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1. Population Explosion in West Bengal: A Survey
Whereas the number of Hindus in West Bengal has risen by 21.05%, the number of Muslims in West Bengal has shot up by 36.67%. In every district of West ...
voi.org/books/tfst/appii1.htm - Cached - Similar - -
West Bengal - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
- 2 visits - 27 SepThe western part went to India (and was named West Bengal) while the ... to India and thousands of Muslims too went across the borders to East Pakistan. ...
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Bengal - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
In Bangladesh 89.7% of the population is Muslim and 9.2% are Hindus (Bangladesh Census 2001). In West Bengal, Hindus are the majority with 72.5% of the ...
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Muslims of West Bengal: Glorious past, tattered present, MG Vol. 1 ...
The economic condition of Muslims in West Bengal is not good. According to a survey, 70 percent of Muslims are living below the poverty line. ...
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No equality of employment for West Bengal Muslims, MG Vol. 1 No. 17
For the Muslims in West Bengal the Constitutional guarantees of equality in employment opportunity have, therefore, proved to be false promises. ...
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Understanding the Bengal Muslims--Interpretative Essays
The Muslims of Bengal, including the present-day state of Bangladesh and the Indian state of West Bengal, form the single largest Muslim ethnic group in the ...
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Hindus outnumber Muslims in West Bengal madrassas - dnaindia.com
20 Jan 2009 ... Squashing popular belief that madrassas are schools for fundamentalist Islamic teachings, Hindus students in West Bengal are making a ...
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Muslims of West Bengal - India join hands - Ummah.com - Muslim Forum
7 posts - 1 authorPatna: Muslims of West Bengal, who had a glorious past and once had economic .... Though Muslim-dominated Malda in West Bengal today is known for poverty, ...
www.ummah.com/forum/showthread.php?t=207891 - Cached - Similar - -
Muslims of West Bengal: An Analysis of the Educational Status of a ...
2 Jun 2009 ... Education is a crucial social factor that initiates the process of social, economic and cultural development of communities. Muslims are the ...
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Communists Woo Muslim Voters in West Bengal
11 May 2009 ... The ruling leftist coalition in West Bengal was very comfortable with the Muslims in the state till recent days for their success in ...
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The focus is on Karim's childrenExpress Buzz - Sep 26, 2009 For, this sentiment is what basically weaves the social fabric of the whole of West Bengal. Take the case of Sheikh Karim. Near Guptipara in southern ... Video: Kolkata in a festive mood  NDTV.com SEEN FROM A DISTANCECalcutta Telegraph - - Oct 1, 2009 A section of Muslims with a sectarian agenda is eyeing a post-CPI(M) dispensation as being favourable to a brand of politics that West Bengal hasn't ... Post-delimitation, it is going to be a different ball game in BhiwandiDaily News & Analysis - - Oct 6, 2009 The Muslim population in urban Bhiwandi (East and West constituencies) is dominated by migrants from Uttar Padesh, Bihar and West Bengal -- most of them ... Muslim women in MP score high on literacyTimes of India - Sep 25, 2009 Madhya Pradesh has topped the figure with 60.1 per cent literacy among the Muslim women which was much better than other states including Assam, West Bengal ... National IconEastern Panorama - Oct 9, 2009 ... revenue) of Bengal which at that time comprised the Indian states of West Bengal, Orissa, Bihar, Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh , as well as of Bangladesh. ... Gandhi and Dr Lohia—Eternal OptimistsMainstream - 7 hours ago ... bloody riots between the Hindu and Muslim communities had broken out. The rioting was particularly severe in the provinces of East and West Bengal, ... AMU Special centre at MalapuramAligarh Muslim University - Sep 30, 2009 Further, Aligarh Muslim University had received representations from the Chief Minister of West Bengal, Chief Secretary of Government of Kerala and the ... UPA succumbs to allies' pressure on madrasa lawChandigarh Tribune - - Oct 3, 2009 ... the state board in West Bengal to question the need of a central board. These MPs wanted more schools for Muslims than a central authority for madrasas. ... |
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| West Bengal : Madrasas issue puts CM in a fix |  |
| February 11, 2002 | |
West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee who hit out at the madrasas (Muslim seminaries) for functioning as breeding ground for terrorism, had to literally eat his words after the party as well as Muslims in the State hit the roads to protest his remarks. The CM had, in fact, favoured a crackdown on the madrasas in the border districts. But the party had to resort to a damage control exercise and check the remarks of Buddhadeb from being exploited by other parties. The Kolkata US Center attack had led to a serious view of the functioning of the madrasas and a need for their reform. In fact, the State funding of these institutes came in for questioning.
