Dalits Media Watch
News Updates 01.08.15
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HC Stays Order on Quota for SC/STs by All the Varsities - The New Indian Express
Call for efforts to end human trafficking - The Hindu
Born To Be Doomed: How Prostitution Is Forced Upon Women From Lower Castes -Youth Ki Awaz
http://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2015/06/caste-and-prostitution/
TN Ranks 2nd in Enrolment of SC Kids in KVs - The New Indian Express
We are creamy layer, no quota: Megharikh to son - Bangalore Mirror
Davidson is New IG (Intelligence) - The New Indian Express
This bard wants Kanshi Ram loyalists to spread wings - The Hindustan Times
Two-thirds of rural households still use firewood for cooking, says NSSO - The Hindu
Greater deprivation is now official - The Statesmen
http://www.thestatesman.com/news/opinion/greater-deprivation-is-now-official/79356.html
Please Watch :
The Untouchables –
A short documentary focused on the lowest caste
in past and present Hindu society
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j31veR74gSo
Note : Please find attachment for DMW Hindi (PDF)
The New Indian Express
HC Stays Order on Quota for SC/STs by All the Varsities
By Express News Service Published: 01st August 2015 06:20 AM Last Updated: 01st August 2015 06:32 AM
KOCHI: A Division Bench of the Kerala High Court on Friday stayed a Single Bench order directing that all the universities should make necessary amendments in the statute or frame statutes to ensure that appropriate reservation was made to SC/ST candidates for appointment to the post of teaching as well as non-teaching staff in aided non-minority institutes.
A Division Bench comprising Justice Antony Dominic and Justice Shaji P. Chaly issued the order on the petition filed by the NSS college central committee challenging the single bench order. The Single Judge also held that no appointment should be made in the aided colleges until amendments are made to fulfil the SC/ST reservation for appointment of teaching and non-teaching staff.
Counsel for the petitioner N Nandakumara Menon submitted that the reservation being an enabling provision under Article 16 in service of state alone, it cannot be implemented in a private aided educational institution whose service is not the service of the state. The government itself can implement reservation for SC/STs in the service of state and other instrumentalities of state.
Therefor an University by virtue of delegated legislation cannot implement reservation to SC/STs in the appointment of staff. According to petitioner, the Constitution recognises private aided educational institutions as a separate species pursuant to TMA Pai case where the only reservation permissible is with regard to admission of students.
The Hindu
Call for efforts to end human trafficking
STAFF REPORTER
Prakasam District Legal Services Authority Chairman and Principal District Judge K.V. Vijaykumar has said it was the collective responsibility of the society to put an end to the high incidence of trafficking of women and children.
Releasing a poster brought by NGO HELP to create awareness on the issue, he said according to a survey about 80 lakh children, mostly belonging to SC, ST and BC communities, were pushed into sex trade in the country.
Andhra Pradesh had the notorious distinction of having the largest number of women and child victims, Mr Vijaykumar pointed out underscoring the need for collectively fighting against the serious human rights violation.
Youth Ki Awaz
Born To Be Doomed: How Prostitution Is Forced Upon Women From Lower Castes
http://www.youthkiawaaz.com/2015/06/caste-and-prostitution/
By Kabir Sharma:
"Whenever I look at married women my age carrying their children, walking by their husband's side, I think of myself, my life, and my future, and something deep down in me snaps, and I feel like crying," says Durgamma, who became a Devadasi when she was 12. Her father has arranged her about 20 paramours since, relationships lasting from a week to two years. At 25, she is now too old to be a Devadasi.
The caste system still encourages the institutionalized discrimination of lower caste women by upper caste men, all across India and South East Asia. There are many examples of unfair practises that bind women to prostitution based on caste.
One such is the Devadasi system. Girls as young as 11 are married to goddess Yellamma (Renuka) in a ceremony where a red and white beaded necklace is tied around their necks, signifying a life of bondage. They are then not allowed to marry any man, and implicitly become sex slaves for the upper castes.
At times, priests convince the poor parents that dedicating their daughters would help family members be reborn as high caste Brahmins in their next life. They even allow family members the right to enter temples normally closed off to the lower castes.
At other times, rich landowners exploit the poor by paying for the girl's dedication as a Devadasi in exchange for the right to spend the first few nights with her.
When priests and other upper caste men sleep with her, they claim it is the goddess's desires they are appeasing.
