport which is well connected to many gulf countries and other foreign cities. It takes about 10 hr journeys by Taxi from Bangalore to Coonoor and costs around Rs 5000.
By Bus
Coonoor is well connected by bus services. Regular state owned bus services are available from Coimbatore, Ooty and other cities in Tamilnadu. Ooty is only 17 km from Coonoor, with a bus fare of about Rs 30. Many private tourist buses are also running to Coonoor from Ooty, Coimbatore and Mettupalyam.
By Train
The Nilgiri Mountain Railway service between Ooty and Mettupalayam is available with stop at Coonoor. Major broad gauge railway station nearby is Coimbatore junction. This station is connected to all major cities in the country.
Accomodation :
Accommodation options are easily available in Coonoor. There are several luxury, deluxe and budget hotels that cater to the needs of the tourists to Coonoor.
Shopping :
It may not be one of the most well known shopping locations, but it should be. Exceptional petit point embroidery can be found here. Coonoor is also famous for its tea, hand made antiques, Indian handlooms, and shawls. Irish and Belgian table sets and shadow-worked bed sheets are also readily found in the Coonoor shops. With such fine cotton clothes available here, many like to stock up on household clothing items at such stores as the Fine Things boutique. The stores in Coonoor are also known for the outstanding fruit that can be obtained there. Such items as fruit nectar, mulberry fruit, passion fruit, and ambrosia can all be found in Coonoor.
Events :
The hill resort of Coonoor hosts several interesting festivals. Firstly there is the annual fruit and vegetable festival that is hosted at the Sim's Park. Tourists from across the globe get attracted to the festival organized in May each year.
Then there is the tea and tourism festival hosted in Coonoor. The annual festival attracts tea connoisseurs from the world over in January at Coonoor. It is noteworthy that the hill resort of Coonoor lies in the Nilgiri Mountains that are renowned for tea plantations. Some of the better-known tea brands from Coonoor are the Orthodox, CTC and Green Leaf.
Read more: http://www.indiavision.com/countries/india/?c*coonoor#ixzz17RtUyFpz
Proposed Nilgiris elephant corridor runs into resistance
Fri Feb 26 2010 09:52:58 GMT+0530 (India Standard Time) by IANS ( Leave a comment )By Brij Khandelwal
Vazhaithottam (Tamil Nadu), Feb 26 (IANS) Tension is simmering over a proposed elephant corridor in the Ooty foothills. While conservationists say this is essential to restore the man-nature balance, farmers and property owners are questioning the state government's decision to acquire 7,000 acres of fertile land for it.
The whole area from the Bandipur reserve forest in Karnataka, adjoining the Mudumalai wildlife sanctuary of Tamil Nadu and the foothills of Ooty, was once untouched "tusker territory", say wildlife activists.
Humans have now intruded into the wilderness and encroached upon the Unesco-recognised Nilgiri biosphere reserve comprising more than 5,000 sq km in Tamil Nadu, Kerala and Karnataka, they say.
Of the around 2,000 elephants in the southern peninsula, half are in the three contiguous, ecologically sensitive sanctuaries.
An Australian outfit called Rain Forest is spearheading a movement to persuade official agencies to review decisions to locate developmental projects in the threatened elephant habitat.
While officials deny that land acquisition for the elephant corridor has already been initiated, residents say under the Tamil Nadu Preservation of Private Forest Act, 1947, proceedings have begun in Masinagudi, Mavanallah, Bokkapuram, Vazhaithottam, Anaikatty and Sigur.
This village, which is to be part of the corridor, is around 28 km from the hill resort of Ooty.
Agriculturists say the land in question is being used for cultivation by more than 18,000 farmers. D. Prasad Reddy of the Nilgiris Farmers Association said this was gross injustice to farmers.
Farmers, traders, residents and resort owners under the banner of the Farmers and Landowners Association have been demonstrating regularly. A shutdown was observed by the transporters and merchants of the area, while property owners displayed black badges in protest in early February to oppose the new elephant corridor.
A farmer said their main occupation had been agriculture for more than 500 years and now "more than 2,000 families would be displaced".
Another farmer in the area said: "The more than 10,000 Sri Lankan refugees have not been touched by the Tamil Nadu government's move to provide the elephant corridor."
Narsimhan, president of the Masinagudi Circle Farmers' Association, apprehended that locals would be forcibly evicted from their land and in return would receive peanuts as compensation.
Locals also allege that the Madras High Court order of Nov 6, asking the forest department to provide detailed maps demarcating elephant corridors in the Nilgiris for conservation, was being used by the authorities to secure village land to attract foreign funds for conservation projects.
Villagers say the movement and the actual number of elephants in the area should have been properly studied and satellite imagery scientifically analysed before starting the acquisition proceedings.
Villagers of Vazhaithottam, translated as "banana fields," say the area was never part of the corridor.
A property owner in a village in the Masinagudi panchayat said on condition of anonymity: "We are wondering if the authorities are planning to create a new elephant sanctuary in place of a corridor, which is normally defined as a narrow passage.
"The land belonging to the Scheduled Tribes, even if it falls on the corridor route, will not be touched. Also, one fails to comprehend the logic of official agencies in blaming 'outsiders' for purchasing land here. Under the constitution of India, any citizen can own property anywhere without the tag of an outsider."
State government officials after a recent public hearing at Masinagudi said public opinion was being ascertained and views of the various interest groups were being collected as per the orders of the high court.
Anand Rao Patil, the Nilgiri district collector, has said the opinions of affected parties would be conveyed to the government. More than 150 petitions have been submitted.
(Brij Khandelwal can be contacted at brij.k@ians.in)
The Nilgiri Mountain Railway (NMR) connects the town of Mettupalayam with the hill station of Udagamandalam (Ootacamund or Ooty), in the Nilgiri Hills of southern India. Both towns are in the state of Tamil Nadu. It is the only rack railway in India and uses the Abt system.
History
The Nilgiri Mountain Railway is one of the oldest mountain railways in India. Under consideration since 1845, the line was finally opened by the British in 1908, and was initially operated by the Madras Railway Company. The railway is one of the few in the world that is dependent on steam locomotives.
The Southern Railway India, with headquarters in Chennai, Tamil Nadu which operates the NMR, incurs an annual shortfall of Rs 4 crores, (~US$1 million). NMR comes under the jurisdiction of the newly formed Salem Division.
In July 2005, UNESCO added the Nilgiri Mountain Railway as an extension to the World Heritage Site of Darjeeling Himalayan Railway, the site then became known as "Mountain Railways of India." after it satisfied the necessary criteria, thus forcing abandonment of the modernisation plans.
For the past several years diesel locomotives have taken over from steam on the section between Coonoor and Udhagamandalam. Local people and tourists have led a demand for steam locos to once again haul this section.
The famous Hindi song "Chaiyya Chaiyya" from the film "Dil Se" picturising Shahrukh Khan was shot on the roof top of NMR.
Operation
The NMR track is gauge and the railway is isolated from other metre gauge lines.
Between Mettupalayam and Coonoor, the line uses the Abt rack and pinion system to climb the steep gradient. On this rack section trains are operated by 'X' Class steam rack locomotives manufactured by the Swiss Locomotive and Machine Works of Winterthur inSwitzerland. These steam locomotives can be used on any part of the line (either with or without the rack section), but the newer diesel locomotives can only operate on the upper section, between Coonoor and Udagamandalam.
The steam locomotives are always marshalled at the downhill (Mettupalayam) end of the train. The average gradient in this rack section is 1 in 24.5 (4.08%), with a maximum of 1 in 12 (8.33%).
Between Coonoor and Udagamandalam the train is operated by a YDM4 diesel locomotive using conventional rail adhesion principles. On this section the locomotive is always at the Coonoor end of the train as although the line is not steep enough to need a rack rail, the ruling gradient out of Coonoor is still very steep at 1 in 25 (4%).
As of 2007, there is one train a day over the rack section, which starts from Mettupalayam at 07:10 and reaches Ooty at noon. The return train starts from Ooty at 15:00, and reaches Mettupalayam at 18:35. The train is scheduled to connect to the Nilgiri Express, which travels from Mettupalayam to Chennai via Coimbatore. A summer special service is also run during the months of April and May, starting from Mettupalayam at 09:30 and from Ooty at 12:15. Between Coonoor and Udagamandalam, there are four daily trains each way.
Even though the NMR stations have networked computerised ticketing systems for onward journeys, it still issuesEdmondson style manual tickets for the Ooty-Mettupalayam journey to preserve the 'World Heritage Site' status of the railway. However, ticket booking is similar to other conventional trains and can also be done via the Indian Railways' website . It is advisable to book tickets for this railway in advance, especially during peak season.
The majority of repairs to the locomotives are carried out at the Coonoor shed but many of the steam locomotives have been rebuilt at the Golden Rock Workshops. Carriages are repaired at Mettupalayam but, like the locomotives, are taken to one of the big railway workshops for major work.
Due to its popularity, a number of passengers using the NMR have requested that the Southern Railways convert the section from Coonoor to Udagamandalam to steam locomotive, extending the present steam traction between Mettupalayam and Coonoor.
The route
The 'Nilagiri Passenger' train covers a distance of , travels through 208 curves, 16 tunnels, and 250 bridges. The uphill journey takes around 290 minutes (4.8 hours), and the downhill journey takes 215 minutes (3.6 hours) It has the steepest track in Asia with a maximum gradient of 8.33%.
- Mettupalayam - , above sea level - Junction with the (Indian Gauge) line from Coimbatore. Passengers cross the platform to board the Nilagiri Passenger train (NMR). There is a small locomotive shed here and also the carriage workshops for the line.
Leaving Mettupalayum, the line is adhesion worked and actually drops for a short distance before crossing the Bhavani River, after which it starts to climb gently.
- Kallar - , - Closed as a passenger station, this is where the rack rail begins. As the train leaves the station, the gradient is 1 in 12 (8.33%).
- Adderly - , - Closed as a passenger station but is still a water stop.
- Hillgrove - , - Block post and water stop, also has refreshments for passengers.
- Runneymede - , - Closed as a passenger station but is still a water stop.
- Kateri Road - , - Closed as a passenger station, trains do not stop here.
- Coonoor - , - main intermediate station on the line at site of the locomotive workshops as well as the top end of the rack rail. Trains must reverse a short distance before continuing their climb to Ooty. It is normal for the locomotive to be changed here with diesel traction, being normal for all trains to Ooty.
- Wellington - ,
- Aruvankadu - ,
- Ketti - ,
- Lovedale - ,
From a short distance before Lovedale, the line descends into Ooty.
- Ooty - , .).
Tourist Details of Ooty - Udhagamandalam - Ooty, Tamil Nadu
Udhagamandalam, which is the Head Quarters of the district, is the largest and most important Hill station in south India. This principle station on the Nilgiris is at an elevation of 2286 meters and situated at the center of the district. It is an extensive valley enclosed on all sides but the west by a lofty range of hills. The name of the ooty or Ootacamand was first mentioned in about 1821 in the Madras Gazette which was then spelt as "Wotokymund" by an anonymous correspondent who was one among the Europeans to set an eye on Ootacamand. It is also fondly called the Queen of Hill Stations.
Ooty also known as Udhagamandalam is the "Queen of hill stations" and the capital of Nilgiris district. It is one of the most popular tourist resorts in India. Nilgiris means "Blue Mountains". It is a land of picturesque picnic spots. Used to be popular summer and weekend getaway for the Britishers during the colonial days. It is situated at an altitude of 2,240 meters above sea level.
An added attraction for the tourists to Udagamandalam is the mountain train journey on a ratchet and pinion track which commences from Kallar, near Mettupalayam and wends its way through many hair-raising curves and fearful tunnels and chugs along beside deep ravines full of verdant vegetation, gurgling streams and tea gardens.
Head for the hills! Ooty, or Udhagamandalam as it is now officially known was founded by the British in the mid - 19th century. Located at an altitude of 2,240 metres above sea-level, Udhagamandalam has salubrious weather all around the year. It's no wonder then that thousands of tourists flock here, year after year.
One can notice a marvellous change in vegetation, as one goes from Kallar to Coonoor. The establishment of numerous tea estates made Ooty famous. Lofty mountains, dense forest, sprawling grasslands and miles and miles of tea gardens greet the passengers on most routes. The annual Tea and Tourism Festival attracts crowds in huge numbers.
Lofty mountains, dense forest, sprawling grasslands and miles and miles of tea gardens greet the passengers on most routes.
Udhagamandalam (Ooty), the capital of Nilgiri district, is popularly known as the "Queen of hill stations' among the tourist circuits. It is situated at a distance of 105 km away from Coimbatore. The height of the hills in the Nilgiri range varies between 2280 and 2290 metres, the highest peak being Doddabetta at a height of 2623 metres.
If you want to find a cove simple and charming enough for a romantic getaway, there is hardly any place to match the beauty of Ooty. This is one of the most beautiful places that you will ever have the fortune of visiting.
Ooty is situated in the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve. Many of the forested areas and water bodies are off limits to most visitors in order to protect this fragile ecosystem. Some areas of the Biosphere Reserve have been earmarked for Tourism Development, and steps are being undertaken to open these areas to visitors whilst conserving the area. Generally tourists are encouraged to observe any local signage and not to enter reserved forests and protected areas. Much of Ooty has already been damaged by rampant commercialisation as a result of tourism. Some steps are being introduced to limit the impact of pollution by tourists in the biosphere reserve such as making the area a plastic-free zone. This largely applies to plastic bags.
Ootacamund or Udhagamandalam or Nilagiri, which stands 7,349 feet above sea level in the Nilgiris, is known as the Queen of southern hill resorts of India. Ooty, as it is popularly known, spreads over 36 square miles and offers a picturesque green feast for the eyes. Apart from coffee and tea plantations, trees like conifers, eucalyptus, pine and wattle line the hillside in Udhagamandalam and its environs.
It is believed that the name Nila, has been in use for over 800 years since, the King of the Hoysalas Vishnu Vardhana, who ruled from 1104 to 1141 AD seized the Nilgiris Plateau. His general Ponisia recorded this fact in 1117 AD with mention of Todas. The name Nilgiri was due to the blue haze, which envelops the range with most distant hills of considerable size.
This Nilgiri territory came into possession of the East India Company as part of the ceded lands, held by Tipu Sultan, by the treaty of Srirangapatnam in 1799. Rev. Jacome Forico, a priest was the first European who visited Nilgiris in 1603 and released his notes about the place and people of Nilgiris.
In 1812 surveyor William Keys and Macmohan visited the top of the plateau. In 1818, Wishand Kindersley, Assistant and Second Assistant to Collector of Coimbatore visited this spot and submitted their experience report to the Collector of Coimbatore Mr. John Sullivan. Settlement in Udhagamandalam began in 1822 with the construction of the Stone House by John Sullivan, the then Collector of Coimbatore. The bungalow, which is locally called "Kal Bangla", is one of the landmarks of Udhagamandalam and is now the Chamber of the Principal of the Government Arts College.
Ooty pronunciation, short for Ootacamund pronunciation (the official name is Udhagamandalam, sometimes abbreviated to Udhagai, is a city, a municipality and the district capital of the Nilgiris district in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu.
Ooty or Udhagamandalam, the capital of Nilgiri district, is popularly known as the "Queen of hill stations' among the tourist circuits. Situated at a distance of 105 km away from Coimbatore, Ooty is a lovely place with lofty mountains, dense forest, sprawling grasslands and miles of tea gardens. Situated at an altitude of 2,240 m above sea level, Ooty is a land of picturesque picnic spots.
An added attraction for the tourists to Ooty / Udagamandalam is the mountain train journey, which commences from Kallar, near Mettupalayam and wends its way Nilgiri Hills - Ootythrough many hair-raising curves and fearful tunnels and chugs along beside deep ravines full of verdant vegetation, gurgling streams and tea gardens.
If you holiday in the Nilgiri Hills in Tamil Nadu, you will find the Queen of South India Hill resorts - Ootacamund or Udhagamandalam, commonly known as Ooty. Situated 7,349 feet above sea level in the Nilgiri Hills, Ootacamund extends over 36 square miles and is green with coffee and tea plantations, and various species of trees such as pine, eucalyptus and wattle. Originally inhabited by tribal people known as the Todas, Ooty was developed as a hill resort by the British in the early 1800's when it became the summer capital of Madras Presidency. even today retains a flavour of colonial times, with beautiful bungalows, quaint cottages, the Ootacamund Club, the Nilgiri Library, St Stephens Church and a cemetery. The Ootacamund Derby, which attracts the best racing talent in India, is a popular holiday attraction
Front of Ootacamund Club, 1905
The Nilgiri Hills were part of Chera Empire in ancient times. later it fell in to the hand of Ganga dynasty. and then Hoysala empire under king Vishnuvardhana in the 12th century. They then became part of the Kingdom of Mysore of Tipu Sultan who later surrendered them to the British in the 18th century.
John Sullivan, the British governor of neighbouring Coimbatore province, liked the climate of this forested land, and occupied it by taking land from the native tribes (Toda, Irumba and Badaga); often buying up many square kilometres in a day for the price of a few meals.
The hills were developed rapidly under the British Raj because they were almost entirely owned by private British citizens, unlike the rest of India. Ooty served as the summer capital of the Madras Presidency, and had winding hill roads and a complicated rack railway system built by influential and enterprising British citizens with venture capital from the Madras government.
It is believed the Blue Mountains appear so because of the vast Nilgiri forest surrounding them.
One Man's Ooty
Gnarled, knobbed and twisted, Sullivan's oak is an appropriate metaphor for Ootacamund. On the one hand it is apparent that the tree has been much better years; a 1905 photograph capture it standing tall, robust and bushy before what were then the Secretariat offices. On the other, it has survived the ravages of time; look closer and you will discover that its branches have a tangled beauty and that its alternate leaves glow softly in the wintry sun.
John Sullivan, the man who founded Ooty, planted this oak over 150 years ago in front of what was then his residence, Stonehouse. Over the years, Stonehouse was subsumed in flurry of construction for the office of the Secretariat. And today, these offices have become the Government Arts College ? a tale of change and continuity that is very much the story of Ooty
John Sullivan
Identifying Stone House. When you are caught in the snarl and disorder that is Commercial Street; are suffocated settle on the town in a noisy swarm; or are looking at the 'morden' box-like houses that are strung out on the town in a pattern that resembles terrace cultivation; you can't help wondering whether Sullivan's Ooty has vanished forever. Yes it is lost. But yes, it also survives. If you are armed with a sketch of an original ground plan and elevation of Stonehouse, you can identify the exact portions of the old residence- the very first European house in Ootacamund' that were incorporated with the Secretariat office building. If you walk through the over ground and beautifully unkempt cemetery at St. Stephens, which lies on a small outcrop behind what must be one of the country's prettiest churches, you will find the graves of Sullivan?s wife, Henrietta, and his 16-year-old daughter, Harriet. They died within 10 days of each other in 1838.
The famous 'Ooty Lake' that serpentine stretch of water that has deteriorated in to a sewer-was Sullivan's creation too. He dammed a stream in order to collect water for the nearby fields, but somehow it never developed in to the headwater of an irrigation system. Half the lake was appropriate and filled in for the racecourse, but the other half still remains one of the remains one of the main tourist attractions in the hill station. But as Reverend Philip Mulley suggests, his real legacy goes well beyond a building that endures here or a crumbling grave that survives there. 'His impact is evident almost every where,' says Mulley, who has keen interesting the history and sociology of the Nilgiris.