The Chief Minister has been misquoted. This was the ''damage control'' done by the CPI(M) after increasing pressure-both from within the party and the Opposition-over Bhattacharjee's public statement that reforms were needed in madrasas. On the evening of January 22, the day of the attack on the American Center, Bhattacharjee had said, at a Press conference, that some of the madrasas "have been indulging in anti-national activities, we have evidence...and we cannot allow this.'
After a meeting -where madrasas and the current political situation were on top of the agenda-Left Front Chairman Biman Basu said: "This is not what the Chief Minister said, he was misquoted by the media." Ironically, Basu didn't spare the CPI(M)'s own newspaper Ganashakti. "Even our paper did report those mistakes," he said.
The entire Opposition, minus the BJP, has attacked Bhattacharjee for his remarks with the radical Jamaat-e-ulema-Hind staging a massive protest rally in the city. Several leaders have admitted that given the Panchayat polls which are just a year away, the party bigwigs advised caution. Incidentally, Bhattacharjee had said that unaffiliated madrasas should get registered under the State Madrasa Board and teach "mainstream" subjects besides "theosophy and Arabic...which will lead the students nowhere."
What rankled the CPI(M) the most were reports that Union Home Minister L.K. Advani cited Bhattacharjee's remarks during his poll campaign in UP. "It's a pity that Advani, a patron of fundamentalist outfits like the VHP and the Bajrang Dal, wanted to take advantage of the Chief Minister being misquoted,'' Basu said. The party also reeled out figures to show that ever since it came to power in 1977, the number of official madrasas has gone up to 507 and "the State has spent about Rs 115 crore" for their expansion last year.
Realising the party's embarrassment over his remarks, : the Chief Minister directed the police to be more sensitive and not to harass innocent Muslims in the name of curbing ISI activities. In his effort to dispel the misgivings among Muslims in the State, he met some Muslim intellectuals and religious leaders at the Writers' Building.
He owned up "partial" responsibility for sparking the row by "mixing two separate issues - madrasa reform and crackdown on the ISI network. "Unfortunately, the mix-up happened and it led to some misunderstanding. I take the blame partially," he said.
The CM seemed to have kicked up another controversy by equating the RSS and the Bajrang Dal with the likes of the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Jaish-e-Mohammed. "While a tiny section of the minority has helped groups like the Lashkar and Jaish, what are these Bajrangis doing? A section of both the Hindu and Muslim fundamentalists and terrorists are two sides of the same coin. We will be uncompromising against every kind of anti-national forces," he said.
Buddhadev Bhattacharjee may be drawing flak from Muslim organisations for voicing his apprehension about madrassas being used for terrorist activities along the porous borders that the State shares with Bangladesh and Nepal. But Bhattacharjee's fears are not unfounded.
A report prepared by the Intelligence Bureau which has now been shared with the West Bengal Government following the terrorist attack at the Kolkata American Information Center, throws enough light on the mushrooming of mosques and madrassas within a 10-kilometre stretch of both the Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bangla borders.
Although a fresh study on the identification of unregistered madrassas and mosques is currently on in several border States, the Left Front Government has come into sharp focus since it appears to be sharing the Centre's stand on the threat that seminaries are causing to the country. The IB report has identified 208 madrassas and 458 mosques in ten districts on the Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bangla borders.
Although the report admits that all the "recognised" madrassas function under the State Madrassa Board, there are several illegal ones, which are suspected to have come up too close to the border.The growth has been highest in Malda district, where 172 mosques and 55 madrassas have been identified, followed by North Dinajpur, Murshidabad, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar, South Dinajpur, North 24-Parganas, Nadia, Darjeeling and South 24-Parganas. According to the IB document, in nearly all the cases, the mosques and madrassas have come up with funds from the Jeddah-based Islamic Development Bank.
Meanwhile, Muslim community leaders here have demanded a "public apology" from Buddhadev Bhattacharjee for the anti-madrassa statements attributed to him. "It simply isn't fair on the part of the media and the Chief Minister to make sweeping statements against the Muslim community. Besides, his flip-flop is so confusing. Once he says madrassas in Bengal are safe havens for ISI agents. Then he attacks the media for distorting his statements. A closed-door meeting won't assuage our feelings. He has hurt the entire qaum (community) with his statements. He must apologise in public," demanded Khateb Imam Muftib of Jama Masjid Nakhoda Sheikh Mohammed Sabir.