In Karnataka alone, there are an estimated 100,000 devadasis. Today, most wind up in the brothels of India's cities, getting higher rates the younger they are.Religion and the market behave on the same lines. Young devadasis are regarded as deities, but are discarded when they grow old.
Older devadasi women are often seen sitting around temples begging, their health in horrible condition. With no way to earn money at their age, mothers themselves need their daughters to sell their bodies to feed the family. This leaves no scope of going to school for the little girl and makes it a generational cycle.
About 5,000 to 10,000 girls enter this life of sexual subjugation and subsequently prostitution every year. Most girls and women in India's urban brothels come from Dalit, lower-caste, tribal, or minority communities. Ninety percent of sex workers' daughters in India follow their mothers into prostitution. And prostitution is only the newest variation to a long heritage of exploitation.
Dalit women being sexually abused by the upper castes in various forms is routine all across the country. Women from lower castes who were traditionally dancers and performers, such those of the Bedin community of north and central India, were never allowed to marry. However, upper caste men were allowed to keep them as concubines. If a child was born, only the mother would be responsible.
And this has continued. A Bedin woman still brings up her children alone, whenever she can find time from dancing in front of other men, dealing with hostile police and managing the troupe.
Today, many of these performers are moving to beer bars of Bombay and Dubai to tread the thin line between dancing and prostitution, as demand for their traditional performances is less, possibility of other work is poor, and money is more in the cities.
This abuse still thrives not only in our country, but all around it as well. It is part of the psyche of the entire region and more than any other factor, still determines the fate of generations. The fangs of the caste system run deep and wide.
The daughter of an 'untouchable' Dalit Badi woman in Nepal is required to be registered under the surname Nepali at birth. Marked thus, she is expected to follow her mother into the trade of prostitution. Many of them come to Mumbai and Kolkata for this, society allows no alternatives.
According to a noted human rights activist from Karachi, "brutal sexual violence in India has striking parallels with the violence against Dalit women unleashed by feudal forces in Punjab and Sindh provinces of Pakistan."
It is much the same in Bangladesh. "In several areas, the landed classes use rape as a weapon to displace Dalit families from their land. Fatwas are deployed to psychologically and physically target Dalit women among Muslims," says a Dalit leader from Dhaka.
Former women cadre of the LTTE belonging to Dalit castes are specifically targeted in Sri Lanka, even after the civil war.
Those born at the bottom can do little to fight this millennial hegemony. Dalit women have no choice but to allow their own abuse, scavenge whatever they can along the way and live to see another day of exploitation.
They are made to remember their unfortunate birth both in the market as well as in the temple; through the only thing they have that society needs – their bodies.
The New Indian Express
TN Ranks 2nd in Enrolment of SC Kids in KVs
By Express News Service Published: 01st August 2015 05:11 AM Last Updated: 01st August 2015 05:11 AM
COIMBATORE: Enrolment of Scheduled Caste students in Kendriya Vidyalayas in Tamil Nadu is high compared with other States. Tamil Nadu has the second highest percentage of SC students studying in KVs. It next only to Punjab.
In the 41 KVs in Tamil Nadu, there are 49,640 students, of whom 11,834 (23.84 percent) belong to the SC category. In KVs in Punjab, SC students account for 26.64 percent. It is 18.24 percent at the national level.
In Tamil Nadu, there has been an increase from 23.51 percent in 2014 to 23.84 percent this year.
Commenting on this, KV Coimbatore Principal Savithri T Rajan said, "Awareness about quota seats available under various categories is high among the public and people have started to utilise these quotas. Another reason could be admissions done under the Right to Education Act, where 25 percent free seats is allocated to SC/ST, economically weaker sections, those below poverty line and the non-creamy layer OBC students."
The performance of these students who join the KVs is also good, she added.
However, enrolment of ST students and physically challenged students lower than the number of seats earmarked for them.
While only 5.38 percent of KV students at the national level belong to the ST category, just 0.25 percent of them belong to the physically challenged category.
This is even less in the case of Kendriya Vidyalayas in Tamil Nadu. Only 2.12 percent of KV students in Tamil Nadu belong to ST category and only 0.22 percent of them belong to the physically challenged category.
According to admission norms followed in KVs, 15 percent of seats are earmarked for SC students and 7.5 percent for ST students.
There are 1,778 Muslim students in Tamil Nadu KVs and 3,500 from other minority communities.