It was Sullivan who revolutionised agricultural practice in these mountains, there by changing the face of the local economy. He did this not merely through the introduction of tea (which was commercialised only years after his death), but by freely distributing speed for a large assortment of cereals, fruit and vegetables. He brought in European varieties of wheat and barley (which the Badagas knew as Sullivan ganji), vegetables such as cabbage, radish and turnip and fruits such as peach, apple and strawberry. It was Sullivan who persuaded the initially skeptical Directors of the East India Company to develop the Nilgiris as a sanatorium for sick British troops. And it was Sullivan again who encouraged the construction of the early Ghat roads up in to the hills. As anthropologist and Nilgiris expert Paul Hockings has noted 'His impact was widespread and permanent.' Golf ( 100 years origin). The originator of golf at Ootacamund was Colonel Ross Thompson, R.E. who brought it in 1889,from banglore, when he had been transferred as Executive Engineer, Nilgiri district. He began with a few holes, partly in the ground of the A.B.C., and partly on the adjacent land belonging to the Hobart Park. These pioneer link were used principally by ladies but owing to one cause and another they did not find much favour. In consequence of this, Colonel Ross Thompson, brigadier - general Van Straubenzee,and Colonel Straker R.A., selected, some time in February of the following years, a site near the municipal rubbish depot and the road out to the Governor's Shola, on which links consisting of eighteen holes were laid out. the starting point of the course was on the slope above the turn on the road the lake, to the west of Woodstock.
Golf Ground & Shooting Spot Ooty
In march 1891, Colonel Fane Sewell, then honorary Secretary of the Blue Mountains Tennis and Cricket Club, which was the result of the amalgamation of the revived the playing of golf on the Hobart Park, by obtaining the permission of the municipal council, as the custodian of the ground, onto form on it a course of nine holes. In his application he wrote "the royal and ancient Game of golf is now became a very popular one in which part of the community is nearly certain towish to participate" These links I can remember. For a time, these were used frequently by ladies and a few men, but also very lasting intrest was taken in them. Those seriously professing golf all went to the links on the downs, of which restriction has been made on the previous page, and that formed a club, which united with the present Gymkhana, in September 1896. The Municipal corner links as they were usually called by the polite the impolite had another, and perhaps more appropriate name for them were used until June 11 1899, when owing party to the annoyance frequently caused by the evil smells issuing from the rubbish depot, and partly to a wish to have a better course.
It was resolved, at the meeting of golfing member of the Gymkhana club to request the General Committee to permit removal of the golf ground to another part of the downs. The sanction sought was accorded, and the existing links, which until recently consisted of fifteen holes, were then constructed, the old course being abandoned. They start from the eastern end of the "Cockey's Course". Which is by no means level ground and are laid over some rather broken country. They are, I believe, considered by practiced golfers quite satisfactory. Whether they are or not, any one restoring to them obtaining plenty of fresh air, and a lovely view of the Kunda range, with a long sweep of shoals and rolling downs as a foreground. I can call to mind the outcry against the new links when they were first started and the abuse showered on the man a scot who was at the bottom of the move, on the ground that the course laid out, mainly at his suggestion was exceeding difficult, and at a terrible distance from Ootacamund.
Commencing from 1929, water was pumped by a hydraulic ram from the stream in the valley and storage tank and feeder pipes were installed in 1970 from when the pumping was done electrically and the browns gradually changed to greens.
From 1906, the amateur golf champion ship is held annually during the summer season. The first winner was major quinton and R.B. Carrick has the distinction of having won it nine time between 1914 and 1929. In recent years several major tournaments have been organized on the links. A leading golfer of the country after having won a major tournament here said that the Ooty golf course was one of the best course to practice in the country because of its peculiar conditions. The 18 holes courser is located at a height of about 7,4000 feet, width a par of 70 over 6,207 yard. The science beauty and breathtaking views make the course one of the most sought after in India. Hundreds of movies in several Indian language have been shot on these links too.
Demographics
As of 2001 India census, Udhagamandalam had a population of 93,921. Males constitute 50% of the population and females 50%. Udhagamandalam has an average literacy rate of 80%, higher than the national average of 59.5% male literacy is 84%, and female literacy is 75%. In Udhagamandalam, 9% of the population is under 6 years of age.
The Government Gardens, Horticultural Societies
Introduction of some of the better known Trees and Plants.
The earliest gardens of any size or importance in Ootacamund were those attached to Stonehouse and Southdown, both originally owned by Mr. J. Sullivan. The former of these was, for over six years, held on lease by Government, and a latter was the property of the State for ten years, dating from December 1829. The Garden were maintained by Government, who employed a comparatively larger staff for this purpose. They appear however to have been more of an ornamental than useful character, and the general public derived no benefit from them.
During the time the Ootacamund was under military controls, considerable cultivation of vegetables for the market was carried on by so- called settlers and others, but towards the end of this epoch, which closed in 1841, there were a great falling off, due no doubt to lack of demand arising from the abandonment of the place as a military sanitarium. The present Government Gardens had their origin in one which was established in 1845, by subscription amongst the European residents, for the purpose of supplying themselves with vegetables, at a reasonable cost. The site occupied was, so it has been ascertained, the spot immediately below the ornamental pond close to the band stand, and now forming part of the lawn, planted with exotic trees, which faces one on entering the Gardens. Captain molyneux, of the 2nd European Regiment, managed it, The subscribers paying Rs.3 a month, and receiving their vegetables free of charge. In less than a couple of years times, however, this arrangement was found not to work so satisfactorily as had been expected, and, early in 1847, a fund was raised, by means of donations and subscriptions, with a view to form a Horticultural Society, and start a Public Garden.
Ooty is famous for its healthy climate and scenic beauty. For residents of the south it is a delightful place to escape to from the oppressive summer heat. The best thing about Ooty is that it combines the peace and serenity of a hill station with the comforts of urban life. Ooty's colonial legacy extends to very nook and corner, and nowhere is it more apparent than in the Ooty club that is beyond compare.
This region is entirely a group of mountains which are Natural sky scrappers. The Mountains are so high, such that we can see the clouds crossing the way when we Travel. Another important experience which every Traveler gets when they come here is the Dangerous, but thrilling Hair-pin Bends. Our mind would record an excellent scenic Beauty which is immortal when we Travel through this way.
Not only the sceneries But also the minute frame work of Tamil Nadu Roadways and valuable support provided by Tourism development corporation of Tamil Nadu is seen. Man's desires are endless, But the search of satisfaction and peace is what he seeks in this modern world. This place is definitely such a place where we can forget ourselves by loitering in lawns, fishing, playing Golf & tennis etc. Nature made Udhagamandalam is definitely a different place in this man made world of inventions.
It is believed that the name Nila, has been in use for over 800 years since, the King of the Hoysalas Vishnu Vardhana, who ruled from 1104 to 1141 AD seized the Nilgiris Plateau. His general Ponisia recorded this fact in 1117 AD with mention of Todas. The name Nilgiri was due to the blue haze, which envelops the range with most distant hills of considerable size.
This Nilgiri territory came into possession of the East India Company as part of the ceded lands, held by Tipu Sultan, by the treaty of Srirangapatnam in 1799. Rev. Jacome Forico, a priest was the first European who visited Nilgiris in 1603 and released his notes about the place and people of Nilgiris. In 1812 surveyor William Keys and Macmohan visited the top of the plateau.
In 1818, Wishand Kindersley, Assistant and Second Assistant to Collector of Coimbatore visited this spot and submitted their experience report to the Collector of Coimbatore Mr. John Sullivan. Settlement in Udhagamandalam began in 1822 with the construction of the Stone House by John Sullivan, the then Collector of Coimbatore. The bungalow, which is locally called "Kal Bangla", is one of the landmarks of Udhagamandalam and is now the Chamber of the Principal of the Government Arts College.
Ootacamund is a popular hill station located in the Nilgiri Hills. The origin of the name Ootacamund is obscure, but "mund" is the Badaga word for a Toda village, and it is probably a corruption of the Badaga name for the central region of the Nilgiri Plateau. Another likely origin of the stem of the name ("Ootaca") comes from the local language Tamil where "Otta-Cal" literally means "Single Stone". This is perhaps a reference to a sacred stone revered by the local Toda people. Udhagamandalam is a more recent official Tamil name for the town. Ooty stands at an approximate height of 7,440 feet (2,268 metres) above sea level. Contents [hide]
Tourism Industry
Located in the mountainous range called the Blue Mountains or Nilgiris, Ooty draws a large number of tourists every year. The weather is quite pleasant at a mean of 15 to 20 'C (59 to 68 'F) year round, dropping to lows of 0 'C (32 'F) during winter. The hill town suffers from rampant commercialisation and various other ecological and infrastructural issues.
The landscape is marked by rolling hills and plateaus covered with dense vegetation, tea gardens, and eucalyptus trees. Many portions of the hills are preserved as natural reserve forests, and special permits are needed to camp outside of campgrounds. Ooty is more of a focal point of attraction for tourists, who also undertake auto tours of the surrounding countryside.
The hilly region also houses smaller towns like Coonoor and Kotagiri. These towns are less than an hour's drive away from Ooty and enjoy the same climate, but have fewer tourists and cheaper prices.
Local Economy
Ooty is also a district headquarters. Though much of the local economy is now dominated by tourism, Ooty still is a supply base and market town for the surrounding area which is still largely dependant on agriculture, notably the cultivation of "English Vegetables" which are grown here because of the cool climates. This primarily consists of potato, carrot, cabbage and cauliflower. There is a daily wholesale auction of these products at the Ooty Municipal Market. Dairy farming has long been present in the area and there is a cooperative dairy in Ooty manufacturing cheese and skimmed milk powder.
As a result of the local agricultural industry, some research institutes are based in Ooty. These include a soil conservation centre and a potato research farm. Efforts are being made to diversify the range of local crops and subsequently some Floriculture and Sericulture is being introduced in the local area, as well as the cultivation of mushrooms.
The only significant manufacturing industry is Hindustan Photo Films, the erstwhile photo film manufacturer in India. This is located on the outskirts of the town at Indu Nagar. Other manufacturing industries are located in the wider area. The most significant of these are in Ketti (manufacture of needles); Aruvankadu (manufacture of cordite) and Coonoor (manufacture of rabies vaccine).
There is some cottage industry activity in the area including chocolate manufacture and carpentry.
Though the local area is known for tea cultivation, this is neither grown nor processed in Ooty. Tea is grown at slightly lower altitude and hence Coonoor and Kotagiri are local centres of tea cultivation and processing.
The 'queen of hill stations', or 'Snooty Ooty' to generations of English, is not what it was. The Nilgiri Hills (nila, blue, plus girl, hills) around are still beautiful and the climate is as refreshing as ever. The Botanical Gardens are outstanding and the Chennai Turf Club organizes races during the season (mid- April to mid- June). Outdoor pursuits include fishing (carp in the lake and trout in the streams), golf and walking; details from the tourist office. Ooty is at an altitude of 2286m, and despite being so close to the equator temperatures drop nearly to zero at night in winter.
Ooty's claim to a place in history is guaranteed, oddly enough, by snooker. The game was developed by bored British officers including Neville Chamberlain, later the British Prime Minister, in the club in the closing years of the 19th century. The name has recently been indianised to Udhagamandalam but will be at least 50 years before anyone other than civil servants and the most ardent nationalists call it anything but Ooty.
Laying the Foundation
Sullivan didn't 'discover' the Nilgiris, but he was the first to see its potential as a sanatorium and he laid the foundations that changed the social and economic face of these hills. Other European had been up before. An enigmatic Jesuit priest, father Fininicio, made The first expedition in 1603. He made the journey up from Calicut, but all that remains of his visit to Todamala is a small fragment that reveals he tried to converse with the Badagas about Christianity and that he gave 'Toda women looking glasses and hanks of thread, with which they were very much pleased'. Two centuries later, after the British had annexed Mysore, There were other expeditions by men such as Buchanan, Mackenzie, keys and MacMohan, some of them reaching only the lower slopes.
It was in 1818 that two youthful Assistant collectors of Coimbatore, Whish and Kindersley, made it to the made it to the Nilgiris plateau. It is not clear what took then up. One story goes they may have been on a shooting expedition, another that they chasing tobacco smugglers. Their account of their explorations, which were of a place that was cool and teeming with the game and wildfowl, stoked the interest of the boss. Sullivan, who was then the permanent Collector of Coimbatore, made the ascent the following year. The letter he wrote from the 'Neilgherry hills' to Thomas Munro, who went on to become Governor of Madras, is ecstatic. 'This is the finest country ever'. It resembles I suppose Switzerland more than any other part of Europe the hills beautifully wooded and fine strong spring with running water in every valley..Within a few months, Sullivan had constructed a small cottage a Dimhutti, near Kotagiri. It had gone to ruin over the years, being used, among other things, as a cowshed; only recently was it restored by the district administration, thanks to the efforts of the environmental forum, the save Nilgiris Campaign, and the enthusiasm of an energetic Collector. Some years ago, D. Venugopal of the save Nilgiris Campaign, which has been at the forefront of keeping Sullivan?s memory alive, organized a trek that retraced the route he took up to the hills.
By 1822, Sullivan had started building stone house in what was then known as Wotokymond, acquiring land from the Todas at one rupee an acre. He would quickly corner huge tracts of land, many times more than all the other European settler put together. All the while ,Sullivan was peppering his superiors in Madras with letters about the unusually temperate and healthy climate in the Nilgiris and its suitability as a sanatorium. By 1828, there were some 25 European houses, not to mention churches and the houses of immigrants from the plains. This was also the year that Ooty was made a military cantonment. Sullivan?s dream of making it a sanatorium for British troops had been fulfilled, but the governments action meant that Ooty would no longer be in his control but in that of his rival Major William Kelso.
But Sullivan wasn't through with Ooty. After he finished his tenure as Collector of Coimbatore, he returned in his capacity as the Senior Member of the Board of Revenue of the Madras Presidency.
Liberal Views
What kind of man was he? The only surviving photograph presents a somewhat portly person, who seems both sad and sullen. The only way of piecing his personality together is from scanty official records. We know, for instance, that he was extremely well disposed towards the tribal population an attitude that brought him into conflict with senior Government officials. He argued, as early as 1832, that the 'natives should be entrusted with a great share in the administration of their own affairs'. Remarkably, he also advocated the view that the Todas had total proprietary rights over the lands in the Nilgiris plateau and that they must receive compensation for any land acquired from them. Considering the times he lived in, Sullivan's views suggest that he was an extraordinarily liberal man. H.B Grigg, in his A Manual of the Nilgiri District in the Madras Presidency (1880),describes him as a 'friend of the native'.
At the same time, Sullivan laid himself open to charges that he had used his position in government to acquire enormous personal wealth. He retired and left to England in 1841 and died unsung on January 16,1855 exactly 150 years to this day. 'Most people in Ooty do not even know he existed,'says lawyer and environmental activist B.J Krishnan'. But the important thing for the future of these hills is that we retain the spirit and energy of Sullivan'. The Save Nilgiris Campaign had planned a procession of tribals and a public meeting on January 16, 2005 open the occasion of his 150th death anniversary.
Udhagamandalam, the 'Queen of Hills' perched at an altitude of 7,500 feet, amidst the verdant Nilgiris or Blue Mountains was first discovered in 1819, by John Sullivan, the then collector of Coimbatore. The ambient beauty of Ooty, the most popular hill station of the South, lies in its peaceful ranges surrounded by a misty blue haze. The colonial legacy of this British developed hill resort is still reflected in its terraced Botanical Garden, private schools, Ooty club and churches.
http://www.ootytrips.com/moredetails.html
Part IV
Post Independence Arya-Brahmin Refugees
Table of Contents : Part IV
| Arya-Brahminist Partition Refugees |
Arya-Brahminist Partition Refugees
Partition of India was an Arya-Brahminist conspiracy and their imperialist master to protect exploitation system by dividing indigenous Bahujans on religion, caste and provinces.
Arya-Brahminists riding government of India created a separate ministry to rehabilitate their Arya-Brahminist refugees coming from west and east Pakistan. A Savarna Refugee was made minister of this department who spent Billions of treasury money extracted from the blood and sweet of indigenous Bahujan masses through direct and indirect taxes and were spent generously on Arya-Brahminist refugees.
Arya-Brahminists of Punjab and Sindh were settled in big cities and given generous economical aid. They were given land at nominal cost to start their own business. They were given interest free loans. Licence and quota was generously granted to them. They were helped in every respect till the their Arya-Brahminist refugees did not attain the status of rulers of India.
Dr. Subodh Biswas of Nagpur, has highlighted how Punjabi and Sindhi Arya-Brahminists are treated. According to him :-
1) The benefits from government are still continued to Arya-Brahminists refugees.
2) The 70 lacs acre land left by Muslims going to Pakistan was distributed among Arya-Brahminist refugees.
3) Seven lac houses left behind by Muslims going to Pakistan were distributed among the Arya-Brahminist refugees.
4) Arya-Brahminists riding government of India gave 91 Crore Rupees as compensation to Arya-Brahminist refugees for the property they left in Pakistan.
5) For company Shares and other property left in Pakistan Arya-Brahminist refugees received 2 Lac 21 thousand houses.
6) The Arya-Brahminist refugees retired from their service received their pension, provident fund as well as the Arya-Brahminist refugees who had job received job in India. The number of such persons till 1964 is 2 Lac and two thousand.
7) The 92 thousand Arya-Brahminist refugees received technical and other education by government of India till 1965 to enable them to earn handsomely.
9) 60 thousand Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan were rehabilitated in the capital Delhi.
10) Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan received money and raw material to raise their factories.
11) Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan received economical aid as compensation.
12) All promises made with Pakistan government were fulfilled for Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan.
Therefore Arya-Brahminist refugees have become masters of this country while indigenous Bahujans are degraded to the status off slaves since nun of the above was provided to them.
The Arya-Brahminists well-settled in foreign countries opting foreign nationality are awarded dual nationality by Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India. In addition to that 15% seats are also reserved for their children in educational institutes of India.
Prosperity Attained by Sindhi Arya-Brahmin Refugees
How much prosperity is attained by Sindhi refugees in India and Sindhi oversees can be understood from the following account. The richest Sindhi family today is the Hinduja brothers, evaluated at more than 1,000 crore rupees. Moorjani of Hong Kong dominates the world Jeans market with a $ 1 billion turnover. The biggest builders in Miami, Florida, USA's most posh state, are Melwani and Shyam Sani and Ram Kripalani with their booming business is the Uncrowned King of Trinidad in the West Indies. They have established some of the finest institutions in Bombay and elsewhere. The Wattumull Institute of Computer Technology and Engineering has equipment worth two crore of rupees. Hotchand Gopaldas and Khushi Kundnani, have not only set up a dozen colleges in Bombay, their Jai Hind College and K.C. College are two of the best colleges in India's premier city. Jaslok Hospital (named after Jasoti — Sindhization of Yashoda – and Lokumal) is the most famous in the country. The Vivekananda Education Society of Bombay and the Mira Education Society of Pune are two big Sindhi educational institutes. T.M. Advani became Vice-Chancellor of Bombay and Kashmir universities. K.L. Punjabi became Chief Secretary of Maharashtra, and Sadhwani, of Gujrat. Ms. Dr. K.A. Advani is Principal of the 125 year old Government Law College of Bombay, the biggest and best in Asia.