The Quran and the Hadis can never give way to modern science and computers. Eminent Urdu columnist Syed Ali pointed out that Bhattacharjee perhaps never anticipated that the Muslims would raise their voice if he talked about the ISI and madrassas in the same vein, for nothing can be proven.
The CPI(M) may have chosen to snub its Chief Minister in West Bengal for his unkind comments on madrassas, but the point which he made will not go away in a hurry. It is nobody's case that the madrassas are hotbeds of terrorism. Indeed, an overwhelming number of them perform their routine task - which they have done for countless years - of educating the poor children about the basic tenets of Islam.
Even then, there is ground for suspicion that some of them are used by anti-social elements to avoid the prying eyes of the authorities. Equally, it has to be admitted that the kind of subjects that are taught in the madrassas may have served a purpose in an earlier period of time, but certainly cannot help a young person in today's world. These are matters which should be of concern to those Muslims who have the welfare of their community in mind
Instead of trying to pull wool over people's eyes by saying that Buddhadev Bhattacharjee has been misquoted, the CPI(M), observers feel, should have devoted greater time to ascertain what the Chief Minister had in mind and considered the issue from a wider angle. But given the tendency of all politicians to play safe, the Marxists have obviously decided to accept the views of clerics like the Imam of Kolkata's Nakhoda mosque as representing the opinion of the entire community. This attitude of the Left is vastly different, of course, from that of organisations on the Right belonging to the Sangh parivar which try to exploit the prevailing concern over terrorism to paint all Muslims as unpatriotic. But the Muslims themselves seem to have been caught between mindless placatory noises on the one hand and motivated vilification on the other.
http://news.indiamart.com/news-analysis/west-bengal-madrasas-4439.html
Mushrooming Madrasas A Menace to Nation
Author: Rajendra ChaddhaPublication: Organiser
Date: March 3, 2002
Introduction: The madrasas being run on ISI money and are nothing but breeding ground for Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism training should be ordered to be closed immediately. The students in these madrasas should be asked to join a nearby school and undergo a total psychological transformation. This would initiate the process of correcting the aberrations that have vitiated the atmosphere in the whole country.
The mushrooming of madrasas and their turning into hotbeds of extremist elements is creating tension in the society. The unrecognised madrasas which preach hatred against people professing other faiths are detrimental to social harmony. The recent reports from different parts of the country focus on their role in carrying out antinational activities. The recent attack on the American Center in Kolkata bears testimony to these facts. It was at this juncture the Chief Minister of West Bengal Buddhadeb Bhattacharya remarked in an interview to a web daily that some madrasas in the State had become the base for anti-national elements. �What I mean to say is that these madrasas should be affiliated to the Madrasa Board. They should join the mainstream of the country. But some people are deliberately refusing to get affiliated to the Madrasa Board and are teaching Arabic and theology. Some anti-national elements are operating from these madrasas. This must be stopped.� (Economic Times January 24, 2002)
In a discussion with the Union Home Minister Shri L.K. Advani the day after the Kolkata attack, the Chief Minister had expressed his 'concern over the illegal activities of madrasas.
In another interview after the Kolkata attack on the American Centre Bhattacharya had tried to attract the attention of his colleague of the need of POCO (Prevention of Organised Crime Ordinance) and offer extraordinary measures to combat terrorism. �What happened yesterday has proved that just normal policies are not enough to face terrorist attacks�, he said.
Some sources say that the State Intelligence has categorised as many as 125 of the 208 madrasas in the border districts encouraging terrorism. The teachers here are either engaged in anti-national activities or in creating future religious extremists by injecting poison in the minds of their students. These madrasas are spread over the districts of Cooch Behar. Jajpaiguri, North Dinajpur, South Dinajpur, Malda, Murshidabad, Nadia, North 24-Parganas and South 24-Parganas.
The petty-minded politicians, who only eye at the vote-bank of Muslims are making the situation worse. The influx of Bangladeshis especially ISI agents poses a serious threat to the country's security. Using the infiltrators as votebank investment has alarmingly changed the demographic profile of entire north-eastern region including Assam. Moreover, the country is paying a heavy price for the visionless actions of the self-seeking politicians.