Bangalore Mirror
We are creamy layer, no quota: Megharikh to son
By Hemanth Kashyap, Bangalore Mirror Bureau | Aug 1, 2015, 04.00 AM IST
Here is a senior IPS officer hailing from backward community, who shunned reservations for his children. He is N S Megharikh, the new city police commissioner.
Unlike other IAS/IPS officers from the dalit community, Megharikh did not claim any benfits for his children under SC/ST reservations.
Recently, his son took the Common Law Admission Test (CLAT) and lost an opportunity to get a seat in Bengaluru's prestigious National Law School of Indian University (NLSIU) as he took the exam under general merit. Instead, he got a seat at NLSIU, Bhopal.
After that, Megharikh sent his son to study in Leeds University, UK. "He did not want his son to apply under SC/ST quota in CLAT.
He said he could afford to send his son for highier studies as he was an IPS officer and there were many other students from his community who need the SC/ST quota seats. Had his son applied under the quota, he would have easily bagged a seat in Bengaluru NLSIU.
He has always told his children that they are the children of an IPS officer belonging to the creamy layer of society. So, they should not avail the facility under any reservations,'' said a source close to Megharikh.
According to official sources, what went in favour of Megharikh being chosen for the top post is his zero tolerance towards corruption. "While he was working as an ADGP, Law and Order, the chief minister was impressed with his integrity and honesty. This was one of the reaons for the administration's decision to choose Megharikh over other officers who were lobbying for the post,'' added the source.
Megharikh, who is from Rajasthan, worked in the CBI and in various capacities in Karnataka. He was the blue-eyed boy of Congess leader Mallikarjuna Kharge when Kharge was home minister.
Megharikh, according to his colleagues, however, is a man of strong likes and dislikes, with not much experience of working in the city.
The New Indian Express
Davidson is New IG (Intelligence)
By Express News Service Published: 01st August 2015 05:11 AM Last Updated: 01st August 2015 05:11 AM
CHENNAI:Davidson Devasirvatham on Friday took charge as Inspector General of Police (Intelligence) in place of P Kannappan who retired from the service.
Kannappan, who served in various capacities in his 39 years of service, was known for his active role in temple entry of Dalits in Pandhapulli temple in Sankarankoil in 2009 and Pillaiyarkulam temple, also in Sankarankoil, in 2010, when he was DIG in Tirunelveli.
He was in the Intelligence for 10 months, before his retirement.
Kannappan was the IG South zone(in-charge) and was in command when the then Madurai SP Asra Garg opened fire on the mob of several hundred Caste Hindus attempting to burn down the Villoor police station in Madurai district, besides attacking the house of Dalit who became the first post-graduate from that village on May 1, 2011. This was the only police firing which was welcomed by civil society and the one that was opened on the oppressive class decades after former Congress leader Kamaraj's era.
Also, he was lauded for his efforts by the Election Commission of India (ECI) for conducting the elections in Madurai in a free and fair manner in 2011.
The Hindustan Times
This bard wants Kanshi Ram loyalists to spread wings
Rajesh Kumar Singh, Hindustan Times, Lucknow
|
Writing is a passion for this Dalit author who did not study beyond Class 8. He has penned a dozen books, a majority of them on the life and political journey of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) founder the late Kanshi Ram.
Meet Anant Rao Akela, 55, a native of Aligarh. A school dropout, Akela joined the BSP in 1985.
"The call made by 'Saheb' (the name by which Kanshi Ram is fondly called by his followers) for awakening and unity among the suppressed communities motivated me to join the Dalit brigade.
I was inducted into 'Jagriti Jatha' and asked to visit the Dalit dominated villages and urge the schedule castes to resist exploitation by the upper castes and join the BSP to win political power," he says.
He wrote Bhim Gyan Geetanjali, Buddha Gyan Geetanjali, Angulimal Katil Kyon Bana, Baba Saheb Ney Kaha Tha and Interview of Kanshi Ram in 1985-86.
To stir up Dalit emotions, Akela started writing poems that were recited at the public meetings addressed by Kanshi Ram and other senior BSP leaders.
His song – 'Sunlo mutthi bhar insaan, dil mein lijo hamney than, laal kiley par Kanshi Ram, rashtra dhwaj fahrangey' — became an instant hit. Soon, Akela became a mascot of the Dalit movement led by Kanshi Ram.