Raheja Bros. alone have put up a thousand flat system buildings in Bombay. Jethi Sipahimalani's Navjiwan Housing Colonies in Mahim, Chembur and Bombay Central are made by Sindhis. Atur Sangtani of Pune is not only big in construction, he runs The Poona Herald. However, the greatest builder of them all was Bhai Partap who built the twin cities of Adipur (residential) and Gandhidham (commercial) for Kandla Port. T.V. Mansukhani heads HMT (Hindustan Machine Tools), M.J. Pherwani heads Ashok Leyland; Samat (-ani) is No. 2 in Bharat Heavy Electrical Limited; R.G. Keswani is president, All India Electrical Manufacturers' Association. G.S. Ramchand led Indian cricket. T.N. Idnani was the member for Power in the Central Water and Power Commission.
Dr. Menda presided over the Indian Medical Association and Prof. G.R. Malkani, over the Indian Philosophical Congress. Ram Jethmalani led the Indian Bar Council for years. Justice Nain presided over the MRTPC (Monopolies and Restrictive Trade Practices Commission); Justice Chainani over the Bombay High Court; and Justice Thadhani over the Assam High Court. G.G. Mirchandani heads the UNI (United News of India), a leading national news agency. Business India is run by Ashok Advani. Prof. K. N. Vaswani leads the Vivekananda" Rock Memorial Committee in Kanyakumari. Hari Atmaram is a trustee of Vishwa Hindu Parishad.
M. K. Kripalani was ambassador in Canada, Khilnani in Kenya and Vishnu Ahuja in Russia. Maj.-Gen. Hira and Vice-Admiral Tahliani, Admiral Nanda – the victor of the sea war in 1971. G.P. Sippy is a leader of the film industry, closely followed by N.C. Sippy and several others. Leading film directors include Govind Nihalani ("Aakrosh"), Raj Sippy, Ramesh Sippy, Kumar Shahani. Leading Sindhi cine artists include Sudhir, Mach Mohan, Raj Kiran (Mahtani) Asrani, Sheila Ramani, Babita, Sadhana and many others. In politics, Acharya Kripalani was a colossus, Jairamdas served with distinction as member of Parliament, cabinet minister and governor. L.K. Advani is in the front rank of Indian politics. Hashu Advani occupies a similar position in Maharashtra. Sucheta Kirpalani, Dr. Choithram, Prof. N.R. Malkani, Ram Jethmalani, Krishna Kripalani have made their name in Parliament. Bhanu Kumar Shastri stormed Sukhadia's citadel in Udaipur to enter the Lok Sabha with a bang in 1977.
Mrs. Gandhi recollected in a Sindhi conference held in New Delhi in October 1983, that way back in the Nineteen Thirties she had noticed a Sindhi shop even in an obscure village on the island of Sicily. Others had found a Sindhi enterprise even on Falkland Islands near the South Pole. Even in an offbeat place like Fyzabad (Ayodhya) they are so numerous and prosperous that their annual Jhoolay Lal procession is an event like a mini- Republic Day.
Even before Partition, while reading Gurbani and visiting Gurdwaras, the Sindhis always read Hindu scriptures and bowed to all gods and pilgrimaged to all shrines. With few exceptions, they were not Khalsas or Sardarjis. Today the portraits of Guru Nanak and Jhoolay Lal are found side by side in Sindhi temples and homes.
In the religious field, Dada Jashan Vaswani, Sant Lila Shah, Holy Guru Nanak Mission. Dada Chellaram's "Nij Thanw", Brahmakumaris, and several other organizations are run.
There have been many distinguished marriage alliances with non-Sindhi Arya-Brahminists not converted as well as converted. Pre-Partition Sindh had witnessed Acharya's marriage to Sucheta Majumdar, Krishna Kripalani's to Nandita, Tagore's granddaughter, and Gopi Mukhi's to Gauba of Lahore. Later Sundari Bhavnani (Triveni Kala Sangam) married Krishnalal Shridharani. Kamla Malkani married Lokpati – and- became Kamlapati Tripathi's "Banut. Vishnu Ahuja married Nuruddin's daughter Amina. Bhai Pratap's daughter Nirmala married Balu Patwardhan, brother of Achhyut Patwardhan, Rajmohan Gandhi, grandson of the Mahatma, married Usha Kukreja of Larkana. Shirin Advani married Jehangir, son of M.C. Chagla (so called Muslim). Sadhana Shivdasani (actress) married Nayyar, Babita Shivdasani married Randhir Kapoor and Poonam Chandiramani married Shatrughan Sinha.
Politically Displaced Arya-Brahminists of Kashmir
It is alleged that a large number of the Kashmir Pundits left the Kashmir valley on the initiation and instigation of Mr Jagmohan, the then Governor of Jammu and Kashmir.
Most of the internally displaced Kashmir Pundits live in Delhi and Jammu. Around 56,148 families have migrated from Kashmir since year 1990. 34,690 families of the total number are living in Jammu, 19338 in Delhi and 2120 families are living in other parts of the country. Around 12,000 families have been provided shelter at Purkhu, Mutti, Mishriwala, Nagrotam Udhamput and Jammu city. According to the news ofDecember 14, 2006 the home minister informed that financial assistance being provided to Kashmiri migrants in Jammu and Delhi was being raised to Rs 4000 per family from Rs 3000 and 3200 respectively with effect from July 1, 2006.
According to chief minister Ghulam Nabi Azad, around 671 kanals of land has been identified at Nagrota where a total of 5,242 two-room flats will be constructed under the Prime Minister's Reconstruction Programme and Rs 189 crore has been earmarked for it. (DNA – India – Relocation plan for the Kashmiri Pundits – Daily News & Analysis.htm)
18 three-roomed flats have been constructed at Mattan at an expenditure of Rs.1.08 crores for temporary stay of Kashmiri Pandit Migrants to enable them to experience the situation in the Valley and decide about their return. At Kheer Bhavani, 100 one-room tenements have been constructed and other renovation work such as Yatri Niwas, rain shelters, fencing of shrine, etc. have been completed at an expenditure of Rs.7.30 crores. Construction of 200 flats at Sheikhpora in Budgam district at an expenditure of Rs.20.00 crores is also nearing completion. The district authorities have identified at least 13 clusters of residential houses falling in "secure zones" of different parts of Anantnag for the return and rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandit migrants from outside the valley.
Government have approved an expenditure of Rs.59.18 crores for rehabilitation of 6072 families displaced from Akhnoor Tehsil, Jammu Division on account of border disturbances in the wake of the Kargil Conflict of 1999. The amount would be utilized for construction of houses at safe locations by allotting 5 marlas of land to each family, providing civic amenities in the rehabilitation colonies, purchase of a bullock pair for each family, lump sum grant of Rs.10,000/- to each family on account of losses to household furniture/fixtures, reclamation of 239.50 acres of agricultural land inundated by water and clearing of 3512 acres of agricultural land covered by thick undergrowth. A sum of Rs.10.00 crores has been provided to the State Government as advance towards implementation of the scheme. The State Government have released Rs.13.14 crores for 6072 families @ Rs.20,000/- per family and have further sanctioned Rs.18.79 crores for rehabilitation scheme.
The Nepali Refugees
Since 1950, India and Nepal have shared an open border, so citizens of both countries can travel to the other without documentation and theoretically share the same legal rights, with the exception of voting rights, as citizens. The Census of 1941 records that Nepal provided 45% immigrants to India. In the post-colonial period, the Indo-Nepal Friendship Treaty of 1950, revised in 1956, and the Tripartite Delhi Agreement of 1951 which gave them rights to engage in business, acquire property, settle, seek employment and move freely anywhere in India. Nepalis early in February 1984, and that those in possession of the RAP (Restricted Area Permit) do not come within the definition of `illegal migrants' and stand protected.
Afghan Refugees
More than 60,000 Afghan refugees came to India in the years following the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Afghan refugees entered India through Pakistan without any travel documents, were allowed entry through the Indo-Pakistan border till 1993. Most of the refugees had entered India through the Attari border near Amritsar in Punjab. Subsequent to 1993, the Government altered its policy of permitting Afghan refugees freely into India.
Burma (Myanmar) Refugees
In 1989, when the Myanmar authorities started suppressing the pro-democracy movement in that country and about 3,000 nationals of that country sought refuge in India, the GOI declared that in accordance with well accepted international norms defining refugee status, no genuine refugee from Myanmar would be turned back and in fact, they were accepted as refugees by the Government of India.
PART V
Vengeance of Converted Arya-Brahmins Upon Indigenous Dalit-Bahujans
Table of Contents : Part V
| For Arya-Brahmin vengeance Dalit-Buddhist Districts Were Gifted to Pakistan |
It is well established through the historical facts as well as DNA researches that the Arya-Brahminists are foreigners. Arya-Brahminists have made Bahujans refugees in their own motherland by evil political designs to satisfy their vengeance on indigenous Bahujans.
For Arya-Brahmin vengeance
Dalit-Buddhist Districts Were Gifted to Pakistan
Arya-Brahminists of communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP talk unendingly about "Akhand-Bharat". But in reality they are the very culprits of balkanizing India into pieces to safeguard Brahminism and Arya-Brahmin grip over the indigenous Bahujans and to avenge we indigenous Bahujans in worst possible manner.
Most of Zamindar of the Bengal had alliance with British and supported the British at the time of sepoy mutiny of 1857. On the contrary, ten thousand Dalit peasants had launched "NEEL VIDROH" revolt against the British imperialism. In the colonial period, the East Bengal Namosudra movement had been one of the most powerful and politically mobilised Dalit movements in India. In alliance with the Muslims, they had kept the Bengal Congress Party in opposition from the 1920s. The peasants of Bengali Dalit castes refrained from participating in Congress-led mass political agitations like the Non-Co-operation, Civil Disobedience and Quit India movements, led by Gandhi, because they were under the hegemony of the caste Hindu leaders. And then, finally, in the election of 1937 both Namasudra and Rajbansi voters rejected the Congress and the Hindu Sabha candidates and elected their own caste leaders in all the Scheduled Caste reserved constituencies. Namasudra and Rajbansi leaders, aspired to establish "the separate political identity" of the Scheduled Castes. The exclusion of the Bhadralok from power led to the Arya-Brahminist elite and eventually the Congress, pressing for the partition of Bengal at independence, so that at least the western half would return to their control.
Arya-Brahminists were successful in defeating Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in the hands of barely educated ordinary individuals with the help of non-Dalit voters of joint electorate and were running fierce worldwide propaganda that Dr. Ambedkar does not represent depressed masses of India since ordinary barely educated Dalits of Congress can defeat Dr. Ambedkar, therefore Dr. Ambedkar should be kept away from framing Indian constitution. But the Dalits of Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh provinces had elected Dr. Ambedkar in 1946 to constituent assembly and foiled Arya-Brahminist plan to demolish the reputation and self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar as leader of Depressed masses of India. Arya-Brahminist rulers of India to avenge Dalits handed over Namoshudra, Rajbansi, Paundraksatriya, Paundra, Pods, who are considered as par as the Namashudras, Chakma and other militant castes and tribes dominated and Muslim minority Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province to Pakistan for their crime of protecting the self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar. In Chittagong hills 98% of Chakma believe in Buddhism through the ages. This is the only region devoid of Hindu or Muslim population. In spite of that the whole region was handed over to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminist rulers to establish their political hegemony in west Bengal.
On partition of India Dr. Ambedkar asked Dalits of Pakistan to come to India {and become part of the Bahujan struggle}. Congress government has destroyed the political protection of Dalits because in joint electorate, with the help of non-Dalit votes elected only Dalit stooges who served Arya-Brahminists and betrayed their own Dalit community. Therefore, Dr. Ambedkar always repented for signing Puna pact.
Arya-Brahminists did not want that the Dalits of Pakistan join and strengthen Dalit struggle in India. Arya-Brahminists (Converted as well as not converted) wanted that religious minority should remain in India and Pakistan to keep on communal tension; divide, victimize and create their genocides within and between the partitioned countries. Therefore, Jinnah allowed Arya-Brahminists to go to India but did not allow Dalits. He issued a decree that menial jobs are essential services and he did not allow Dalits to meet organizations helping Dalit immigration. Nehru did not give heed to the request of Dr. Ambedkar to clear the obstacles of Dalits coming to India. Mahar battalion managed to bring some thousand Dalits to India.
Persecution of Dalits In Pakistan / West Pakistan
The population of Dalits in Pakistan is just 5%. The Hindu population is 20 lacs which is mostly in south Punjab of Sindh province. Among the Hindu population the Dalits constitute 70%. In spite of that the Dalits are living in hell of poverty while the Arya-Brahminists are traders and landlords in Sindh and are enjoying their wealth. Because the converted Arya-Brahminist rulers of Pakistan did not give reservation separately to the scheduled caste but gave reservation for Hindus as a whole, the Arya-Brahminists have grabbed all the Hindu seats. (Dalit voice, 16-30 April 2004) Due to lack of education and awareness Dalits are under the influence of Brahmin religion and live as agricultural labourers under the hegemony of Arya-Brahminists. This is most apparent in Mirpur khas division where Dalits number more than 10 lacs. Though the Arya-Brahminists are few they are successful in holding Dalits in their strong grip with the help of converted Muslim Arya-Brahminists rulers and officers who are their relatives. In Pakistan, the common Dalits know nothing about Brahmin religion except Manu's words that they are born to serve the Arya-Brahminists to improve their status in next life. The converted Arya-Brahminists do not attempt Dalits to get converted in to Islam because they do not want that the Dalits should become their social equals in case they come into Islamic fold. No religion has taken any initiative to pull them out from the vicious circle of casteism. The land lords and police officers have humbled the Dalits by their terror. Whosoever has resisted was beaten and persecuted in various ways. The Pakistan government does not pay attention to the atrocities on Dalits of Tharparkar. The police, prosecution, doctors and judiciary work in coordination against the Dalits. The Dalits find it very difficult to lodge a police complaint against the atrocities, particularly against the criminals and the powerful persons. Sadhu Meghwal, a youth of Babrario village was killed and his body was thrown in to well by the Arya-Brahminists. His relatives and family members were threatened and instructed to keep away from this incident. Police closed the case calling it a case of suicide. In Diplo Taluka, the Arya-Brahminists of a particular party raped a Dalit girl at gun point. Her brother who tried to stop them was severely beaten and severely tortured and threatened to keep away from the incident. The theft of livestock of Dalits in Tharparker is rampant as police never registers any such case. The incidents of atrocities and caste-based discrimination on Dalits are increasing day by day in Tharparker a district where 35 per cent people belong to different Dalit communities among a million people because of growing awareness and assertiveness of the Dalits. Mr. Gyanchand (Engineer), a Dalit leader contested for provincial Assembly election on 12th October 2002 against the Arya-Brahminist candidates. As a result Arya-Brahminist officers on the false pretexts transferred several hundred Dalits to extreme remote jungle area. False cases were registered against the politically aware Dalits Their relatives living in the town were threatened. They were not allowed to feed their cattle on the government barren land. The Dalits were stopped from voting at the polling day. Whosoever resisted was severely beaten and threatened. These few instances make it clear that whenever Dalits show some awareness about their human rights, how they are persecuted. Caste Hindu converts have changed names but not minds. (Sadhumal Surendar Valasai, Scheduled Castes Federation of Pakistan; http://www.countercurrents.org/Plight Of Dalits In Pakistan By Yoginder Sikand.htm See also http://www.greatestcities.com/pakdalits' Journal.htm) In Sindh province of Pakistan 18 lacs agricultural labourers who are Dalits mostly are living like bonded labourers in debt. Many of them work in brick-manufacturing furnaces where these Dalit families are kept like the prisoners so that they do not run away. The anti-bonded labour law of 1992 is ineffective. (Dalit voice, 16-30 April 2004)
Following news make it is obvious that Bengali Dalits are persecuted in Pakistan (former west Pakistan)
1) Immediately after the creation of Bangladesh, many Bengalis came to Pakistan because of their affection for a 'Muslim state'. They supported of Pakistan government during the war. Life in Bangladesh became impossible and dangerous to them after 1971. These low-income Bengali-speaking people live with misery and threat in Zia ul Haq Colony in a forgotten, neglected corner of metropolitan Karachi. Narrow tiny alleys, a nasty polluted environment, unhygienic living and poor facilities of accommodation are the first thing you notice about The Lyari river that carts effluents from industrial waste to the Arabian Sea is their constant companion. They are not even recognized as refugees by the government. As a result, they have to deal with regular threats from police who use their helplessness to fill their own pockets. They live day to day with the NADRA provided temporary work permits with insecurity of both life and wealth. How Bangla-speaking people could be called illegal immigrants since they had been living in Pakistan for decades and at least 84 Bangla-speaking people had become elected councillors in the last local government elections. Though these Dalits held residential documents they were facing problems getting computerized national identity cards (CNICs) and passports.
Persecution of Bengali Dalits In East Pakistan
As a result of handing over Jassor, Khulana, Barishal, Faridpur, Dhaka and Maimansingh province to Pakistan by Arya-Brahminists, Mahapran Jogendra Nath Mandal believing the promises of Muslim league had to become Pakistani national and become law minister of Pakistan. He framed many laws in the interest of Dalits but converted Arya-Brahminists of Pakistan did not fulfil their promise to grant Dalits separate electorate. Muslim league started showing its communal fangs. The property of Bengali Dalits was destroyed and looted, they were killed, their women raped, molested and humiliated in Muslim League sponsored communal riots of 1948. In December 1949 whole Pakistan was burning in communal riots. The genocides committed during partition were nothing before the genocides and inhumanity of these riots. Communal riots of 1950 in Pakistan proved that Pakistan was not a safe place for Dalits.
Jogendranath Mandal toured riot hit areas and criticized role of police and antisocial elements. Prime minister Liyakat Ali objected his criticism and officially censored it. All the agreements meant to protect Dalits were thrown in to dustbin. The representation of Jogendranath Mandal to Jineva international labour conference was deliberately stopped. Jogendranath Mandal was banned to deliver any statement without the approval of prime minister. He was kept under round the clock vigil. The talk of Jogendranath Mandal with his colleagues use to get published in the newspapers of London. Whenever this happened prime minister asked him explanation. The naked reality explained by Mandal made prime minister answer-less. Prime minister with evil intention asked Jogendranath mandal to pass a censorship bill which ensures any person whether an officer or a common person 7 years rigorous imprisonment and or fine if he delivers statement against the interest of Pakistan. This bill was devised to lock the lips of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal. Their relations deteriorated day after day. Jogendranath plainly told prime minister that if he wants he would resign from the minister's post.
During this time Mahapran had to go to India to attend to his son's serious illness. When his son recovered from illness he himself became ill. On 8th October 1950 Mahapran sent his resignation to prime minister of Pakistan in protest of persecution of Dalits in Pakistan.