There are disturbing reports that State Governments like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh have donated huge sums from the Government exchequer for the maintenance and functioning of madrasas. The MP Government announced a grant of 2.47 crores on December 12, 2001 to madrasas in State (Panchjanya, January 20, 2002). The UP Government too is said to have announced a grant of about 38 crores for modernising mosques and madrasas. While details of this largesse is awaited, there can be little doubt that most of this fund would be sphioned off to madrasas and may be put to use other than legal.
It is clear as day light that ISI agents are operating on the border with the sole aim of distancing the Muslims from the mainstream. �This is dangerous. I urge my Muslim bhais not to listen to these divisive forces because this will lead to disaster�, the Chief Minister forewarned on the CPM's Murshidabad district conference on January 28, this year.
However, after the January 22 attack Buddhadeb Bhattacharya has ordered a survey of the madrasas and asked for a data-base. At a meeting with senior officers of Murshidabad district recently, the Chief Minister said: �I would like to see the survey findings and database within the next fortnight�. Murshidabad is the district having largest concentration of madrasas in West Bengal.
The CPM leadership and the allies obsessed with vote bank politics are upset with the Chief Minister's order. It is no secret that it is their vehement criticism that made Bhattacharya tone down his remarks on the sensitive issue later. He was being forced to clarify his remarks as. �What I meant to say was that these madrasas should be affiliated to the State Madrasa Board. They should join the mainstream of the country�.
The central leadership of the CPI(M) is reportedly unhappy over Bhattacharya's open remarks on Muslims as they constitute 20 per cent of West Bengal's vote bank. They are turning a blind eye to the Intelligence report which shows an alarming growth in the number of mosques and their anti-national activities in the villages bordering Bangladesh. These madrasas that have sprung up at this border are financed by the those very Middle Eastern sources who also financed the chain of jehad academics in Pakistan and Afghanistan. They are part of a net-work and the exchange of teachers are rampant in these places.
Shri Bhattacharya has conceded recently in an interview that the ISI agents were infiltrating into West Bengal through the porous borders of the State. He had also remarked that the attack on the American Center could be a handiwork of the Pakistani ISI operatives in Bangladesh. �The fact is that ISI agents are at times operating from within Bangladesh. We have arrested more than eight ISI agents who are operating from Bangladesh and entered our State�.
The State has been thoroughly infiltrated by the ISI which is active particularly in the Siliguri area in North Bengal. The ISI is concentrating on this place as it has proximity to both Nepal -and Bangladesh.
The Siliguri-Islamabad corridor is the only direct land link that north-eastern India has with the rest of the country. The area had witnessed a severe blast in a train carrying troops during Kargil war in 1999. Earlier it was to Siliguri that a Bangladeshi, Syed Abu Nasir, a hardened ISI agent, sent his three, Indian associates to blow up the US embassy in Delhi and consulate general in Chennai. Shri Syed Abu Nasir was arrested by Delhi Police in January, 1999.
In last one year alone over 10,000 Bangladeshis crossed over to West Bengal. Of these, roughly 4,000 were pushed back. But the rest managed to slip into the interiors and mixed themselves up with the locals.
It is interesting to note that the 1991 census shows that in the past few years the population in nine border districts of the State had increased by 30 per cent while in other areas, the increase has been on an average of 5 to 7 per cent.
It is easy for the infiltrators to get a ration card which costs them only Rs. 200 in West Bengal (that entails them to vote). Some village panchayats in the State are safe haven for them as they are being sheltered there for political gains. In some cases, the Muslim League, the Jamat-i-Islami and other communal forces are using these migrants for their communal politics.
Although the population of Muslims in Himachal Pradesh is very small, there are extremely disturbing reports about the activities of 29 madrasas operating in seven districts of the State. A district-wise break-up of the madrasas is shown below:
In the border areas, madrasas and muktabs are now more than 1000, which was less than 10 in 1980.
There can be no two opinions as to what the Government should do about the mushrooming madrasas. Sometime back a suggestion was put forth to introduce a legislation to control the working of madrasas. In Organiser issue dated 30-12-2001, it was suggested that �all madrasas being run on ISI money, which are nothing but breeding ground for Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism training should be ordered to be closed immediately. The students in these madrasas should be 'asked to join a nearby school and undergo a total psychological transformation. This would initiate the process of correcting the aberration that have vitiated the atmosphere in the whole country.�
In a meeting held recently, Pakistan President Musharraf spoke candidly about the negative aspects of the madrasas. Many of them impart only religious education and such education only produces semiliterate religious schoalrs. They promote negative thinking and propagate hatred and violence in society. Musharraf conceded, �We must ask what direction are we being led in by these extremists? The writ of the government is being challenged�. In his own view the supremacy of law is questioned by madrasas in Pakistan.