Be it meetings in the rural heartland or the cities, he shared a platform with Kanshi Ram. He also participated in an anti-liquor stir and a march by Kanshi Ram in west UP in 1986.
"When we were in jail, Saheb tasked with me organising a cultural programme for the BSP cadre who were lodged in the barracks," he says.
In 1987, the BSP tested the electoral waters by fielding its candidates in the Lok Sabha and assembly by-elections in Haridwar (LS), Kashipur, Rath and Patti assembly seats.
"We lost all the seats, but made our presence felt by polling a large chunk of votes," Akela recalls.
Kanshi Ram rewarded me for my hard work by appointing me in-charge of the Kol assembly constituency in Aligarh district in 1989.
"The malpractice of offering ticket for money seeped into the BSP during the 1993 assembly election when the party contested the poll in alliance with SP. Mayawati distributed 125 tickets and none of the candidates fielded by her won the election," Akela claims.
"An internal inquiry indicated corruption in (distribution of) tickets but no action was taken against her," he added.
"When Mayawati became chief minister in 1995, she started sidelining the ardent supporters of Kanshi Ram from the organisation. Her loyalists were given important posts in the organisation as well as government after the death of Saheb in 2006.
When BSP formed full majority government 2007-12, the purging of Kanshi Ram loyalists was complete. I was not permitted to sing in the public meetings," he said.
Akela has joined the front formed by Kanshi Ram loyalists Daddu Prasad, Darabara Singh and Tej Singh to fight for the legacy of the late BSP founder. "Mayawati takes Kanshi Ram's name to bag Dalit votes. My fight is for the return of Kanshi Ram loyalists to BSP," he said.
These days, Akela is busy compiling the speeches of Kanshi Ram.
"I am planning to bring out 10 volumes of speeches and politics of Kanshi Ram. Three volumes have already hit the stands and remaining will be published soon," he says.
The Hindu
Two-thirds of rural households still use firewood for cooking, says NSSO
In urban areas, however, a similar proportion use LPG
Over two-thirds of households in rural India still rely on firewood for cooking, new data from the National Sample Survey (NSS) Office show. In contrast, a similar proportion of households use liquefied petroleum gas for cooking in urban areas, but 14 per cent of urban households — including nearly half of the poorest 20 per cent — still rely on firewood.
Data from the 68th round of the NSS on fuel used for cooking and lighting were released on Wednesday. The data relate to a survey conducted by the NSSO on a nationally representative sample during 2011-12.
The use of firewood for cooking has declined only very slowly over the years in rural India, the numbers show, going from 78.2 per cent of all rural households in 1993-94 to 67.3 per cent in 2011-12. LPG use in rural households has grown relatively fast, from fewer than two per cent of rural households two decades ago to 15 per cent in 2011-12.
In North Indian States, cow-dung cake remained one of the major fuels for cooking for a third of rural households in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab, a quarter in Haryana and a fifth in Bihar.
The use of cooking fuel is sharply dictated by class — the use of firewood drops steadily with rising incomes in rural and urban areas, and LPG use is highest among the richest classes. The data show 87 per cent of Scheduled Tribe households and 70 per cent of Scheduled Caste households in rural India use firewood, compared with 57 per cent of others.
T.N.'s record
Tamil Nadu had the highest use of LPG among rural households, with over a third using it for cooking, followed by Kerala and Punjab. The use of LPG was least in Chhattisgarh (1.5 per cent of households) followed by Jharkhand (2.9 per cent) and Odisha (3.9 per cent).
The majority of households in the country uses electricity as its primary source of lighting, but over a fourth of rural households still rely on kerosene. The percentage of households using kerosene was as high as 73.5 per cent in Bihar and 58.5 per cent in Uttar Pradesh. Over the past decade, the proportion of households using kerosene to light their houses has, however, halved in rural India.
The use of electricity was the highest in rural Andhra Pradesh, Punjab, Tamil Nadu and Kerala, where nearly all rural households used electricity to light their homes. In contrast, just 40 per cent of rural Uttar Pradesh households had electricity.
The Statesmen
Greater deprivation is now official
http://www.thestatesman.com/news/opinion/greater-deprivation-is-now-official/79356.html
Ashwani Mahajan | 01 August, 2015
The government has recently published the Socio-Economic and Caste Census 2011 (SECC 2011), based on Census 2011. These statistics depict the situation of poor in the country. It is not only that the condition of poor is bad; it has deteriorated too, if we make comparison with Census 2001.