According to Kripesh Namoshudra Casteism and untouchability is still observed in Bangla Desh (Former East Pakistan). On 7th October 2000 in a Brahmin controlled government school 38 Dalit students were expelled from school because they had dared to drink water from school tank because as these Dalit children were very thirsty. (P. 12, Dalit Voice, 16-30 November 2000)
The condition of Dalits in Bangla Desh is deteriorated more since BNP rule of Begum Khalida Zia. According to reports in Jankantha of April 2002 a Buddhist monk who was running an orphanage at Hingala Hill was beaten to death. Because he did not pay extortion amount and did not vacate the orphanage. In Ukiya one Buddhist Vihar was set on fire by the workers of ruling coalition. (Janakantha, March 23, 2002) In report of May 2000 it is said that in 1975 the 72% property of Hindus (read Dalits) is forcibly grabbed by members of ruling BNP. In year 1968 44% property of Dalits was forcibly grabbed by Awami league workers while 32% property was grabbed forcibly by BNP workers. (http://members.tripod.com/~INDIA_RESOURCE/slamic Pakistan, Bangladesh, crimes, minorities, human rights violations, Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, terrorism.htm)
During 1971 liberation war more than twenty lacs (2 million) Hindus (read Dalits) were massacred by the Pakistani army and Bengali Muslim Razakars. Physical elimination of minorities, kicking them out of their homes, raping and molesting their women, looting and usurping their properties had been encouraged by successive East Pakistan/Bangladesh Governments by enacting discriminatory laws. The minorities of Bangladesh were formally made second class citizen with the proclamation of 8th Amendment of the Constitution by making Islam as the state religion. Perhaps nowhere in the world such a protracted systematic operation to eliminate the minorities has been carried out for more than fifty long years; yet there is no sign of its end in near future. The population of Hindus (read Dalits) has gone down from around 25% in 1947 to less than 10% at present. Even today, on an average, 500 Hindus (read Dalits) leave Bangladesh for India everyday.
The persecution of Chakma Buddhists in Bangla Desh
The Arya-Brahminists converted to Islam have been persecuting Chakma Buddhists in every respect. Their religious freedom is crushed. They are severely beaten, kidnapped and killed, their women raped, houses set on fire, to grab Chakma property and land. Though the Bangla Desh government speaks of peace accord but whole government machinery acts in coordination against Chakma Buddhists. The government came in power in year 2001 made the life of Chakma Buddhists hellish.
The Manu-Media of India misinform the world to meet its Brahmin political interests by calling atrocities on Dalits and Buddhists of Bangla Desh and Pakistan as atrocities on Hindus. But no Arya-Brahminist organization or Arya-Brahminist ruled west Bengal government even done anything to help Dalits and Buddhist tribes of Bangla Desh. Politicians and intellectuals never raised their voices in any forum against this oppression and tyranny simply because these atrocities are committed upon Dalits by their converted Arya-Brahminist rulers of Bangla Desh. Therefore they have helped Bangla Desh Rulers to persecute Dalits.
Part VI
Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on Dalit-Buddhist Refugees in India
Table of Contents : Part VI
Arya-Brahminists rulers of India could not have had peaceful sleep till they avenge Bengali Dalits and Chakma Buddhists responsible for electing Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in constituent assembly. Therefore posing themselves saviors of Hindus and shedding crocodile tears over suffering of Dalits in Bangla Desh, the Arya-Brahminists asked Dalits to take refuge in India.
Vengeance on Chakma Buddhists
The Chakma are spread throughout north east as refugees. Majority of them are devoid of civil rights. In spite of signing of peace accord Chakma people are unable to return to their native places in Bangla Desh. Brahminists riding Indian government on the pretext of declaration of converted Arya-Brahminist government of Bangla Desh that the violence against Chakma is stopped are denying refugee status to Chakma Buddhists. The Chakma encampments in Tripura are not "refugee camps" as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees would define them. They have none of the facilities available to, say, the Bhutanese refugees in the Jhapa camps of Nepal. The Chakma huts are of mud and thatch, and for years they have received from the Government of India a measly daily quota of 400 grams of rice, some salt, and 20 paisa on the side. Therefore, many Chakmas work outside the camps for wages lower than what the locals ask. This has created tension, and recently, the Tripura state government passed an order restricting the refugees to the camps. This year, for the first time since the Chakmas arrived in Tripura, refugee students were not allowed to sit for school-leaving examinations of the state education system. In India Chakma are made victim of exploitation, persecution rioting, rape, looting and killing. Chakma Buddhists do not have their organization therefore, their voice has remained unheard in the world.
Arya-Brahmin Vengeance on The Bengali Dalits
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India put Bengali refugees in two categories e.g.. refugees came before 1950 (Bhadralok) and refugees came after 1950 (Dalits) to treat them discriminately.
1) Bhadralok or Arya-Brahminist refugees :- Almost all the refugees of first category who came in 1946-50 belonged to Arya-Brahminist community. They belonged to the landowning, merchant and professional classes. The reason for their exodus was not large scale violence as petty extortions, threats and, above all, economic boycotts as it was with Dalits. The reason for the exodus that the Hindu "Bhadraloks" of East Bengal were used to looking down on the Muslim masses therefore they could not bear the challenge to their superior social status, which arose in Pakistan.
Some managed to arrange property exchange with Muslim property owners, who were leaving West Bengal. Others found jobs or could practice their respective professions. Government servants posted in East Bengal accepted the Indian "option". A number of refugees brought some money, with which they started businesses. These upper caste Arya-Brahminist refugees were settled in colonies built for them in and around Calcutta (kolkata) and were helped in every respect.
2) Dalit Refugees :- Between December 1949 and February 1950, the picture changed. Violent communal riots, comparable with the carnage of Punjab and Bihar, took place in several districts of East Bengal, particularly, Khulna, Faridpur, Rajshahi, Barisal. This time, those who crossed the border were very poor and possessed very little except their labour power. Calcutta was almost transformed into a vast refugee camp. As a reaction, communal riots also engineered by Arya-Brahminists in Calcutta and about 1 lac (100,000) backward Muslims were forced to leave West Bengal. There was the likelihood of full scale war between India and Pakistan. Finally, in April 1950 the Nehru-Liaquat pact was signed, to pave the way for the return of the Dalit refugees. Nehru-liyakat Ali agreement insured Dalit-Buddhists that all the civil rights of refugees shall be protected whichever country (India and Pakistan) they take refuge.
Indian government was not able to provide refugees food, water, medicine and shelter to these refugees. The situation became so grim that Indian government had to send its two central ministers Mr. C.C. Biswas and Mr. A. K. Chanda to East Pakistan to stop the flow of dalit refugees. They told Dalits of Bangla Desh not to migrate to India; however the doors of India shall remain always open for them. This promise was repeated by all the leaders of India.
The refugees set up squatters' colonies in many areas. The land belonged to land owners and speculators. There was waste land belonging to the garden house of the landlords. The owners of the land attacked the inhabitants fiercely. There were fierce battles with the hired goons of the landlords, often backed by the police. The Arya-Brahminist government passed eviction laws, with the purpose of helping the landowners. The refugees fought back with great courage, refusing to yield ground. Dalit refugees were ready to pay a reasonable price for the land, in easy instalment. The Arya-Brahminist Government took the side of the landowners but could not risk driving vast dalit masses due to political compulsions. Arya-Brahminists riding the government in fact wanted to avenge Bengali Dalit refugees therefore they did not provide any of the facilities (mentioned by Dr. Subodh Biswas on p. 9) that were provided to Punjabi and Sindhi Arya-Brahminist refugees of west Pakistan.
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India instead of rehabilitating Bengali Dalit refugees in west Bengal demonically spread them in the most difficult jungles and marshes of Maharashtra, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Zarkhand, Uttaranchal, Andaman Nikobar in places unfit to live. The Arya-Brahminists wanted to 1) ensure that the Arya-Brahminist (Bhadralok) political power in west Bengal remain intact, 2) that these Bengali Dalits become victim of wild animals and diseases, 3) to make strong unity and organization of Bengali Dalit immigrants impossible. The Dalit refugees had been scattered all over in India with an objective to annihilate the main dalit force like Namoshudra and Paundras. Thus, the Arya-Brahminist leadership of Bengal and India diluted the national dalit movement launched by Baba Saheb Ambedkar and Jogendra Nath Mandal. 4) to keep them away from national stream of Dalit movement, and 5) to avenge thus weakened Bengali Dalit refugees in worst possible manner. 6) Namoshudra Dalits are recognized as scheduled castes in Bengal, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Orissa and Tripura. But in other states they are not recognized as Scheduled castes. They are included in general category to deprive them from their legitimate right of reservation (representation).
Bengali Dalit refugees usually live in the slums built of shanties near railway lines, roads, water drains, marshy lands and other such unhygienic places unfit to live devoid of civil rights. They work as domestic servants and exposed to all kinds of exploitation and state repression and demolition of their shanties. Under such impossible conditions Bengali Dalits were compelled to move from one place to other to earn their bread. During this period of such a long exodus they not only lost their language and culture but also lost documents of their original identity. Due to Brahmin-demoncracy of India indigenous Bengali Dalits have became beggars in their own country while the foreigner Arya-Brahminists who have always betrayed India have became its rulers.
Flow of Dalit-Buddhist refugees from east Pakistan and then formed Bangla Desh never stopped. In year 1964 widespread communal riots were engineered against Dalit-Buddhists. In year 1971 the dispute between east and west Pakistan which resulted in formation off Bangla Desh with the help of India, a large scale violence was engineered against Dalits and Buddhists resulting in the inflow of refugees in crores. In spite of the fact that the violence against Dalits and Buddhists did not stop even after the formation of Bangla Desh leaving no alternative for them than migrate to India, as a result of the agreement between then prime minister Indira Gandhi and Mujibur Rehman registration of refugees in India was stopped and rehabilitation ministry was closed.
Arya-Brahmin Fake Communist Leaders
Used Dalit Refugees as their Political Pawns
Bengali Dalit refugees were initially unenthusiastic about the left parties and naturally drawn towards the ruling Arya-Brahminist Congress. Gradually they were disillusioned and actively joined the Arya-Brahminist leaders of left parties who launched a {fake} campaign to rehabilitate Dalit refugees in West Bengal itself and opposed the plans of their own Arya-Brahminist brothers of ruling Congress to rehabilitate Bengali Dalits in Andaman, Nikobar, Dandakaranya and other states. Bengali Dalit refugees were used by the left parties as pawns in their power game. To lure Dalits at a time Arya-Brahminist communist leader Jyoti Basu took a trip to Chhattisgarh and promised Bengali dalit refugees to rehabilitate them in Marichjhanpi in Sunderban of West Bengal. The Dalit refugees extended their wholehearted support to the Arya-Brahminist led left front in their political mobilization. The Dalit refugees were of great help not only in mass demonstrations but also during election battles. It was the number, enthusiasm and initiative of Bengali Dalit refugees that enabled the Arya-Brahminists of left front to counter the money power of the Arya-Brahminists of the Congress. It was the Bengali dalit refugees who brought the left to power in West Bengal. As late as 1974 Jyoti Basu had demanded in a public meeting that the Dandakaranya refugees be allowed to settle in the Sundarbans. In 1974-75 leading members of the subsequent Left Front government, including Ram Chatterjee, had assured the refugees that if the Left Front came to power they would arrange their resettlement in West Bengal and at a meeting of the eight Left Front parties in 1975 it was resolved that the refugees would be settled in the Sundarbans. In 1977, Bengali Dalit refugees who had been promised permanent plots and a life of respectability in countless communist election manifestos in West Bengal before 1977, genuinely believed their misery had ended in 1977.
In 1977, when the Left Front came to power, they found their refugee supporters had taken them at their word and sold their belongings and land to return to West Bengal. In all, 1,50,000 refugees arrived from Dandakaranya expecting the government to honour its word. The Arya-Brahminist led communist government started to forcibly send them back. Many refugees however managed to escape to various places inside West Bengal. But after Bengali Dalits reached Bengal, they realised the Arya-Brahminist government of Marxist communist parties had no plans for them. They had no choice but head for uninhabited parts and scrounge out an existence on the islands in the Sunderbans.
Bengali Dalits Converted
Marichjhanpi Their Heavenly Abode
From the month of May the same year about 30,000 Dalit refugees, under the leadership of Satish Mandal, president of the Udbastu Unnayansil Samity, a former close associate of the Communist Party's refugee programme, sailed to Morichjhanpi and set up a settlement there. Morichjhanpi island, being 125 square miles, was so big that the refugees were keen that the islanders join them so as to improve the dire economic situation of the Sundarbans region as a whole rather than squabble over land which, being neither fertile nor theirs to distribute, was not worth fighting over. In contrast to the ruling elite of their villages, composed essentially of large landowners who aspired to migrate towards Kolkata, the Sundarban islanders developed fraternal bonding with the Dalit refugees. They saw the East Bengali Dalit leaders as more apt to represent them. This was because they both were poor, rural, and low caste and hence not afraid to take up manual work, such as fishing, and knew, through the twists of fate what it was like to fight for their rights. The Dalit refugees were better educated and more articulate and because, having lost everything, they were having the moral courage to face the Kolkata ruling class with their rural concerns.
The settlers – both refugees as well as islanders who had come from the adjoining villages, initially built some makeshift huts along the cultivated area of the island. Most of them survived by catching crab and fish and with the help of the islanders, by selling their products in the nearby villages. The islanders often expressed their great admiration (awe) at the way the East Bengali Dalit refugees rapidly established Morichjhanpi as one of the best-developed islands of the Sundarbans – within a few months tube-wells had been dug, a viable fishing industry, saltpans, dispensaries and schools established.Stories abounded about the spirit of bonhomie and solidarity between Dalit refugees and Dalit islanders whose similar experiences of marginalization brought them together to bond over a common cause which was to fight for a niche for themselves; this would become a metaphor for the reclamation of 'voice' in the new West Bengal. The villagers explained the refugees' bid to stay on in Morichjhanpi as a dignified attempt to forge a new respectable identity for themselves as well as a bid to reclaim a portion of the West Bengali political rostrum by the poorest and most marginalized.
Massacre of Morichjhanpi Dalits By the Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led left Front of W.B.
Despite this display of self-help and cooperative spirit, the Arya-Brahminist Jyoti Basu government persisted in its effort to clear Morichjhanpi of the settlers. Jayanta, an islander who had gone there as a young man with his wife and baby child reflecting on the hope the arrival of the settlers had brought them, had longed to start a new life in Morichjhanpi where for once, the aspirations and rights of the lowest would be established. But he and his family had barely been there five months when their shack was burned down by the police. He wondered why the government was bent on reclaiming Morichjhanpi for tigers when it wasn't even part of the tiger reserve. The other sore point was that the refugees had been promised land in the Sundarbans.
Dalit refugees were looted, their female flock was raped. The media started to underscore the plight of the refugees of Morichjhanpi and wrote in positive terms about the progress they were making in their rehabilitation efforts. Photographs were published in the Amrita Bazar Patrika of the February 8, 1979 and the opposition members in the state assembly staged a walkout in protest of the government's methods of treating Bengali Dalits. Fearing more backlash, and seeing the public growing warm towards the refugees' cause, the chief minister declared Morichjhanpi out of bounds for journalists and condemned their reports saying that these contributed to the refugees' militancy and self-importance and instead suggested that the press should support their eviction on the grounds of national interest (read Arya-Brahminist interest). For greater protection, the 30 launches were covered with a wire netting and police camps were established in the surrounding villages.
After the failure of the economic blockade (announced on January 26 – an ironical twist to Republic Day!) in May the same year, the government started forcible evacuation. Thirty police launches encircled the island thereby depriving the settlers of food and water; they were also tear-gassed, their huts razed, their boats sunk, their fisheries and tube-wells destroyed, and those who tried to cross the river were shot at. To fetch water, the settlers had now to venture after dark and deep into the forested portion of the island and forced to eat wild grass. Several hundred men, women and children were believed to have died during that time and their bodies thrown in the river. Jayanta, remembered how when the refuges saw their children dying of cholera and starvation they tried to break the cordon formed by the police and the military launches. A 'war' was on, one group fighting with wooden arrows and stones, the other with guns, and loudspeakers. As one islander put it, the launches started looking like 'stinging swarms of floating beehives'. On the January 31, 1979 the police killed 36 persons in firing. Journalists and opposition political leaders were disallowed from entering the vicinity of the zone selected for the operation. The killing fields lay on an island on the muddy river. The police was efficient enough to seal off the place with motor boats. Journalists could only hear the gunshots and cries of people from a distance. We shall never know exactly how many people lost their lives. According to many of the islanders only 25 per cent of those who had come to Morichjhanpi left the island alive. Those killed in the Morichjhanpi massacre are yet to find justice, and their stories yet to appear in histories. The massacres of Dalits by CPI-M led communist government can be compared with the massacres committed by Yahya khan in East Pakistan and Hitler in IInd world war.
Based on Sikar (1982) and Biswas' (1982) pieces, Ross Mallick estimates that in all 4,128 families who had come from Dandakaranya to find a place in West Bengal perished of cholera, starvation, disease, exhaustion, in transit while sent back to their camps, by drowning when their boats were scuttled by the police or shot to death. How many of these deaths actually occurred in Morichjhapi we shall never know. The ease and brutality with which the Arya-Brahminist communist led left front government wiped off all signs of the bustling life which had been built there in the last 18 months were proof for the villagers that they were considered completely irrelevant to the more influential urban Arya-Brahminist Bengali community . In two weeks' time all the plots had been destroyed and the refugees 'packed' off. Now half-broken embankments and the few fruit trees planted by the settlers during their stay remain as the only vestiges of previous human habitation on Morichjhanpi, the rest has been reclaimed by the forest.
These brutalities of the government was possible because it was backed by the Arya-Brahminists who perceived the refugees and the Sundarbans islanders as lesser beings. These events were recounted as a 'war' between two groups of people, one backed by state power and modern paraphernalia, the other dispossessed and who had only their hands and the spirit of companionship. 'We Dalits were vermin that our shacks had to be burned down?' asked Dalits.
'Organizer' In February 1979 wrote that the Marichjhapi massacre has been "forgotten" in Bengal because the Marxists were very successful in making the West Bengal intellectuals prostitutes after petty jobs and government housing plots. This much vengeance on bengali dalits did not satisfy the blood-thirst of Arya-Brahminists so the …
Arya-Brahminist Fake Communists led
Left-front of W. B. made Dalits Tiger-Food
The corpses Bengali Dalit refugees killed by police gave tigers the taste of human flesh. Tigers initially were afraid of people. They shared the products of the forest and rivers with people. But now, due to the legitimizing of Dalit killings in the name of tiger protection by the ruling elite they had begun to treat the Dalit islanders as 'tiger-food. The tigers, taking the cue from the Dalit killing by 'Arya-Brahminists' had started feeding on indigenous Dalits. Man-eating became part of the tiger's nature.
In the early days, tigers, did not reproduce quickly. As the government gave them fertilizing injections, their reproduction rate had gone up. Arya-Brahminist led left front government hides the true figures of tigers and always quote ridiculously small numbers". Whether the indigenous Dalit islanders lived or died made no difference to W.B. Government because Dalits were just 'tiger-food'. "They have created hybrid tigers which are even more dangerous" said an islander. Getting killed by a tiger in the Sundarbans in the 1980s was a terrifying prospect for family members, co-workers, even the entire village, of those who worked in the forest. The victim's body had to be abandoned in the forest for fear that the forest officials would get to know about it. The new widow and the victim's children were forbidden to cry and taught to say that their father had died of diarrhea because if exposed, the family members were exhorted to pay for the dead trespasser, and were, in effect, treated like criminals.
The fact that the same government that once declared refugee resettlement in the Sundarbans illegal and did not hesitate to wipe out all Bengali Dalit refugees of Marichjhahpi island in the name of protecting the forest reserves, now seemed to be ready to install a nuclear power plant and risk the much-vaunted resources of the Sundarbans proves beyond doubt that the Dalits massacre was performed by Arya-Brahminists led left front only to avenge Dalits.
Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party has a long history of betrayal with the people's struggle. They had betrayed Telangana revolt of farmers in the protection of Brahmanism. The Arya-Brahminist leaders of Communist party had betrayed Dalit refugees by separating themselves from revolt of Dalit refugee farmers in 1958 in Uttar Pradesh. Similarly, during the sixties and seventies communist parties flinging Dalit refugees in movement against Mahajans and money lenders had separated themselves from this just struggle of Dalits. In late sixties the communists in terai played the role of landbrokers in the same way as chief minister Buddhadev is doing it in West Bengal on full scale. In Bengali Refugee areas the communist villages were Netaji Nagar, Vijay Nagar, Pipulia, Chandipur, etc. Most of the communist peasants in these villages lost their land and Arya-Brahminist leaders had their hand. With these examples of the betrayal of Arya-Brahminist communist party leaders Hon. Pulin Biswas had asked his Dalit refugees not to go to Marichjhanpi because there shall be no place for Dalit refugees in West Bengal. Therefore no Dalit refugee from Uttar pradesh went to Marichjhanpi.
After receiving every support of Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in elections, the Arya-Brahminist leaders of communist party always ensured that the Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal is defeated in every election and he could be established as a failed leader. The Arya-Brahminists riding the government also jailed Mahapran Jogendranath Mandal in 1959 for raising the voice in support of Dalit Bengali refugees. Mahapran died on 5th October 1968. The Bengali Arya-Brahminist leadership never demanded citizenship for the refugees.
Bengali Dalits labeled As
Alien Intruders for Persecution and Exploitation
According to the law passed in 1955 in parliament every partition affected person who come to India shall be considered as Indian national. Their children born in India shall be natural citizens of India. Those who have left India and settled in foreign countries shall not be treated as Indian citizens. Above law was against the interest of Arya-Brahminists because with the right of citizenship Dalit Bengali refugees shall have voting right and they will oust Arya-Brahims joining hands with OBC, Muslims and Adivasis after realising that the only aspiration of Arya-Brahminists is to avenge Bengali Dalit refugees. Bengali Dalit refugees had raised the slogan"vote ours, rule yours shall not be tolerated" Therefore Arya-Brahminists of all parties like Congress, BJP, Communist parties etc. unanimously passed a black law "citizenship Amendment Act 2003″ without any discussion on it on 9th January 2004. This bill ensures that the two crore indigenous Bengali Dalit refugees are converted in to alien intruders in their own country.
1) Any person of the world is entitled to apply for citizenship of India but this Bill says that under no circumstance the refugees from Bangladesh can get citizenship of this country. The Bengali Dalit refugees are declared not-eligible to apply for Indian citizenship. According to earlier rule the Hindu refugees were entitled to live in India. This permission was also withdrawn. This is defying Indian constitution because it does not allows discrimination on any ground.
2) According to this law the Bengali Dalit refugees living in this country for last fifty years or more and children born to them during 1971-86 shall also be treated alien intruders and shall be driven out of the country after penalizing and persecuting them. Arya-Brahminists of India have conveniently forgotten that according to international law a child born in any country has natural right to become citizen of that country. This exposes the beastly Arya-Brahminist Demon-cracy of India.
3) Persons living in India without valid documents from Bangla Desh (East Pakistan) shall be treated as alien intruder and shall be entitled for punishment in cash of Rs. 50,000/- and imprisonment of 5 years. After that they shall be driven out of the country.
Refugees coming from east Pakistan did not require to obtain any passport or other document till 1952 because the border was opened for them. This is very much recorded in Nehru-liyakat agreement. Majority of the Dalit Bengali refugees due to inconveniences and lack of facilities in refugee camps were compelled to scatter different places, do labour and live in shanties made of grass and straws. For bread they had to migrate from one place to other after demolition of their shanties by municipal authorities. How can anybody maintain and produce such document after such a long period when their 2nd and 3rd generation is also living in India ? In the Murshidabad district of West Bengal more than ninety percent of the population (including non-refugees) could not present the required documents to prove their citizenship.
A systematic process to disenfranchise the poor is at work so that they have no voice in democratic governance or decision making any more. Thirteen lac names have been deleted in Bengal from the electoral list in last assembly elections as the poor hut dwellers could not prove their nationality. The same process speedened throughout the county by the Arya-Brahminists riding governments will disfranchise all poor people having no nationality proof. It is not only the human rights of "illegal migrants" that is under threat at present. All marginalized groups, as well as large sections of the informal working class, are being pushed to the edges of society. Much of this is being done in the name of 'protecting the environment' or 'beautifying the landscape' or 'preserving our heritage'.
4) To tell Dalit Bengali refugees that they are sub-animal creatures, Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India has granted dual citizenship to their Arya-Brahminists who have settled in foreign countries and become foreign nationals. In addition to that 15% seats in educational institutes of India are reserved for them. But the Dalits whose forefathers shed their blood for the liberation of India their children of undivided India can not have Indian citizenship.
5) According to following news the Arya-Brahminists are sensitive in granting citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist refugees but reluctant to grant the same to the indigenous Dalits of this country :-
i) It is estimated that over 17,000 refugees living in western Rajasthan are yet to be granted citizenship. As a result, a large number of the refugees who belong to the lower caste communities, have been denied rehabilitation under the SC/ST scheme, says the convener of the Pak Visthapith Sangh, Hindu Singhj Sodha. Incidentally, Gehlot's predecessor Bhairon Singh Shekhawat had taken up cudgels on behalf of the Sindhi migrants and helped to rehabilitate a group from the 1971 war. Way back in 1972, Atal Bihari Vajpayee had staged a protest against sending the refugees to Pakistan in Barmer and had been arrested for it. (The Times of India – Internet Edition Date: September 1, 2001 )
ii) The Arya-Brahminists have granted citizenship to their Arya-Brahminist brethren. The Indian state government of Rajasthan has started organizing special camps to grant Indian citizenship to thousands of Pakistan's minority Hindu nationals went to India on valid travel documents but refused to return now residing in the state. The camps were organized after the federal government approved the grant of citizenship to these people. The Gujarat state government will also follow suit. (Daily Times, 7 January 2005)
iii) The Centre has delegated powers to Gujarat government to grant citizenship to nearly 900 immigrants from Pakistan who have been residing in four districts of the state for the past several years. A senior Home department official told PTI that 900 refugees living in Ahmedabad, Patan, Banaskantha and Kutch districts, mainly of Sindhi and Koli community and those who have lived for a minimum of five years in India would be given citizenship. The applicants also have to give affidavits stating that they were giving up Pakistani citizenship and also had procured renunciation certificate. (New Kerala, 3 January 2005)
iv) Each year, 1,800 to 3,000 Tibetans flee from Tibet. Once The Tibetans fleeing from China reach the Tibetan Refugee Reception Centre in Kathmandu, they get entry permit from Indian mission. Since February 2002, the Indian mission here has been issuing them special entry permits to travel to India from Nepal. India continues to provide travel documents to Tibetan refugees in Nepal Currently, the embassy has been issuing 15 special entry permits a day, on an average. Indian embassy officials said they were not governed by Chinese or Nepalese reactions while issuing the entry permits. (IANS, Kathmandu, January 6, 2004, The New Indian Express, 7 January 2005)
6) Threatening of deportation to Bangla Desh, the Arya-Brahminists and their agents can use the poor Dalits and the Bangla speaking Muslims as bonded labourers, political campaigners and even can be compelled them to execute criminal intentions of the Arya-Brahminist exploiters.
7) As per the law of United Nation no person can live in any country without obtaining its nationality. Such a person is not entitled to receive justice and can not buy any property of that country. Whatever earnings he has made could be declared illegal. Therefore, the moment a child is born he comes with the right of nationality in that country. (Sangharshasathi Mulniwasi Bharat, 22 January 2006) Thus the Arya-Brahminists may deprive Bengali Dalit refugees everything they have.
False Arya-Brahminist Propaganda
Against Bengali Dalit Refugees and Indigenous Muslims
In order to isolate Bengali Dalit refugees from the other communities of Dalits of India Arya-Brahminist exploiters have been launching a fierce false propaganda as explained below.
1) False propaganda that :Bengali refugees are Pakistani Muslims. Because the Arya-Brahminist propaganda evil, fierce and false propaganda that the Bengali refugees are Muslim terrorists the Bengali Dalit refugees could not get any sympathy and help from common dalit masses. On the contrary they developed hate for their own Bengali dalit refugee brethen whose forefathers had protected self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar.
Arya-Brahminists have also have been launching fierce and false propaganda that the Assam Muslims are Bangla Deshi intruders
Assam Governor had alleged that about 6000 Bangladesh nationals enter Assam everyday. This allegation seems false because Muslims were about 40% when Assam was merged with India in 1947. Sizeable Muslim presence in Assam was in existence even before the advent of the British. Chief Minister of Assam Tarun Gogoi in a television interview asked Assam Governor Ajay Singh to provide facts to substantiate his report that 6,000 immigrants enter the state everyday. But the Governor surprisingly remained mum, as if, he did not hear the challenge of his Chief Minister. According governor's statistics 1,80,000 Bangladeshis enter Assam every month and in a year the figure will stand at 12,96,000. According to the census of 2001, the total population of Assam was 2,66,55,528. Among them, according Indian media, the Muslims constitute 30 per cent of the total population of the state. If so, their number now should be around 79,96,659. If one year's intrusion is added, the present number of the Muslims should reach at 92, 56,659. According to the census of 1991 Muslims were 63, 73,204. This proves that the Muslims of Assam are not immigrant or outsiders, rather most of them are the sons of the soil. Profulla Kumar Mohanta, who got to power after five thousand Muslims were killed in the state during the anti-settlers movement in the eighties despite hectic efforts failed to prove the Muslims as illegal in Assam. He ruled Assam twice, but found little Muslims illegal. For this reason, Mohanta had to tone down his anti-Muslim slogan.
After fall of Gurgobinda in the 14th century, many Ahom people adjoining Sylhet converted to Islam. During the British period, thousand of Bengali speaking Muslims were brought to and settled in Assam to bring arable lands under cultivation. The descendants of these Muslims now form 30% of the total population of Assam. These descendants of those Bengali speaking Muslims forgot their language and culture, but not their religion. This new generation Muslims of Assam feel pride to identify themselves Ahoms, treat Assam as their motherland, use Ahomiya language in their daily life, send their children to schools where Ahomiya is the medium of instruction. Other than their religious activities they are hundred per cent Ahoms. They cannot be branded as foreigners or Bangladeshis. So it is itself illegal and unjustified and mere violation of human rights to brand and harass the Muslims in Assam as illegal, outsiders or infiltrators.
According to press reports, at least, one lac soldiers of Indian Army are deployed in Assam. Six battalions of BSF, 10 battalions of CRP, five companies of the Punjab Police Commandos, and one battalion of State Rifles have been deployed in the state. One can have an idea if one looks into their names and figures. Ministry of Home Affairs, BSF:Organisation – total 157 battalions Artillery – 7 BSF Artillery Regiments, Water Wing Air Wing Signals Regiment 10 Frontier Headquarters 39 Sectors Assam Rifles: 41 battalions 3 Maintenance Groups Signal Unit Construction Company 9 Range Headquarters Indo-Tibetan Border Police: 29 battalions (4 specialist Battalions) over 35,569 personnel 755 Officers Other Paramilitary Forces: Coast Guard, Rastriya Rifles, Special Frontier Force, Central Reserve Police Force, Home Guards, Intelligence Agencies: National :- Research and Analysis Wing , Intelligence Bureau, Joint Intelligence Committee, Intelligence Agencies: Military: -Aviation Research Centre (ARC), Directorate of Military Intelligence, Directorate of Air Intelligence, Directorate of Naval Intelligence, Special Security Bureau Other outfits are : – All-India Radio Monitoring Service (AIRMS), Joint Cipher Bureau, Signal Intelligence Directorate, Law enforcement Agencies:- Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Criminal Investigations Department (CID), Railway Protection Force, Rapid Action Force (RAF), Central Industrial Security Force (CISF), Narcotics Control Bureau (NCB), National Security Guards (NSG)-has a strength of 7330 personnel, Special Protection Group (SPG) All these agencies have strong presence in Assam. Moreover, India erected barbed wire fence along every possible point of 272km-long Assam-Bangladesh border. Heavy security forces have been deployed in those hilly areas where India could not yet erect the fence. Observation towers and posts are seen after every 500 yards.
Therefore propaganda of heavy Muslim infiltration in Assam is a political one, launched whenever national and provincial elections approach. This propaganda started only when Dalit Bengali refugees started coming to India to flee from persecution. The purpose of this false Arya-Brahminist propaganda is to 1) Hide from the Indian masses that the immigrants are Dalits so that they receive no help from their Dalits brethen of India 2) To hide from the masses that it is not the Muslims who capture and control the key positions of Assam, but the Arya-Brahminist-Banias who came from West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Punjab and other states of India. 3) To speeden RSS agenda to spread communal tension and bake Arya-Brahminist breads on the pyre of Bahujans.
The toiling masses of Assam want to get rid of these Arya-Brahminist-Baniyas who came from outside states and became rulers of Assam. To frustrate this sentiment and divert their attention from the real Arya-Brahminist outsiders, the vested quarters let loose its operatives and agents in Assam and elsewhere in the region to create anti-Muslim sentiment. The utterance of Assam's Governor meant to start this hate campaign again. As a result a group of Dibrugarh-based youngsters got together to form Chiring Chapori Yuva Mancha (CCYM). Some other groups like All Assam Students Union (AASU), Asom Jatiyatabadi Yuba Chhatra Parishad, Tai Ahom Students Union and Motok Students Union also joined the campaign. It is well known in Assam that these student organizations are directly or indirectly controlled by RAW. The fear among Assamese is being created that non-Assamese are taking over jobs, land, and are also threatening to turn Assamese into a minority in their own state. This was a conspiracy of both the BJP and the AASU for their narrow political gain, which would ultimately lead to ethnic blood-bath. Various organizations have expressed concern over the harassment of the religious minorities and the attempts to revive the anti-foreigners' agitation in Assam under the garb of a campaign against illegal Bangladeshi migrants.
Forcible deportation of indigenous Muslims
In 1993, Narasimha Rao government launched Operation Pushback which authorized the police to pick up thousands of poor Bengali Muslims from all over Delhi and to send them to the border. Central Government has delegated its authority to State Government and State Government has in turn delegated it to the police. Such action is taken under Foreigners Act according to which, action can be taken on anybody's complaint without any adequate primary evidence. The onus is on then accused to prove that he is an Indian Citizen. Under the current law and Action Plan, the deportation order is passed without any hearing and without disclosing the reasons which led to the conclusion that he/she is a foreign national. 'Operation Push-Back' is being implemented in a highly improper manner. Within 10 days, the accused is judged as foreign national and taken to the border to be deported. This Act does not confirm to our Constitutional norms. If the Act itself is unjust, then how can one expect justice.
Bangladesh refused to accept these people – claiming that they were not Bangladeshis at all – and many were stuck in the no-man's land on the edge of the border. According to The Citizen's Campaign for Preserving Democracy, if you are a Muslim and Bengali is the language you speak, the Delhi police needs no further proof that you are an illegal Bangladeshi immigrant to be summarily deported.
Starting from 'Operation Push Back' in 1993, thousands of Bengali-speaking Muslims have been picked up from various working class settlements all over Delhi and forcibly pushed inside Bangladesh. It has never been clearly established whether these people were actually from Bangladesh or not. Instances from various parts of Delhi have shown that Indian citizens from West Bengal and Assam, working as rag-pickers in Delhi, were routinely arrested on the charge of being illegal immigrants. The findings also revealed that, The police relied solely and absolutely on the informer's word. All pleas and submission of proof by the detainees – of authoritative documents issued by agencies of Delhi government or the Union government – invariably fell on deaf ears.
The raids included swoops on the so-called illegal migrants in the dead of night and rounding up of men, women and children from theirbastis. People were not even given enough time to get dressed properly or collect their documents. During other times, family members, including minors, caught in the raid were forced to face the situation alone, without being reunited with their families. Many complained of being beaten and threatened when they began to plead their case. All pleas and entreaties of the detainees for a hearing were effectively silenced by physical assaults and verbal abuse. According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer , There have been several complaints of policemen picking up Bengali-speaking Muslims at random and abusing the procedure in order to extort money. There have also been complaints of policemen destroying documents on the ground that they are fake. Police declined to accept Bengali-language documents as proof of Indian citizenship and demanded an English version. Commonly used documents – like electoral identity cards, ration cards, school certificates, and certificates from MLAs and gram panchayats were not accepted. Informally, the study team was told that only documents showing proof of ownership of land are admissible. Given the economic status of those arrested and the fact that, in India, more and more migrants to Indian metros are landless labour, unable to eke out a living from daily wages, this is an unrealistic demand and cannot be met by any poor. It is strange that the Indian government is reluctant to accept other documents issued by its own departments. In a few cases, these documents were torn up by the state authorities on the specious grounds that they were false and fabricated. Police harass Indian Muslims to make some money. It is observed that those who had the financial means to offer and pay bribes were usually set free, regardless of any other proof. Interviewees recounted how those unable to pay bribes were detained and then (presumably) sent ahead. A rough calculation based on an average amount of Rs. 1,000 paid per individual to be freed suggests that there are considerable sums to be made, including the amounts extorted by the informer.
As per the Action Plan, the Foreigners Regional Registration Office (FRRO)/civil authority acts as the coordinating agency. The notification issued by the Delhi Administration in pursuance of its power under section 3 of the Foreigners Act, 1946, empowers the FRRO to scrutinize the proposals for deportation, and satisfy itself of their illegal status by providing the concerned person with a hearing. However, the study team did not observe the detainees being produced before the FRRO on any occasion during its visits over three months to the FRRO's office, although some rag-pickers mentioned that they were sometimes briefly produced before the FRRO. From the accounts of some detainees, it was learnt that the conditions of detention fall far below the prescribed national and international standards : –
1) In violation of national and international rules, both men and women detainees are kept together in captivity on the ground floor, i.e. the Baraat Ghar of Delhi.
2) The basic amenities provided here are woefully inadequate. There are only two toilets in the building, one of which is used exclusively by the police staff, and the other is shared by male and female detainees, in violation of their right to privacy.
3) Even to use the toilet facility detainees have to seek prior permission, which is refused sometimes.
4) Items of necessity, such as blankets, are inadequate. According to one narrative, a woman detainee who had two children asked for an extra blanket because one blanket was not enough for them in biting cold. Not only was she refused the extra blanket, but was also slapped across the face for her audacity. Other items of necessity, such as milk for the children, have to be bought from the police at excessive rates.
5) No regular visitation rights are available for the relatives of the detainees.
6) Detainees are not allowed to offer prayers (namaaz), in direct violation of Fundamental Rights (article 25, Constitution of India, that guarantees freedom to profess and practice religion).
7) Detainees are forced to perform odd jobs for the police, like washing their motorcycles, sweeping the floor, cleaning toilets etc., which will attract section 374 of the Indian Penal Code that proscribes unlawful forced labour.
Right from roundup and arrest, to the supposed 'hearing' and deportation, no lawful procedure is being followed by the authorities. The entire process contributes to and manifests the criminalization and communalization of the state and the corruption of its legal and judicial institutions.
From the FRRO the arrested persons are taken to the MCD Ren Basera, where the police are waiting for them. They are kept at the Ren Basera until there are sufficient numbers to fill a railway bogie. Subsequently, they are taken to the Old Delhi railway station in closed vehicles and put aboard a train. The Delhi police accompany them to Malda station in West Bengal, from where they are transferred to a Border Security Force (BSF) camp.