The General spoke about getting rid of sectarian hatred and terrorism and promoting mutual harmony �because it hurts to see where we have relegated ourselves now�. He said mindsets cannot be changed through force and coercion. He also announced a new 'strategy for madrasas', underlining the need to develop a new syllabi.
He also remarked that it is necessary to bring madrasa students into the mainstream of society. If a child studying in a madrasa does not wish to be a prayer leader but to be a bank official or seek employment elsewhere, he should be appreciated. This conveys that the situation is not so now. The crux of his new madrasa strategy is �that the students of madras should be brought to the mainstream through a better system of education�.
Musharraf clarified �We must check abuse of mosques and madrasas and they must not be used for spreading political and sectarian prejudices. If the Imams of mosques fail to display responsibility, curbs would have to be placed on them�. The General announced that henceforth all mosques will be registered and no new mosques will be built without permission. The use of loudspeakers will be limited only to calls for prayers. If sermons are-misused, the permission will be cancelled, Musharraf warned.
After promulgation of the new madrasa ordinance in Pakistan, the functioning of these institutes will be regulated. They will be governed by the same rules and regulations applicable to other schools, colleges and universities. All madrasas will be registered by March 23, 2002 and no new madrasa will be opened without permission of the government, thundered the General. �If any madrasa is found indulging in extremism, subversion, militant activity or possessing any type of weapons, it will be closed. All madrasas will have to adopt the new syllabi by the end of this year. The Ministry of Education has been instructed to review courses of Islamic education in all schools and colleges�.
The General also set rules for foreign students attending madrasas in Pakistan. Foreign students who do not have proper documents would be required to comply with the formalities by March 23, 2002, otherwise they can face deportation. A foreigner wanting to attend a madrasa in Pakistan will have to obtain the required documents from his/her native country and an. NOC (no objection certificate) from the Pakistan government. Only then will he or she be eligible to get admission. The same rules will apply to foreign teachers.
Madrasas in Indo-Nepal border, there has been a remarkable growth in the number of mosques and madrasas mushrooming along the Indo-Nepal border in the 10 km belt during the last decade. Studies conducted by Independent Organisations have shown that there are 343 mosques and 367 madrasas in the bordering districts on the Indian side and 291 mosques and 195 madrasas in corresponding Nepal side. Most of the mosques, however, also function as madrasas to some degree and impart religious education. In the last 5 years, there is growth of mosques and madrasas in 6 districts on Indian side viz., Siddarthnagar, Maharajganj, West Champaran, East Champaran, Sitaramarhi, Madhubani and Araria where 73 new mosques and 89 'new madrasas have come into existence. On the Nepal side, more than 45 new mosques and 41 new madrasas have sprung up in 10 districts viz., Rupendehi, Kapilvastu, Nawalparasi, Bardia, Banke Kailali, Mohattari, Sarlahi, Parsa, Sunsari and Morang.
Along the Indo-Bangladesh border, there are 955 mosques and 445 madrasas in 22 bordering districts of West Bengal. Whereas there are 976 mosques and 156 madrasas in 28 districts on Bangladesh side. During the last .5 years, 57 mosques and 88 madrasas have been constructed on the Indian side. Most of these have come up in West Bengal, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura.
Madrasas in Nepal with anti-India activities Madrasa Zia-ul-Uloom in Noorpur, Narsingh in Sunsari district, Nepal is run by Al-Hira Educational society since 1985. One Nizam Khan, Zonal Secretary of Islamic Yuvak Sangh of Nepal (IYSN), who is receiving funds from various Islamic countries has been conducting anti-India propaganda from the madrasa.
Madrasa Tehfizul Quran in Siraha district close to border Maulana Hamidur Rehman, a known ISI agent is associated with the running of this madrasa. He is also in touch with LeT cadres in Nepal.
Madrasa Siraj-ul-uloom in Jhandangar, Kapilvastu district. The late Maulana Abdul Usuf and Maulana Abdullah Madani, who are associated with this madrasa are prominent promoters of Pak Islamic activities. The premises of the madrasa is being used for providing shelter to ISI agents, gun runners, criminals and for other anti-India activities. One Abu Bakar Nadvi associated with this madrasa is recruiting Nepalese Muslim youth and sending them to Pakistan for training by the LeT group.