It is notable that so far statistics have been published for rural areas only. In SECC 2011, seven types of deprivation have been identified - households with Kucha House; without an adult member in working age group; headed by a female member in absence of an adult male; with a handicapped member without their being an able adult; without a literate member above 25 years of age; scheduled castes/scheduled tribes and landless households engaged in manual labour.
It is found that at least 48.5 per cent households suffer from at least one type of deprivation. Landlessness was found to be the most important common factor. For instance, 59 per cent households with kucha houses were landless; amongst households with all illiterate members aged above 25, 55 per cent were landless; amongst Schedules Castes/Scheduled Tribes (SC/ST) 54 per cent were landless. In other words we can say landless households were found to be most vulnerable. Further it is notable that out of 17.9 crore households 5.4 crore fall into the category of landless labour.
Census data shows that whereas in 2001, 45 per cent farmers in ST category were found working on their own land; in 2011, only 35 percent were found working on their land. In the SC category we find that in 2001, 20 per cent farmers were working on their own land; in 2011, this number declined to 15 per cent. In 2001, out of people working in agriculture, 35 per cent reported themselves to be landless agricultural labour; in 2011, this number increased to 44.4 per cent. Thus we can conclude that the poor lost land across all categories.
Ownership of land does not only provide employment and income to the household, it also acts as insurance against risks and enhances the prestige of the individual and the family. The landless are vulnerable and their employment is casual in nature. Those who own land and work on their land are called self-employed. Deprivation of land is depicted also from National Sample Survey Office's (NSSOs) Report of 68th Round, which reveals that between 2004-05 and 2009-10, 2.5 crore people lost their self-employment and during the same period 2.2 crore people joined the army of casual labour. Therefore SECC 2011 data ratifies the findings of NSSO, 68th Round.
Generally, the economic condition of a household is indicated by the income of its members. With the highest-earning member of 13.36 crore families (that is 74.5 per cent of total rural households) earning less than Rs 5,000 a month, and of 17.2 per cent families between Rs 5,000 and 10,000, just 8.3 per cent of rural families had a highest-earning member bring home more than Rs 10,000 a month.
Although we witness an impact of technological changes on rural life also and we do find 68.4 per cent households with at least one mobile connection, a stronger indicator of well-being is ownership of a motorized vehicle. Hardly 20.7 per cent of households had at least a motorised two-wheeler. Much hyped Kisan Credit Card (KCC) was also not found with farming households generally and as per Census reports hardly 3.8 per cent of households were to have KCCs with a limit higher than Rs 50,000.
Governments at all levels claim that their economic policies centre on development of villages and the villagers. However, Census data reveals that 36 per cent of rural population is still illiterate, 91.7 per cent have highest income-earning member with less than Rs 10,000 a month and only 29.7 per cent households have irrigated land. Given population pressure and lack of infrastructure facilities in urban areas, rural folk do not have many options to improve their economic condition.
It is not easy to find solutions to rural deprivation and poverty. Nobody can deny ownership of land is the vehicle for empowerment of people. There were efforts, though half hearted, towards implementation of land reforms after independence. But now they too are things of the past. In the last 10 years, process of deprivation of land has accelerated, and suicides by lakhs of farmers indicate that farming is no longer a profitable venture, forcing farmers to leave agriculture and sell off their land.
Worst is the situation of marginal farmers, who constitute 67 per cent of the farming community, and whose average holding size has come down to 0.38 hectare. Adding fuel to the fire is the fact that land is increasingly being used for non-agricultural purposes. No doubt, more land is being used for industries, infrastructure and urbanization; those with financial muscles are also cornering land, with the purpose of making profit.
Census data indicates that landlessness is mainly responsible for all kinds of deprivation. Making land available to the poor is like day dreaming today. Under these circumstances, government has to find ways and means to provide alternative employment and other types of economic empowerment. We need to promote rural industries, especially food processing, and cottage industries. Agriculture needs to be made remunerative and villages have to be brought into the main stream. We need to restrict the import of all those goods which can be produced at village level. We need to provide employment opportunities to the rural people especially rural women.
By providing self-employment to the landless, we can reduce their dependence on wage employment. These measures, if implemented successfully, can help the rural poor to educate their families and avail reasonable health facilities.
(The writer is Associate Professor, PGDAV College, University of Delhi)
News monitored by AMRESH & AJEET
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
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