Diplomatic protocol requires that when deportation takes place, the embassy or high commission or any other representative of the State of the country of origin of the deportee be informed about the decision. This has not been undertaken, resulting in a breach of international protocol.
As the Bangladesh Government is not even informed about deportation, their border security force BDR refuses to take them.Foreign Minister Mustafizur Rahman of Bangla Desh spelled it out by saying: "we will not accept (the deportees) unless the Indian authorities provide documents that they are our citizens"Still, Khaleda Zia, then Bangladesh's prime minister, said: 'They are not our headache since they are not Bangladeshis' (The Economic Times, October 15, 1992; see also Tribune, October 10, 1992).Bangladeshi Government calls the entire operation as 'Operation Push-In' as according to it the Indian Government seeks to push its citizens inside their borders. Any sovereign nation will find it offensive and violation of their sovereignty the manner in which 'Operation Push-Back' is being conducted unilaterally by India.The BDR therefore threatens that it would not hesitate even to shoot the people pushed into its territory.
Since the required procedure has not been followed, care has to be taken by the BSF that their counterparts in Bangladesh (BDR) do not know that the deportees are being pushed across the border. Hence, the deportees have to be released in batches of two, and that too in the middle of the night. Thus, it may take several days for the entire lot of deportees to be evacuated from the BSF camp, and during the entire time armed guards are deployed to ensure that the people remain concealed within the camp. The people, both men and women, remain completely at the mercy and whims of the guards. Several incidents of rape, sexual harassment and physical violence have been reported by those who have somehow returned from the border. When the people are forced across the border, all their possessions are taken away along with any signs that may point to their Indian origin. If they have any money, that too is taken away. The general trend appears to be to forcibly push the people into No-Man's Land, regardless of the weather, the condition of the people, and the terrain (jungle or river). They are warned that if they turn back they will be shot as infiltrators. Thus police atrocities become inevitable part of the whole operation as they feel that unless they are terrorized by atrocities, they will return. Therefore they beat men and rape women. This is highly condemnable and indicates that humanity is missing in the police force. This is mainly a result of undue responsibilities thrust on the police by the Government. As the end of 20th century is coming close, such inhuman treatment is unthinkable merely on the ground that the person concerned is not a citizen of our country. Following few examples shall make the situation crystal clear.
i) Indo-Bangladesh relations have been deteriorating for more than a year for several reasons, both commercial and political. The concerted and widespread attempt to push in Bangla-speaking Indian nationals on the plea that they are Bangladeshi intruders is the latest move by India to intimidate Bangladesh and bring it to heel. In the last week or so India has made at least 30 attempts to push in Bangla-speaking Indian Muslims. They have assembled several hundred helpless, indigent people along various border outposts and are holding them under the open sky in inhuman conditions. (Holiday frontpage, 31 January 2003)
On 31st January 2003. On this day a BSF vehicle arrived at the 147th pillar carrying 51 Bangladeshis (21 women and 30 men and children). These people were dropped off at the no-mans-land. On entering the Bangladeshi territory they were all violently beaten by the BDR officers of Kazipur who again drove these people towards the Indian side of the border. The local women from the Bangladeshi side of the border entreated the BDR not to beat the women; however, their fervent requests fell on deaf ears. To escape this beating all men barring three ran away while the women and children took desperate refuge in the bamboo forest by the Indian half of the border. The Indian BSF barred their re-entrance into Indian territory at gunpoint. The BSF created a human barricade to prevent the locals from the Indian side of border from offering any assistance or aid to these tortured and torment people. (By Krishna Banerjee & Purna Banerjee)
ii) As per the official estimate the number of people killed in BSF firing in South Bengal districts bordering Bangladesh more than doubled in the last one year. The victims are often branded as infiltrators, ISI agents and smugglers. Even women and children are not spared. The killing of a middle-aged woman by the BSF sparked some debates. Apart from often indiscriminate firings families trying to cross the border find themselves stranded in no man's land with both the BSF and the BDR claiming that they do not belong to their part of the world for want of legal papers. Our investigative report suggests that very few people in the border areas have evidences of citizenship. Sometimes to make a political statement they are rounded up by security forces of either side and pushed to the no-man's land as happened to 213 people, largely snake charmers in Satgacchi in early February. An overwhelming number of those stranded were children yet they were kept in bitter cold and many of them became afflicted with respiratory tract infection. (As the shadows lengthened, the officers walked back and so did the media team. (among these snake charmers) shrill voice though cut through: "saab, if possible, please tell our people back in Sabor that we are in the dire distress. ("Kinsuk Basu, Satgachi, Hidustan Times, February 4) Both India and Bangladesh have well-established laws of dealing with "aliens" and are signatories to any number of international conventions against torture of children and yet in practice hapless children in the borders are consistently victimized. The tension seemed to reach break point late in the morning; soon after the crucial sector command talks between the BSF and the Bangladesh Rifles (BDR) reached a stalemate. The BDR refused to let in the 213 gypsy snake charmers – stranded in no-man's land for a week. So there they stood, or rather sat most of the time, huddling together in severe cold in the open for six days and nights, with guns of the two forces facing each other.
In the past few years we have witnessed repeated border clashes where besides the government security forces, local populations on both sides have taken part in what one newspaper commented on one such occasion, this practice of people being "pushed in" or "pushed out" as "the dance of death". These villages are being encouraged to become "patriotic", take up lathis (sticks), tangis (broad-blade knives), spears, swords, and wherever made available guns, to strengthen the border, and "resist the illegal intruders". As news of the talks' failure spread, hundreds of Bangladeshi youths, who were waiting at the border, marched towards and swords and shouting anti-India slogans. Fearing an attack, the stranded gypsies began crying for help. Soon, hundreds of villagers from the Indian side rushed towards the zero line armed with bamboo sticks and stones. The BDR immediately positioned its forces and the BSF ordered its men to crawl closer. For a nerve-wracking 45 minutes, a showdown seemed certain, till both forces gradually withdrew. The BSF and the state government declared an alert along the border and rushed in more forces. "We have told the district administration to evacuate civilians in case there is firing," said DIG (Headquarters), (Narayan Ghosh, in Kolkata. Hidustan Times Correspondence, Satgachi/Kolkata/New Delhi, Hindustan Times, February 4, 2003)
iii) Aktar Ahmed of the Bangladesh interior ministry and head of the Bangladesh delegation at the two-day meeting in Dhaka said that we have expressed our concern over the killing of innocent Bangladeshis by Indian Border Security Force (BSF)," More than 50 Bangladeshis have been killed in the last six months by BSF," Most victims were innocent farmers working in their rice fields or tending cattle in Bangladesh territory along the frontier. The BSF said those it shot were smugglers or illegal intruders trying to slip through the porous border. (Reuters July 16, 2006 )
iv) "The BSF killed a middle-aged woman in cold blood a few months back when she went to give food and water to her son working in the field beyond the border fencing. Do they consider her a smuggler or an ISI operative?" retorted Forward Bloc MLA Gobinda Roy. A confidante of agriculture minister Kamal Guha, Roy was one of the conveners of a recent meet in Kolkata to protest 'BSF atrocities' in border districts. "You cannot fight infiltration or terrorism by terrorizing your own people," said state relief minister H.A. Sairani. He and Roy blamed BSF for running a "fiefdom" along the border. They accused the BSF of imposing 'dusk to dawn curfew' in border areas. "This is to facilitate smuggling and trafficking of men and cattle as both BSF and BDR border posts receive payment from border gangs," alleged Roy. (Biswajit Roy,Times of India, February 21, 2003, Page 1)
More and more policemen are being pulled away from their normal duties (i.e., the maintenance of law and order) and being told to concentrate on looking for Bangladeshis. Shiv Sena-Bharatiya Janata Party Government of Maharashtra has been deporting Bengali-speaking Muslim zari workers from Mumbai, branding them Bangladeshis. Muslim residents of Howrah, Midnapore, Hooghly and 24-Parganas districts are anxiously waiting for news from their relatives in Mumbai who are mainly engaged as zari, diamond, platinum and gold workers. Alauddin Mollah, one of them, told Frontline that he had not heard from his brother Salim Ali for over a month. He had heard about the raids conducted in parts of Mumbai where Muslim workers from West Bengal live.
The workers returning from Mumbai alleged that the Maharashtra Police made large-scale arrests of Muslims workers, mistaking all of them for Bangladeshi infiltrators simply because they spoke Bengali. "On July 9, the police raided a place under the Satra police station in Mumbai when my friends were asleep. The minute the police heard the terrified workers speak Bengali, they herded them into a van," Sheikh Dilwar, a resident of Bahira in Howrah district, said. Dilwar escaped being picked up since he was sleeping some distance away. News of the incident spread, and within days, almost all Bengali workers in Maharashtra left.
All district collectors in Maharashtra have been instructed to collect the data of the Bengali refugees residing in the state. The collectors in turn have issued a circular that all such persons to submit their citizenship documents within a month, failing which they would be liable for deportation. This has created anxiety among number of Bengali refugees that had settled in Bhandara, Chandrapur and Gadchirauli districts of Maharastra since fifties.
A crowd of about 3,000 people stopped the Howrah-bound Kurla Express from Mumbai at Ulubearia, 65 km from Calcutta, on the afternoon of July 23, demanding that a batch of 34 persons in the train be set free. These passengers, who included seven women, were Bengali-speaking Muslims, all zari workers. They had been "identified as Bangladeshis" and sent by the Maharashtra Government, with police escort, to be deported to Bangladesh at West Bengal's border town of Bongaon. A section of the crowd even climbed on to the train, and the Maharashtra police personnel who were in the train fired five rounds in the air. The Railway Protection Force (RPF) too fired blank shots. Those who led the protesters, claimed that the deportees had valid documents to prove that they hailed from Barast, Bangaon, Uluberia, Howrah and Panchla in West Bengal.
2. False Propaganda that Bengali Dalit Refugees are criminals and have terrorist links
L. K. Advani, the Deputy Prime Minister (also in charge of the Home portfolio {whom his own daughter in law Gauri accused of sexually exploiting and torturing her mentally), at a gathering of senior police officials in the Capital asked them to track down illegal migrants in the country, the Deputy Prime Minister in harsh and categorical terms said that India would not tolerate these migrants who, under the guise of asylum, indulge in nefarious activities aimed at destabilizing the nation and jeopardizing its security. Setting aside human rights considerations, Advani ordered the immediate deportation of these illegal migrants.
According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer 1) there is hardly any serious danger to our security from the so called Bangladeshi infiltrators. They do not cause any serious problem for our nation as is sought to be made out. The threat and danger is more a product of imagination of the protagonists of Hindutva than real. One field visit clears any such doubts. The filth and squalor in which they exists with their children amply demonstrates that they have come here only for survival. They are more concerned about how to feed their children and hardly have time to think about other issues.We also found the allegations that Bangladeshi immigrants participated in the communal riots as totally baseless. The neighboring Hindus were speaking quite sympathetically about them. During the riots, the neighboring Hindus had not felt any threat from them and were living peacefully in their neighborhood. Would there be such sympathy for them amongst the Hindus staying in the neighborhood if they had participated in the riots? Then why is the SS-BJP government trying to create illusionary danger from them. The issue of Bangladeshi infiltrators was raised by the BJP after demolition of Babri Mosque on December 6, 1992. When it was left without any issue to capture peoples attention. The issue was exploited even for the assembly elections in Delhi. The issue of 'infiltrators' could also pay rich dividends to enter North-East Region where the BJP has no significant existence so far.
3) False Propaganda that India can not tolerate burden of such a huge number of refugees.
This seems reasonable enough till you realize that nobody objects to immigration from Nepal. In fact, we actually encourage Nepalis to come and seek employment in India and have special laws in place that enable them to cross the border without passports and to work without visas. So, why are there enough jobs for Nepalis and not enough jobs for Bangladeshis? But why blame the BJP alone? The Congress is as responsible for creating the scare about illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
According to the conclusions of "Immigrants in Bombay : A Fact Finding Report." conducted by Shama Dalwai and Irfan Engineer, the estimates about infiltrators is not only exaggeration but height of imagination. The refugee figures, are just concoctions. The falsity of such imagination is evident from the fact that there have been different estimates given at different times. There has been not much of a difference in the growth rate of population of districts adjoining Bangladesh and the rest of the country. Even if there are Bangladeshi immigrants, their number is not so much that it can affect our food grain stock or compete with our countrymen for jobs and other scarce resources. Because of the atrocities committed on Bengali Dalit refugees in India, no Bengali Dalits are coming to India from Bangla Desh. Mr. Mukhergee chairman of rehabilitation committee in his report submitted on 31st August on 1981 mentions that there are 5533980 refugees in Bengal. In 10 years the population grows to 20% therefore, it is expected that the said population of refugees should be over one crore. Because it did not happen it proves that after year 1971 negligible number of Bengali Dalits took refuse in India. Census report of India makes it clear that the population growth rate of Bengal has declined from 1.43% to 1.0% and now it is almost zero. This makes it clear that immigration of Bengali Dalits to India is stopped.
Those who have come to India for economical reasons have never demanded Indian nationality. Give all of them a temporary work visa and grant all those citizenship if they pay their taxes and remain good citizens. If America can flourish based on immigrants, we can also be open and generous.
How can Bangla Desh allow 2nd and 3rd generation of refugees in their country after the lapse of 35 years without any documentary proof that they are their citizen ? If the Arya-Brahminists of India had not made golden promises to Bengali Dalit refugees and prevented them from entering the country or had sent them at the very first instance to Bangla Desh, it would have communicated a message to Dalits that the Arya-Brahminists do not want them in India. Then the Dalits would have lived or died for their rights in Bangla Desh itself. Arya-Brahminists riding the government have conveniently forgotten that the Bengali Dalits contributed to the development of India for about 35 years and remain loyal to the country and have no contact with Bangla Desh in any form and who were the citizens of united India and are the victim of partition conspiracy of Arya-Brahminists which these Arya-Brahminists executed with un-matching brutality and shamelessness forcibly pushing them in no man's land to die with hunger, thirst, diseases or with the bullets of either BSF or BDF is an Arya-Brahminist brutality which is several hundred times brutal than the brutality of Zionist of Israel who are considered as the most brute demons.
Persecution of
Indigenous Bengali Dalit-Muslims is on !
Operation Pushback – and its equivalents in other cities – continues to this day even if the name has changed. It is still the responsibility of the police to round up illegal Bangladeshis and to send them back across the border. The Delhi Police, for instance, has ten Task Forces whose primary function is to scour Delhi looking for Bangladeshis.
In 2001, the BJP government in Uttaranchal had denied domicile certificates to the Bengali Dalit refugees settled in the state since early fifties. Some moneylenders turned land Mafia even grabbed their land with the help of police and officials.
Arya-Brahminist chief minister of West Bengal Buddhadev Bhattacharya vomited his hate for Bengali Dalit refugees saying that he will not tolerate Bangla Desh intruders since it affects the balance of social characteristics of the state. Earlier Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharya, then West Bengal Home (Police) Minister said that the State Government would prosecute Bangladeshis found to be staying in West Bengal without valid papers and hand them over to the Border Security Force. He also pointed out that the Maharashtra Police had earlier pushed about 800 people back to Bangladesh from West Bengal's border areas without informing the State Government about the action. He asserted that West Bengal had always taken action against Bangladeshi infiltrators, but not in this manner. Mamta Banergee (Brahmin) opposition leader in more aggressive towards Bengali Dalit refugees. She tore the voter list of Gayghata assembly constituency before Loksabha speaker and declared to continue her agitation till the names of alleged Bengali Dalits are not removed. All parties led by Arya-Brahminists have the same inimical attitude towards Bengali Dalits.
Mr. Buddhadev Bhattacharya had to admit that the in "push-back" operation among the persons thrust into Bangla Desh border 70% of persons used to be Indian nationals. (Bhaskar, 3 June 2003)
In response to a petitioned filed by an Arya-Brahminist organization, the Delhi High court and the supreme court of India had ordered that at least 100 Bangla refugees should be identified each day and thus 3000 refugees should be deported to Bangla Desh.
Home Minister of India in his written reply to Mr. Ramdas Athawale and R. S. Gavai said that all the Bengali Dalit refugees who crossed over after 25th March 1971 shall be forcibly deported to Bangla Desh after they are severely penalized by the court.
According to a news the magistrate of Thane has pronounced 6 month's rigorous imprisonment to so called Bengali Dalit refugees (Samrat, 21 November 2005)
State Governments of India are rigorously implementing the court orders. BJP-BJD government of Orissa has issued notices to 1551 Bengali Dalits who are residing in Nakkal block of Kendrapara District since last 40-50 years, to leave the country within 30 days or they shall be deported forcibly to Bangla Desh. The BJP-BJD government without giving these Bengali Dalits any chance to offer any explanation declared them Bangladeshi intruders.
People of this area were affected by a cyclone in last 10 years which destroyed their documents and other valuables. Most of the Bengali refugees being illiterate and laborers and lacking awareness could not obtain copies of these documents as they had no political connections and they were living far away from the district capital. The government in spite of having records of their nationality in their respective offices was not ready to find them. The similar notices are served to Bangali dalits of Nabarangpur and Malkangiri district.
In Orissa the registration of new born babies in the refugee families are being denied birth certificates. In Orissa the registration of new born babies in the refugee families are being denied birth certificates. The Orissa government stopped no less than two hundred refugee children to sit in high school examination. Birth certificates are being denied to newborn babies. BPL card, ration Card, PAN, etc have been stalled. Names of refugees in the voters' list have been deleted en masse.According to Hindustan Times, government had asked people of Jiyaganj and Lalbag of Murshidabad to produce 19 documents in support of their Indian nationality. Over 90.60% persons did not have any of these documents. These makes it clear that these Indian nationals in the absence of these documents would be deported to Bangla Desh alleging then Bangla Deshi intruders.
Part VII
The Tamil Refugees of Shri Lanka
| Some Background of Tamil Struggle in Shrilanka |
Some Background of Tamil Struggle in Shrilanka
Tamils are the indigenous people of Shrilanka. Sinhalese settled in Shrilanka in 500 BC. According to the 'Mohvansh' of Senhalese mythology Sinhal prince Jeet who had married to a Tamil princess brought Sinhalese to Shrilanka and rehabilitated them. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 October 2000, P. 14) Gradually with the favour of state power the Sinhalese became the ruling class of Shrilanka while the indigenous tamils became the exploited class.
After Shrilankan independence the policy of Sinhalization was followed very rigorously by the Sihalese rulers. Tamils were even denied the citizenship of Shrilanka. It became impossible for Tamil nationals to live in Cylone due to discrimination and persecution. In year 1970 the standardization law was framed to deprive Tamils from higher education. Tamil masses protested against Sinhalese oppression and evil tactics. {As a result, of barbaric repression and state terrorism, militant organizations of Tamil started emerging}. In year 1963 Tamil Tigers attacked Shrilankan army and killed 13 soldiers. In vengeance, Shrilankan army launched genocide of innocent Tamil people. In the November of 1984, Tamil gorillas attacked an army post and killed an army officer. In revenge Sinhalese army ransacked Tamil houses and set them on fire. In retaliation Tamil militants continued their attacks on Sinhalese army. In July of 1987 an accord was signed between governments of Shrilanka and India according to which it was agreed to form an autonomous Tamil state in the north east of Shrilanka and the amnesty and rehabilitation to Tamil militants. While framing and signing this accord Tamil masses and their organizations were not taken into confidence. Few of the militant groups surrendered their weapons but LTTE of Prabhakaran did not lay down their weapon. Prabhakaran called Indian government as imperialist and this accord as open injustice on the Tamils and demanded independent Tamil state (Tamil Elam) for the Tamils. Indian government boasted to wipe out the existence of LTTE in just 72 hours but failed to do so. (p.322, 326, 328, Udgaonkar, M.N.)