These madrasas are used
1) As hide-outs/shelters 'for Kashmiri extremists.
2) Transit camps for terrorists and ISI operatives coming to India via Nepal and Bangladesh.
3) For recruitment.
4) For propaganda and subversion of youth.
5) Safe house for conducting meetings between ISI operatives and extremists.
6) For funding channels
Indian side
A number of madrasas along the Indo-Nepal border on the Indian side, notably being Jia-ul-Uloom (PS-Itwa), Khair-ul-Uoom (Domeriaganj), Darul Huda (Shishania), Mis Bah-ul-Uloom (Chaukonia), Barda Madrasas (Tetri Bazar) (all in Distt. Siddharth Nagar, UP) are getting donation from the Saudi-based Rabita-e-Aalam committee regularly. Donations are being procured by Nazims of these madrasas.
http://www.hvk.org/articles/0502/64.html
| US pat for Bengal madarsa model | ||
| JAYANTH JACOB | ||
New Delhi, Oct. 7: Bengal's CPM-led government has received a pat from overseas — from not Cuba or China but the land of the "imperialists". One of America's oldest think tanks has held up Bengal's madarsas as models of secularism, leaving the CPM, which often accuses the US of plotting to overthrow its government, preening. The Brookings Doha Center, Washington, has said that Pakistan, where the radical Islamisation is blamed a great deal on madarsas, should learn from such schools in Bengal and emulate them. It should be music to the CPM, worried about losing its minority base to the Bengal Opposition. "The current radicalisation of madrassas in Pakistan should not lead us to give up in despair," says the US centre's August 2009 policy briefing on "Pakistan's Madrassas: The Need for Internal Reform and the Role of International Assistance". "In other parts of the Muslim world, madrassas have served an appropriate educational purpose. For example in West Bengal, India, a survey of Islamic schools in January 2009 found that because of the higher quality of education at madrassas, even non-Muslims were actively enrolling in them." The study says that just as, in Pakistan, many Muslim families send their children to Christian schools "because of the high quality of teaching and discipline", many Hindus in Bengal send their children to madarsas. "Hindu enrolment in several Bengali madrassas, for example, was as high as 64 per cent because many of these institutions offered vocational training programs. Such examples can certainly be emulated in Pakistani madrassas as well," the study says. The CPM is happy. "I think it's a recognition of our good work. It's heartening to note that the study advises Pakistan to emulate the Bengal model," said Abdus Sattar, Bengal minister for minority development. The Bengal government says it has ensured quality and progressiveness in madarsa syllabuses. The Bengal madarsa board is the only such member of the Council of Boards for School Education in India, an umbrella organisation of all school boards in the country. The Brookings Doha Center, formed in 2007, is a project of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution, Washington. It researches "the socio-economic and geopolitical issues facing Muslim-majority states and communities, and encourages increased dialogue between policy makers from the US and the Muslim world". |
Marxist way of Branding MADRASA Terror HUBS Isolating SC Students and HATCHING EGGS of COMMUNALISM as Six education reform bills in pipeline. SIBAL to reform MADRASA!
My First Short story Collection was named as ANDE SENTE LOG meaning Egg hatching people which dealt with the Methodology and Demography adjustment in the Cow Belt revolving around Hindutva and bari Mosque. But I learnt that the PROCESS is Much More SCIENTIFIC in Bengal and NEVER EXPOSED but Executed with Surgical Precision since EAST India comani Age!
This is serious! Very Serious and Reminiscent of the METHODOLOGY which created TWO nation Theory RESULTANT in partition and Infinite PLIGHT of our balck Untouchable people, , the Bengali dalit Refugees who had been thrown out of Bengal by the Manusmriti Hegemony. Manipulating the DEMOGRAPHY always have been the best way of TURNING Tables in Power game, the Bengali Brahmins learnt it with the HORROR Experience of shaping in National MULNIVASI Movement on the Base of CHANDAL Movement and the Subaltern Renaissance in bengal led by Hindu and Muslim Peasant and the Matua GURU harichand Thakur followed by his worthy Son GURUCHAND Thakur. With Partition, the Elite Brahmin and caste Hindu Zamindars led by Hindu Mahasabha of NC Chatterjee and SHAYAPRASAD Mukherjee ensured a VERTICAL DIVIDE between the Anti Imperialist Anti fascist Antio Feudalism forces in Bengalso that the COMBINATION of aboriginal, Indigenous and Minority MULNIVASI Communities would NEVER be able to hold the key of POWER as all the THREE Governments in Bengal Undivided were constituted with DALIT MUSLIM Combination. Only on Government led by great Fazlul Haque had a BRAHMIN Minister, SHAYA PRASAD Mukherjee for which the PRAJA KRISHAK Party was broken and MUSLIM League emerged as the Deciding Factor of Partition. Bengal Undivided would have created Dalit Muslim Equation as relevant in the Cow Belt now, an ALL India Affair!