According to Hon. V. T. Rajshekar many followers of Dr. Ambedkar fell victim to the cunning and deceiving propaganda of Arya-Brahminists that the Buddhist of India should support the Sinhalese government and oppose the Tamils. These followers of Dr. Ambedkar did not think that if the Tamils are Hindu then why the Arya-Brahminists rulers who boast of Hindutva did not support Hindu Tamils ? Why the Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India is helping non-Hindu government against the Hindu Tamils ? When the Arya-Brahminists of India did not hesitate to break Pakistan and form Bangla Desh why the Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India are militarily helping Sinhalese in the name of saving the integrity of Shrilanka ? the answer for hypocritical behaviour of Arya-Brahminists lies in the fact that the struggle going on in Shrilanka is the struggle between indigenous Nag-Dravids and the racist Aryan Sinhalese. Therefore, the Arya-Brahminists of India and the Sinhalese Aryans (whether they are Buddhist or Christians) are avenging Tamil Nag-Dravids. (Dalit Voice, 16-31 July 2000) The organization Janata Vimukti Peramuna calls itself Marxist organization but it has earned bad name for its hate toward the Tamils. (p.349, Udgaonkar, M.N.) Because the Sinhalese are basically Arya-Brahminists therefore like their Indian Arya-Brahminist brethen they can be racist as well as {fake} Marxists.
Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India know very well that if Tamil Elam comes into existence, Nag-Dravid struggle will become very powerful in Tamilnadu as well and the Arya-Brahminist rule and their Brahminism in India may get severe setback. Therefore, Arya-Brahminists of Tamilnadu in the leadership of Brahmin Jayalalita as well as Arya-Brahminists of centre are opposing Tamil Elam. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 June 2000) Mr. Vaiko was imprisoned by Brahmin Jayalalita under POTA because he had spoken in support of Tamil struggle.
The Arya-Brahminists riding the government of India sent peace keeping army of indigenous Bahujans to Shrilanka and spent 100 crores per day. Out of 60,000 indigenous soldiers, 1200 were killed and 3000 were injured. (Dalit Voice, 1-15 June 2000) In this way Arya-Brahminists of India wanted to satisfy their vengeance by killing indigenous Tamils of Shrilanka and indigenous Bahujans of India in battle. But the Arya-Brahminists riding government of India were compelled to call back peace keeping force due to mass pressure.
As Mr. Puspa Nathan explains, the international media is being manipulated by Sri Lanka. All the news circulating in the international media has originated either from the Sinhala chauvinist press or from sections of the Brahmin owned Indian press. We have a duty to counter and expose this global misinformation campaign conducted by Sri Lanka with the help of sections of the Brahmin owned Indian press and some Trojan horses within our Tamil community. The Sinhala government has successfully silenced any truth coming out to the international media by the killings of Thinamurasu Atputhan, Kumar Ponnambalam and now Nirmalarajan. Sri Lanka has persecuted and intimidated every other independent newspaper and journalist – examples are Thinakural, Uthayan, the journalist Manicakavaskar, the Virakesari reporter and others. Even the unlawful arrest, detention and torture of Red Cross Official Mr. Kishore was part of a plot to silence the NGOs. Sri Lanka terrorism has even reached abroad. The killing of Elamurasu Gajan in Paris and the recent attempted attack on the eminent lawyer Ms. Karen Parker are a few examples. The recent SBS Australia TV program is yet another attempt to intimidate and silence even the few voices which are left abroad… (Tamilnation.org, Responding to Sri Lanka's Misinformation Campaign Sara Ananthan, 3 November 2000)
According to TamilNet : Sri Lanka's Army-backed Tamil paramilitaries are seeking recruits amongst Tamil refugees in Tamil Nadu, offering hefty salaries, an Indian news agency reported this week. The Eelam National Democratic Liberation Front (ENDLF), an India-based paramilitary group now operating in an anti-LTTE grouping under the Karuna Group, is seeking recruits from refugee camps and orphanages in southern India, an Indian website reported, citing local press reports. The recruitment is being conducted with the knowledge of India's external intelligence agency, RAW (Research and Analysis Wing). The ENDLF is being used by RAW as a rallying point of anti-LTTE groups. Sri Lanka's military has brought a number of paramilitary groups, including the ENDLF under one grouping to wage a campaign against the LTTE and its supporters. ENDLF cadres based in India have been rotating into Sri Lanka's Northeast on one-year visas issued by the Sri Lankan government to bolster the 'shadow war.' (tamilnet , RAW aiding paramilitary recruitment in India – report [TamilNet, June 25, 2006 01:15 GMT] )
Persecution of Shrilankan Tamil Refugees in India
After 1983, New Delhi followed a policy which had two characteristics — mediatory and militant-supportive. India deliberately created a political dimension with the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees to ensure that they become a leverage to the country's foreign policy vis-à-vis Colombo. One has to keep in mind the fact that the Tamil refugees were a leverage to India's foreign policy. After Rajiv Gandhi's assassination, the educational facilities for Tamil refugees were taken away from the Tamil Nadu government. (A homeland Denied, 'If Jaffna falls, there will be a flood of refugees to Tamil Nadu' by George Iype )
D. Ravikumar, who was appointed by the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, to submit a report on camp conditions said "Nobody seems to bother about their plight. The Indian Government is acting as if it is doling out alms to the refugees for their sustenance. The inmates of these camps are, at best, looked at with suspicion, and at worst, treated as criminals," (Daily mirror 28 June 2006)
The Sri Lankan Tamil Refugees fall into following three categories.
(1) Those in the Refugee Camps which number 133 as on date. There are about 65,000 refugees in them.
(2) Refugees who maintain themselves outside the Camps. Following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, these refugees were directed by the State Government to register themselves in the nearest police stations.
(3) Refugees who have been identified as belonging to militant groups. They are at present kept in three Special Camps: (a) Tippu Mahal, Vellore Fort, Vellore, (b) Chingleput and (c) Mellur.
Currently, the Indian Government reports that there are about 1,60,000 Sri Lankan Tamil refugees in India of which about 76,000 live in refugee camps in Tamil Nadu and about 30,000 live outside these camps in cities and towns across Tamil Nadu. Other non-governmental sources believe that there are actually closer to 100,000 refugees outside the camp.
After the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi the Sri Lankan Refugees in India had to undergo severe ordeals. While the second category of the refugees escaped with mandatory registration in the police station with occasional enquiries and harassments by the police, the other two categories of refugees faced the worse. The plight of these refugees especially those in the Special Camps has been a source of deep concern for PUCL The security arrangements in these special camps are unprecedented and surpass the security arrangements in any of the central prisons in the state of Tamil Nadu. The persons in the special camps are not prisoners or convicts or under-trials or accused of any specific offence under Indian Penal Code. But these detainees in the Special Camps do not enjoy even the rights of the convict prisoners lodged in ordinary prisons. The reality of the persons detained in the camp is that they are under 24 hours detention in conditions which are worse then those prevalent in the Central Prison in India. As per the Commission Report, the inmates of the Tippu Mahal are not permitted to go out of the camp. The inmates are in RIGOROUS CONFINEMENT in the Special camp and the long detention has made the inmates desperate. In fact, even facilities of parole, which are generally available to convicts, and provision of coming out on bail available to under-trials is not available to the inmates. Visitors to the camp are restricted. By contrast, the prisoners in India enjoy a Constitutional guarantee of enjoying all fundamental rights within the prison walls. A person desirous of meeting the detainees in the camp has to make an application to the Special Tahsildar. The Special Tahsildar sits in the Collectorate several kms away from the Camp. The Special Tahsildar seeks the comments of the Superintendent of Police on the application and only thereafter permission is granted. Generally for the papers to move it takes several days. It is all the more difficult for Sri Lankans who are in other refugee camps to meet those in the Special Camps as they have to seek permission first to leave their camp and also to visit the Special Camp detainees. The so- called inmates have been in detention for several years now and there is no time limit specified for their release. This can have psychologically a very traumatizing and demoralizing influence on the detainees. There are several persons who have not come out side the camp for more than ten years now. They are not sure as to when they are likely to be released. The uncertainty of their incarceration is itself agonizing and inhuman.
The PUCL Team Members collected the details of the following handicapped persons detained in this Camp: 1. Ansar: Right foot disabled due to gun shot injury. 2. Mukilan: Totally blind. 3. Ranga: Has lost both the hands below the wrists, lost vision in the left eye and lost hearing faculty in the left ear. 4. "Moscow": Lost the right hand below the wrist and the thumb in the left hand. 5. "Hitler": Lost both hands below the wrist and totally blind. 6. Jerry: Right leg paralyzed. 7. Ajanthan: Has a bullet embedded in the head resulting in paralysis of right leg, right hand and has lost the hearing faculty in the right ear. 8. Yogan: Left leg damaged by gun shot injury. 9. Jeevan: Right foot severed. 10. Radha: Lost vision in the right eye. 11. Nimilan: Lost the vision in the left eye. 12. Shiva: Left foot severed. UN Human Rights groups are not allowed access to the Sri Lankan Tamil refugee camps in Tamil Nadu, because the Indian government fears that they would be "critical of conditions in the camps". This is the charge made by the United States Commission for Refugees in its latest report. Essentially, the Indian Government has been and continues to violate key human rights of the refugees. The Sri Lankan Tamil refugees have been stripped of such basic human rights as the freedom to leave the campsites, proper medical assistance, and perhaps most importantly, non-refoulement.
Earlier in March of 1992, the Indian Government passed an order to "persuade and advise Sri Lankan Tamil refugees to repatriate." The refugees who opted to return cannot be termed as purely "voluntary" because very many of them may have opted for repatriation due to the withdrawal of following facilities that had been provided to them before the repatriation process commenced :- 1) Stoppage of doles and rations after the 9 September 1993. 2) Not providing proper educational facilities to refugee children. 3) Not repairing huts and failing to maintain other facilities in camps. 4) Restricting movements of refugees resulting in preventing refugees from going to work to supplement their meager dole to make ends meet. 5)Arresting and locking up refugees in sub-jails designated as (special camps) without stating reasons or inquiry or trial. 6) Not providing access to information necessary to enable refugees to make a voluntary decision. 7) Failing to provide proper medical assistance.
From the various reports it becomes clear that when the Tamil refugees are deported to Shrilanka, they are persecuted and tortured by military and intelligence agencies. In this connection news in Tamilnation.org, 'Deported Tamil Asylum Seekers arrested & tortured, December 1999′ can be cited as an example.
Various cases have come to light which shows the attitude adopted by the Indian Government in dealing with the Sri Lankan Tamil refugees:
In a Habeas Corpus Petition (No 1465 of 1993) filed by one K. Sarojini Sivalingam on behalf of her husband, Mr R R Sivalingam, it has been stated that her husband was confined in the Special Camp for Sri Lankans at Chengalpattu. The wife petitioned the Court to provide constant and intensive medical care and attention to Mr R R Sivalingam. The Court, vide its order dated 9.9.93, directed the Tamil Nadu State Government to admit him in the Government Hospital, Madras, for proper assessment and better management of his ailment (heart disease), based on the opinion of the Medical Board.
Though the order was pronounced on 9.9.93, the Tamil Nadu State Government failed to implement the said order of the Court for nearly 10 days. It was only after a telegram was issued to the Tamil Nadu State Government that Mr Sivalingam was admitted to the Government Central Hospital on 19.9.93. But, shockingly, he was brought handcuffed, with a chain initially to the Office of the Commissioner of Police and thereafter, to the Government General Hospital, Madras. But, even after admission, he was kept tied to the bed in the hospital, despite several protests on his part. At the hospital, he was not allowed to communicate with outsiders and not allowed to write letters, even to his counsel. Whenever, he was taken to other wards or to the X-ray Department, or to the lab for certain tests, he was taken handcuffed and tied with a chain. His counsel was also told by the escort policemen to get a court order if they wanted to visit him. Moreover, he was not allowed to speak to his legal counsels in confidence and the police guards, including an official from the Special Branch insisted on hearing every word that was spoken. This was clearly illegal.
Despite several protests and representations, the State Government failed to take off his handcuffs and chains. As he was not allowed to write any letters, he was unable to submit a representation in this regard. However, when his counsel visited him on 24 September 1993, at about 5.30 P.M, he forwarded a representation to the Commissioner of Police through him. When his counsel went to submit the representation to the Police Commissioner, he was not present; his Personal Assistant received the representation but refused to give any acknowledgement. In any case, several officials of the police establishment including the Assistant Commissioner (Intelligence) visited him and had seen him chained to the bed; he also complained to them; but no action was taken. It also had a deleterious effect on Mr Sivalingam's health. It is therefore proper that Mr Sivalingam should claim appropriate damages and compensation in respect of the illegal detention and all further illegal acts perpetrated upon him.
The above is just a single instance of many more horrifying cases perpetrated by the Indian Government. The police, without giving any reasons for their arrest and detention in special camps, have arbitrarily and illegally acted in a manner by which the refugee protection given to these persons is withdrawn. Most of these persons are languishing in sub-jails for periods up to two years. In most cases, such detention was followed by the serving of orders under the Foreigner's Act without adherence to the principles of natural justice. This is against Indian and International Humanitarian norms and is a complete travesty of justice.
PART VIII
Where is Solution of These Arya-Brahmin Brutalities ?
| Never Depend On The Thickness Side of The Manuist-Coin |
We present below extremely brief synthesis of the nature of persons / organizations and their limitations in retaliating these Arya-Brahminist brutalities on indigenous Bahujans.
1) Never Depend On The Thickness Side of The Manuist-Coin : –
It is important to know the present character of indigenous parties into which they have been transformed. We will try to explain their transformed character using the analogy of a coin.
One side of the Manuist coin (Brahminist Exploitation System) has Pseudo-secular, hypocritical liberal face. In India this side is represented by Communal-Congress and Arya-Brahmin fake communist leadership of communist parties of India. Other side of the coin contain fascist communal face that frighten the secular indigenous masses and push them to other extreme Pseudo-secular side while this side itself garner support of communal racist masses mainly containing Arya-Brahmins and communalized indigenous masses under the grip of Brahmin religion. In India this side is represented by communal-casteist BJP and terrorist organizations of Sangh-Parivar. Between these two sides there is a thickness part of the coin.The "thickness part of the Manuist-coin" is not properly identified and understood. This has always resulted in wrong solution of the problem. This part is represented by the parties who pretend to oppose the parties representing each side of the Manuist coin. Bahujan masses have been speedily realizing that the electioneering parties of indigenous Bahujans which did not remain loyal to the struggle of indigenous Bahujan masses against exploitation and oppression are converted into a thickness part of the Manuist coin viz. Manuist-Brahminist exploitation system. In India electioneering parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi constitute this thickness part. Pretending to be Bahujanist, they draw support from masses who are disillusioned from communal-casteist Congress and communal-fascist BJP realizing them as worst enemies of indigenous Bahujan masses.
After entering into parliament the leaders of indigenous Bahujans have realized that the Indian exploitation system is an inseparable part of exploitation system of world. Observing the real draconian face of this exploitation system of Tri-Iblis they realized that they are incapable of launching the kind of struggle required to uproot the exploitation system of Illuminati maintained through the Tri-Iblis. The Illuminati governed Tri-Iblis is destroying the lives of toiling masses of the world through the liberalization, privatization and globalization. But how can selfish incompetent leaders even dream to launch a genuine struggle against such exploitation and oppression ? Therefore, the selfish incompetent leaders of Bahujan organizations have become the true disciples of three monkeys of the hypocrite and racist Mr. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. These Bahujan leaders in the intoxication of power and money have decided neither to speak against the exploitation of Tri-Iblis, nor to listen anything against the exploitation system of Tri-Iblis and the question of seeing exploitation of masses by tri-Iblis does not arise as they now do not belong to the community of toiling masses. Hence, they can never fight against liberalization, privatization and globalization which is introduced by Brahminist-Zionist Illuminati through the Tri-Iblis to enslave and exploit the toiling masses of the world.
Because the parties representing "Thickness-Part" of the "Manuist-Coin" are incompetent for real struggle due to their incompetent, selfish and coward leadership, they can not do more than lip-service regarding issues vital for indigenous Bahujans. They can not go beyond fake struggle because they are incapable of launching the kind of struggle required to destroy the Arya-Brahminist exploitation system and to establish Bahujanwadi Samajik Gantantra in its place. Their organization is nothing more than the crowd collected to garner votes and money in the name of Fule, Shahu, Ayyankali, Ambedkar, Periyar etc. Bahujan liberation warriors. Therefore their organizations are unfit for struggle against exploitation and oppression. What these indigenous electioneering parties can do at the most is only lip service that too in unavoidable circumstances. Even while doing lip service they take care not to make their Savarna votes (which are negligible in number) angry. Because, these parties of the three sides of Manuist coin are mutually dependent on each other as they draw strength from each other. Because communal fascist organizations commit atrocities on Dalit-Bahujans these parties are able to garner their support by launching fake struggle and profit in election. Therefore, fascist communal organizations must remain strong to commit atrocities on OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi masses so that parties representing thickness part of Manuist Coin can continue to reap the benefits in election.
These electioneering organizations of Dalit Adivasi ensure that their community men tolerate every kind of inhuman oppression committed upon them by the Savarna Arya-Brahmin exploiters & oppressors. This statement may look harsh but it is a bitter reality.
Whenever houses of we Bahujans are burnt, we are beaten to death, we are burnt alive, our mothers, sisters and daughters are raped then the leaders of Bahujan organizations who basically are "vote beggars" come and deliver lectures, take out processions, issue statements and give deputations. Dr. Ambedkar told masses to die while retaliating oppressors protecting their rights, property and self respect of their women. But the leaders do not want to cross "Latthi-men Rekha" (goons armed with solid bamboo sticks) of Arya-Brahmin oppressors even though the victims or likely victims are ready to sacrifice their lives fighting against these filthy oppressors.
After a week or two all these birdies (leaders) fly back to their respective nests to leave we victims at the mercy of the very Arya-Brahminist oppressors. Arya-Brahminist controlled Police see that the Dalit case is weakened. Witnesses and victims are threatened. The culprits are released on bell to terrorize we Dalit victims. Brahmin bureaucracy and judiciary ensure that the case is prolonged indefinitely and no justice is made and in this process we the victims and our friends suffer loss of money, energy, time and our life becomes more miserable.Those amongst us who had the courage to raise voice against injustice, having realized that no punishment is given to the oppressors loose all hope and develop a mentality to tolerate more brutal injustice and not a sigh of protest. The oppressors are thus encouraged to commit more excesses. Such a change is brought in us by the "vote-beggar leaders" of Bahujan organizations. Read Marathi daily Mahanayak and Samrat and you find news of atrocity committed on Bahujans almost daily. The Savarna oppressors, are confident that they can forcibly impose their Manucracy on we Bahujans with full support of Israel and America. Arya-Brahmins had all hidden support and help of Israel and America in their state sponsored massacre of we Muslims of Gujarat.
Bahujan leaders have long back stopped bothering about the exploitation of masses. They know that Bahujan masses have been voting Congress to prevent BJP from coming in to power. Therefore, toiling Bahujan masses have no alternative but to vote these Bahujan parties wherever they are strong. Then why to bother about the toiling masses ? Chief ministers of Bahujan parties continue to visit the "Darbars" of Arya-Brahmin industrialists and beg them to open their industries in their state and promise them to provide all kinds of opportunity to exploit indigenous Bahujan masses in lieu of their commission. Thus they are satisfying their selfish interests by promoting exploitation and oppression of Bahujans by the Tri-Iblis.
The election fund created by all industrialists under "common minimum exploitation and looting program" have received guarantee that in lieu of huge election donation from this fund to all political parties, these parties shall insure the exploitation and loot of toiling masses by the Brahminist-Zionist exploiters.
The political parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi have remained indifferent from every issue that is a matter of life and death of the indigenous masses. They have done nothing for Dalit Bengali refugees who for protecting self-respect of Dr. Ambedkar are still being hunted and pushed into India-Bangla Desh Border to be killed by security forces of either country. They have done nothing when in Nandigram women of Dalits and Muslims were being mass-raped, their genitals being mutilated, their bodies cut into pieces and thrown in to river, their houses looted and burned by the goons of CPI-CPM. They have done nothing when in Morichzapi Bengali Dalit refugees were massacred by the state arm forces of Arya-Brahmin fake communist leader Jyoti Basu. They did nothing when Arya-Brahmin fake communist government of Jyoti Basu deliberately made the Dalit, OBC, Muslims and Adivasi food for Sunderban tigers. They did nothing against Liberalization, privatization and globalization. They did nothing against the SEZs which have displaced millions of Bahujans and made their life hellish. They have done nothing to oppose Salva Judum which is another name of state sponsored massacres, state sponsored mass-rapes and looting in the interest of Multinational companies. Bahujan parties did anything concrete to protect the slums of Bahujans from being demolished. In Maharashtra in SET examination full name of the candidates is compulsorily written resulting victimization of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi candidates aspiring to become college lecturers. No party has ever objected against this unfair practice and similar practices which are in thousands in number. Union Public Service commission to ensure 50% reservation for Arya-Brahmins has been denying OBC, SC, ST candidate qualifying in the open list a place in open list on the pretext that they did not beforehand declared that they are contesting for open category. In the foreground of Jaipur high court a statue of Manu was inaugurated on 28 June 1989 in the presence of then chief minister of fascist communal-casteist Congress. According to Manu Brahmins own everything that non-Brahmins belong and Brahmins even can execute massacres of non-Brahmins. No party of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi are able to remove this inhuman statue.
Brahminist government has ensured that the Bahujan children remain uneducated and their parents be punished for their remaining uneducated. Hon. Mastaram Kapoor is extremely disappointed with the apathetic attitude of Bahujan leaders regarding the education of Bahujan children. He writes that the Indian constitution made government responsible to give free education to children up to age 14 years. This included "Anganwadi" and Nursary schools as well. But the communal-casteist BJP government has removed this clause from schedule IV and included it in the fundamental rights and removed the word "free"; and in place of up to 14 years included 6-14 years. {therefore government has no responsibility to provide free education and to provide education to children up to 6 years.} Now the government is not responsible for preschool education. Because of this amendment children will remain uneducated and the government and its judiciary will have power to punish parents for not sending their children to schools. Governments will simply say that it had provided schools no matter whether they are beyond the reach and beyond the capacity of toiling masses. Those who were expected to raise strong protest kept mum in parliament. (Lokmat Samachar, 13th January 2003) Government is seriously thinking to punish the parents who do not send their children having age of 6-14 years to school. Gram Panchayats will also be punished in this regard. (Lokmat Samachar, 11th July 2003)
Half of the schools in country have no buildings, 40% schools do not have black boards and in one third of schools (33.33% of schools) only one teacher teaches all the sections and classes. Brahminists riding the government spend Billions of rupees in preparing and exploding nuclear bombs, to make computer revolution, to become host of Asiad and Olympic, to raise "Panchasheel flag" on the rod of atom bomb, on foreign tours of leaders and ministers, but can not spend on the education of Bahujan children. Only one percent of budget is spent on primary education. Education gives masses power to question and this very thing the so called elected kings do not like. By spending only eight hundred crore rupees the whole world can be educated. This amount is even less than the 4 days expenditure on arms or less than the expenditure made on ice cream in America, or is 1/5th of the expenditure made on cosmetics in Europe. (Lokmat Samachar, 7th July 2003) Such a list of indifference of so called Bahujan organizations towards issues of life and death of Bahujan masses is unending.
Party leaders of indigenous Bahujans are fully aware that if they have to come to power they will have to ensure full protection to the exploitation system of Brahminist-Zionist exploiters. Their should not be harmed even slightly. The leaders of Bahujan parties have departed from their basic program and entered into the Brahminist filthy marsh to such extent that it is impossible for them to come back. They are continuously crushing the party principles beneath their feet and are implementing anti-people agenda of Tri-Iblis and helping Satanist racist Illuminati in every respect.
The thickness part of Manuist coin is made of Parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim and Adivasi led by vote-beggar leaders are confined exclusively to VOTE-BEGGING political stunts and have nothing to do with genuine struggle against the global system of exploitation and oppression.
These vote beggar leaders are like Arya-Brahminist priests. They sing praise sermons of Bahujan deities (Bahujan liberation warriors such as Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, Periyar etc.) and receive "Vote-Dakshina" from the devotee masses. The members of such parties are "devotees" and not followers of our Bahujan liberation warriors. They are only concerned with the praise sermons sung by their leaders in the praise of Bahujan liberation warriors.
The existence of Manuist exploitation and oppression gives life to vote-begging politics therefore these vote begging party leaders are unconcerned in missionary activities leading to the destruction of the exploitation and oppression system of Tri-Iblis. The "insides" of the two sides of the Manuist-coin are connected to the very thickness part. Similarly, the Bahujan organizations led by vote-beggar leaders are in alliance the very Arya-Brahminist Manuist oppressors. It is crystal-clear from the following news :-
PATNA: More than a dozen scholars from UK and USA have urged chief minister Rabri Devi to probe the links between the Ranvir Sena and political parties. Sena's links with a prominent state Congress leader and an RJD minister should also be investigated, they have said. In a fax message to the CM, they expressed that …. the Ranvir Sena, which is a feudal, upper caste, anti-woman, anti-Dalit and anti-poor terror group linked to the Sangh Parivar, is being nurtured and protected by your government and important ministers. This despite the fact that the Sena has been declared an outlawed outfit," they said. "The level of complicity of your administration and the patronage of the state government is demonstrated by the killing of Manju Devi in broad daylight despite the presence of the district officials, particularly the SP, who went to the spot but came back without disturbing the Sena men who stayed on in the village of the prominent Congress leader," they pointed out. They also demanded that the Arwal police and civil officials be taken to task for dereliction of duty and the DM and SP be punished with suspension. ( http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/ UK, US scholars for probe into Ranvir Sena's links Pranava K Chaudhary 27 Nov, 2003) Congress as well as JD candidates, all competed with each other in garnering the support of Ranvir Sena. The JD MP, after victory, demanded the lifting of ban on it. It was visible again when they jointly launched a protest movement against the transfer of the DM and SP after the Bathani Tola massacre. CPI-CPI(M) played a very dubious role by conducting sustained propaganda that Maley's exaggeration of the contradiction between labourers and farmers, its casteist politics and adventurist actions are to be primarily blamed for the rise of Ranvir Sena. (http://www.cpiml.org/index.htm More on the Ranvir Sena) Leader of Opposition in the Bihar Assembly Sushil Kumar Modi at a press conference alleged that Lalu Yadav was twice instrumental in the release of Ranveer Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh from police custody, after his arrest in Patna and Dhanbad. He alleged that a senior member of the Rabri Devi Cabinet had turned his official residence into a hideout of Ranvir Sena. (http://www.expressindia.com/ Laloo has links with Ranvir Sena: BJP PRESS TRUST OF INDIA) Patna, April 7 (IANS) The Bihar government's sudden decision to wind up a commission probing the political connections of the powerful upper caste militia Ranvir Sena just when it was conducting final hearings has raised more than a few eyebrows here. Justice Amir Das, who headed the commission set up in 1997 after the infamous Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre, is perplexed by the recent decision of the Nitish Kumar government to not give another "last" extension. "I fail to understand why this government was not keen for an extension. The heavens wouldn't have fallen if only six months extension had been granted. I was near to finishing the final report as the final hearing was going on," Das told IANS over the phone. The last person to depose before the commission was jailed Ranvir Sena chief Brahmeshwar Singh, who was arrested two years ago and is believed to have masterminded the killings of at least 300 Dalits and backward castes since forming the group in 1994. Others who had been summoned over the years include nearly 40 politicians. These include Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader C.P. Thakur, former state Congress president Ram Jatan Sinha, now in Lok Janshakti Party, union Minister of State for Agriculture Akilesh Singh from the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and Janata Dal-United's Sunil Pandey – from various parties but all upper caste Bhumihars. Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi and former BJP president Murli Manohar Joshi were also among the 450 witnesses that deposed. According to RJD leader Shyam Razak, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar wound up the commission under pressure from vested interests. "Some powerful people in the government were likely to figure in the report if it was submitted," the Dalit leader said. A senior police officer, who demanded that Ranvir Sena be declared a terrorist outfit, said the probe was the only way to expose the political patronage that Ranvir Sena enjoyed. (http://www.bihartimes.com/ Nitish winds up Ranvir Sena probe at last stage)
The CPI-ML has questioned the Nitish Kumar government's sudden decision to wind up the Amir Das Commission when it was conducting its final hearings and was close to preparing a final report. He alleged that the decision to wind up the commission was part of a political move to save the skin of Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) leaders. No other party has voiced its protest. (http://www.bihartimes.com/ CPI-ML questions decision to wind up Ranvir Sena probe ) Patna – The Communist Party of India-Marxist Leninist (CPI-ML) has demanded the dismissal of Bihar Deputy Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Modi after a probe report suggested that Modi and several other ruling coalition leaders had links with the Ranvir Sena, an upper caste militia. The CPI-ML also demanded a public apology from Chief Minister Nitish Kumar for winding up the Justice Amir Das Commission into the political connections of the Ranvir Sena. The demands come in the wake of leakage of portions of the report in the media. (http://www.indiaenews.com/politics/20060501/ CPI-ML takes Bihar government to task over probe report) It's well-known that the Sena enjoys the patronage of sections of the BJP, Congress and the RJD. And it is this all-party character of its support that gives the Sena its strength. So despite being a banned group, there has been no crackdown yet on the Sena. On the contrary, RJD leader and Union Minister Chandradeo Prasad Verma openly demanded that the ban on Ranvir Sena be lifted when there was pressure for a crackdown after the Bathani Tola massacre in July 1997. (http://www.expressindia.com Ranvir Sena thriving on politicians' support Yogesh Vajpeyi )
State power is the master key to open all the doors of prosperity. But Bahujans must not forget that the Arya-Brahmins though allowed Kshatriyas to hold state power but they exclusively retained with them the right to use these keys. Becoming such a ruler who has no power to use keys to open any door of prosperity is no different than a puppet. Such puppet ruler is simply the door keeper of the doors of prosperity. He has no right to enter into it. Brahmins have made Kshatriyas puppet kings to serve Brahmin interest and strengthen exploitation system of Brahmin religion. Similarly, Brahminist-Zionist Illuminati who control America has installed their puppets to rule over several countries of the world. Therefore, the rule of Bahujans in several states of India does not mean the rule of Bahujan masses.
Therefore, almost all Muslim leaders of Arya-Brahminist led / directed parties such as BJP, Congress, JDU, etc remained loyal with their Arya-Brahminist leaders during Gujrat genocide of Muslims and ignored that these Arya-Brahminist leaders directly and indirectly supported massacre of Muslims in Gujarat . Some Dalit leaders did not hesitate to 1) support the ongoing Gujarat massacre, 2) to launch joint election campaign with BJP in Gujarat, 3) invited BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani in public meeting of their party, 4) not filing revised charge-sheet against Advani and other BJP-VHP-Bajarang Dal leaders responsible for demolition of Babri Mosque. 5) and ignored forcible bloody displacement of OBC, Dalit Adivasis from their age-old living places by the Arya-Brahminist governments and remained silent about liberalization, privation and globalization. There are hundreds of such examples when these vote-beggar leaders shamelessly went to profit from the blood of indigenous OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi Bahujan masses. There are 100 Dalit member of parliaments but they had became disciples of the monkeys of Gandhi and did not see the agonies of Bengali Dalit refugees, they do not want to hear their cries and do not want to speak for their human rights. These priestly vote-beggar Dalit leaders have done nothing to oppose the draconian citizenship bill which unleashes all kinds of brutalities on Bengali Dalits and Chakma Buddhists.
In spite of that the "devotee party members" of these parties will keep on tolerating such betrayals because they are not concerned with Bahujan mission but in the "priestly sermons" that their party leaders are sing.
The Bengali Dalit refugees and their organizations must realize that these "priestly vote-begging leaders" will do nothing unless their selfish political interests to get "vote-Dakshina" or fear of loosing "vote-Dakshina" compel them to do some "lip-service" and "drama" in favour of Bengali Dalit refugees. The RPI leaders like R.S. Gavai in Rajyasabha on 7th December 2004 and Ramdas Athawale on 6th December 2004 in Parliament could not do beyond some lip sympathy in response to appeals of Bengal branches of Matua Mahasabha and Repbican Party, Bengal Unit. The Dalit Bengali refugees will be continuously avenged by Arya-Brahminists for protecting the self-respect of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar while none of these leaders will do anything to wipe out the stigma of betrayal written on the face of the followers of Ambedkar for not helping Bengali Dalits who protected self-respect of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
2) HERE is some hope : – Dalit Bengali refugees and there organizations can only have little hope from the Bahujan organizations who give supreme importance to awakening indigenous masses for struggle against exploitation and do not have electioneering ambitions. The nature and extent of help shall depend upon the composition of these organizations. Most of these organizations consist of middle class elites hence can be useful in creating mass awareness and can do some peaceful demonstrations. Nothing more than this can be expected from them as middle class is not fit for bitter struggle against exploiter and oppressor class.
3) Here lie our every hope :- Our every hope lie in the aware section of exploited toiling masses and genuine followers of Fule, Shahu, Ambedkar, Periyar and who are not thedevotees of our Bahujan liberation warriors. They are the genuine and trustworthy warriors sailing in the same boat amidst the storm of Brahminist-exploitation and oppression. Let us make a common cause with them and rely only on them and their collective decision making system in deciding every step of the struggle.
It is crystal clear from the following news that almost all electioneering parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim, Adivasi established secret understanding with Savarna Armed forces such as Ranveer Sena and other Savarna terrorist organizations and protected them :-
WHAT IS TO BE DONE ?
Aware section of exploited masses and the genuine followers of our Bahujan warriors must take following measures with strongest determination.
1) Every body of us must remove all confusions from our mind and realize that BJP, Congress, Communist parties of India (Brahminists in the mask of Marxist, Leninist, Maoist etc.,) and all other Arya-Brahminist led or directed parties are enemies of indigenous Bahujan masses. Once we conclude this, we must treat all these parties as enemies of indigenous Bahujans and commit ourselves for their destruction.
2) Only Bahujan masses and Bahujan police suffer in police firing on our protest marches. Not a single hair of any Arya-Brahminist exploiter is bent. Therefore, vengeance of Arya-Brahminists on the indigenous masses shall remain unabated until Arya-Brahminist exploiters remain unharmed. Unless the Arya-Brahminist exploiters and oppressors themselves experience severe punishment and some of the brutalities they have inflicted on indigenous masses they shall never even think before inflicting wounds after wounds on we indigenous Bahujans.
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar asked Dalits never surrender before the exploiters and kill the oppressors while defending the chastity of their women and protecting their property. We searched the internet vigorously by applying different words for example "Brahmins killed by Dalits' to whether any Dalit in the history of mankind has killed any Arya-Brahminist. But we could not find any. Words like 'devastation of Brahmins', 'rape on Brahmin women', 'torching of Brahmin houses' and so on were put in search window but could not find a single incidence of Brahmin persecution. On the contrary we found thousands of instances where Dalits were killed and their women raped and their little property destroyed while they keep on begging for mercy falling on Arya-Brahminist feet. When the Dalits are as harmless as the earthworms, who on the earth will bother to listen to them ? Therefore Dr. Ambedkar wanted to develop self respect in Dalits so that they retaliate against the oppression and exploitation.
Considering the ability of common aware Bahujans following few measures must be applied to inflict harm on the Arya-Brahminist interests.
1) Any attempt of voting in favour of Arya-Brahminist exploiters, their parties or their stooges must be fought bitterly. We must see that votes received by all these enemy parties reduce drastically. Then only they will be compelled to give some heed to our demands. If we become football we shall receive kicks no matter wherever we (our election mandate) goes. Because we vote them alternatively they have no need to bother about us. Therefore, without any fear of loosing votes, they keep on inflicting wounds after wounds on we Bahujans.
2) Vote only to those candidates who help your mass struggle. If no such candidate is available, sleep comfortably in your home.
Manuist-coin thickness potion parties of OBC, Dalit, Muslim Adivasi for the same reason will keep on betraying our cause because they feel we have no alternative but to vote them. Let us raise ourselves from the shameful state of "devotees'because the devotees are the real killers of the life mission of our Bahujan warriors (Fule, Shahu, Periyar, Ambedkar). LET US raise ourselves to the glorious state of aware followers of our Bahujan warriors by concerning only with missionary activities. A missionary activity is that activity which unites exploited masses and weaken Arya-Brahminists and their exploitation system. Let us help every missionary activity irrespective of any party label.
3) Aware Bahujans must use their every resources in the destruction of exploitation and oppression system of Arya-Brahminists and to establish Bahujanwadi Samajik Ganatantra which is exploitation-free society based on Bahujhanwad. (For details read Tri-iblisi Shoshan Vyuh Vidhvans, Part II, the handbook of People's struggle written in Hindi)
4) Awareness campaign is always neglected. Importance of awareness campaign can become clear from the following story :- An indigenous king who was pleased with a Brahmin promised to fulfill his demand to give him one seed of grain on first day two grains on second day, 4 on third day and so on for a period of one year. The king was shocked to see that within few months the whole grain of his kingdom had to be handed over to the cunning Brahmin and not a single seed of grain would remain for the people. The king wisely killed the Brahmin for his anti-people demand and issued a decree not to entertain any Arya-Brahminist henceforth in his kingdom. The awareness grow in the same way as number of grains double if rigorous awareness campaign is launched by every aware Bahujan with whatever resources he has with him.
Aware masses are wise enough to decide their course of action themselves. We must not forget that strength of aware masses in the world has compelled the exploiters to step down after little resistance. Because, aware exploited masses never remain earthworm or sheep to be killed and sacrificed. Awareness grow strong teeth and nails in toiling masses to tear the exploiters into pieces. Every measures of repression in the hands of exploiters no longer remain in their control. Therefore, the exploiter class of France, Nepal, Russia and of other countries of the world preferred to step down. Exploiters know very well that if the Islamic law of killing one for the life of one that is taken is applied to the brutalities they have inflicted upon the masses, the exploiter class of the whole world would be wiped out.
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