As a SURVIVAL Strategy, thus, Nehru and Bengali Brahmin leaders did everything to deprive the Partition Victims from East Bengal deprive of Everything Refugee Status, Citizenship, REHABILITATION, Right to Mother Tongue, constitutional Reservation and Every thing and most scientifically SCATTERED them all over the Country. Thanks to my late father, the Undisputed all India Leader, Pulin babu`s lifelong Proactivism, I know the details of the History Never DOCUMENTED in the History of Indian Holocaust.
The Ruling Marxists followed DITTO the ways of CONGRESS Governments in Bengal and tried hard to ENSLAVE the Mulnibasi Commmunities ISOLATING every Community from the other. Thus, MARICHJHANPI Genocide was EXECUTED and the Bengali Intelligentsia recognises the Genocide Masters Jyoti Basu, Buddhadev Bhattacharya to AMIYO SAMANTO as well as NAXAL Elimination hero RUNU Guha Niyogi as the best ICONs of Bangla nationality.
It is avery OLD story that Hindu students are making a bee line for madrassas in West Bengal, as these institutions have shifted their focus to modern subjects, including science and technology.In West Bengal, 558 Government registered madrassas are imparting modern and scientific education. Arabic is also being taught as an extra subject.
First, BUDHDHADEB launched a CAMPAIGN as BRANDING MADRASA in Bengal as TERROR Training camps and he was supported well by No one else BUT THREE other Key Stones of indian State Power, Lal Krishan Adawani, a refugee himself then Home Minster of NDA Government of India, SPEAKER Loksabha SOMNATH Chatterjee, the son of HIndu Mahasabha Leader Prime NC Chatterjee and PRANAB Mukherjee who MASTERMINDED the DEPORTATION Drive nationwwide amending CITIZENSHIP Act in Light of 9/11 in United state s of America!
Now, RESERVATION for Scheduled Caste Students in MADARSA as well as ALIGARH Muslim University Campus in bengal has BEEN WTHDRAWN making these institutions PURELY MUSLIM!
Meanwhile, Should the education imparted at madrassas be broad-based to include subjects like English, maths, science and computers to make it employment oriented? The proposal by Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal has not found favour with madrassa authorities, though it has been welcomed by many Muslim intellectuals.
Sibal has proposed introducing a Madrassa Board Bill, which will give broad-based education without affecting the religious teaching and also ensure that the degree obtained will be equivalent to that of the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE), which will help in getting employment.
"Our syllabus is similar to the secondary level syllabus… only 200 marks for Arabic are extra. So I think there is no problem in admitting (non-Muslim) children to our Madrassa," said Sohrab Hussain, the President of the West Bengal Board of Madrassa Education.
A non-Muslim teacher at the Madrassa said all students are being treated equally.
"There is no differentiation between Hindus and Muslims. We walk, talk, eat and sit together. Everyone stays in harmony," said Rupashi Biswas, a student of the Arizillapur Siddiquia High Madrassa.
Madrassas in West Bengal are trying to become secular and are also providing vocational training to students.
Madrasas in West Bengal are attracting an increasing number of Hindu students with the shift in focus from Islamist education to science and technology. Hindu students now outnumber Muslims in four madrasas of the state.These include Kasba MM High Madrasa in Uttar Dinajpur district, Ekmukha Safiabad High Madrasa in Cooch Behar district, Orgram Chatuspalli High Madrasa at Burdwan district and Chandrakona Islamia High Madrasa at West Midnapore district.
"The percentage of Hindu students vary from 57 percent to 64 percent in these institutes, which stand out as proof that madrasas (Islamic seminaries) and secularism are not anachronistic," West Bengal Board of Madrasah Education president Sohrab Hussain told IANS here Monday.
He said 618 out of the 1,077 students in Kasba, 554 out of 868 students at Orgram, 201 out of 312 at Chandrakona and 290 out of total 480 students at Ekmukha are Hindus.
"Muslims are a minority in all these districts," Hussain said.
Denying that madrasas impart only Islamist education, he said the institutes lay more stress on modern subjects.
"It's a misconception that our students only learn Islam-related subjects at madrasas. Time is changing and so are we. Now, we lay more stress on science and technology than religion.
"Already 42 madrasas have computer laboratories; we will increase the number by another 100 labs in 2009. Over 100 madrasas offer vocational training in not only tailoring but even mobile applications technology," Hussain said.
He said an increasing number of Hindu students were choosing madrasas over other schools because madrasas had more credibility.
"Madrasas have been successful in winning the confidence of students and guardians. Mostly first generation learners from backward classes come to study here as they know they won't be looked down upon. Besides, madrasa certificates are at par with other national-level examinations," said Hussain.
There are 506 madrasas in West Bengal and 52 more will come up by the end of 2009. Overall, 17 percent of the students and 11 percent of the teachers in these institutions are non-Muslims.
"All students are treated equally… there is no religious bias in the madrasas. Even the syllabus of the madrasas are no different from the Madhyamik - the state secondary examinations.
"The only difference is our students have to sit for a 100-mark extra paper on Arabic and Islamic studies, which in a way is good for Hindu students too. They can learn a new language at the same time," Hussain said.
Golum Mustafa, headmaster of Kasba madrasa, said all students study and play together irrespective of their religion.
"If anyone asks me why Hindu students study at madrasas, I ask them, 'Why not?' Be it school or madrasa - they are meant for imparting education. There are many Hindu students who passed out from Kasba and are well-established in life," Mustafa said on phone.
Bibhas Chandra Ghorui, a Hindu assistant teacher at Chandrakona, echoed Mustafa.
"There are seven schools within one km of this madrasa. But still people send their wards here, mostly because of affordability. One has to pay Rs.375 at general schools while the fees at the madrasa is only Rs.110.
"As for religious tolerance, if a Muslim student can study Baishnav Padavali - a Hindu religious hymns - then why can't a Hindu student study Islam or Arabic?" Ghorui said on phone.
Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal on Tuesday said the Government wants Madrassa institutions should impart professional training along with religious teachings for Muslim youths' empowerment.
Sibal, however, has also stated that that the ministry would not interfere with the religious teachings in madrassas.
"It will be part of the 100-day agenda. When I talk about restructuring education, we will not interfere with the religious teaching in madrassas. But at the same time, the aim will be to empower Muslim youth," Sibal said.
According to Sibal, the objective is to ensure that when Muslim youth come out of schools, they get job opportunities. "We will ensure that they have skills and they are equipped with the kind of education that enables them to be part of the mainstream."
The Government has already decided to value madrassa qualification at par with Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) to enable Muslim students to get Central government jobs.
Abdul Khaleeq Madrasi, pro-vice chancellor of the prestigious (what is prestigious about it?)) Darul Uloom seminary in Deoband town of western Uttar Pradesh, is opposed to such reforms.
"Why is he (Sibal) trying to interfere in the education pattern of the madrassas? We will not support such a proposal," Madrasi told IANS.
Madrasi maintains that only one percent of Muslim children in India study in seminaries and after the education is over they are able to get reasonable jobs. He feels that instead of "interfering" in the education pattern of the madrassas the "government should try to establish more schools for the community".
Tahir Alam, a teacher at the Mazahir Uloom madrassa in Amroha city of Uttar Pradesh, says madrassas are meant for religious education and "introducing such reforms will kill the very purpose of madrassas".
Welcoming Sibal's proposal is Arshad Alam, assistant professor at the centre for Jawaharlal Nehru Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia university here. However, he feels that modern education would "add to the burden of already overburdened madrassa students".
Alam, who has done his PhD on Indian madrassas, has given a call for an extensive debate on the issue. He said: "Reforms like this should be widely debated within the Muslim community, particularly involving the Ulama (religious leaders)."
According to Alam, the best way to increase employment opportunities for Muslims would be to set up more government schools and vocational institutions in Muslim areas rather than concentrate on madrassas where only a fraction of Muslims study.
Imtiaz Alam, a teacher in the Maualan Azad National Urdu University in Hyderabad and a product of a madrassa in Lucknow, has also welcomed it. He said the step "will help to bring the madrassa student to the mainstream".
Renowned Islamic scholar Maulana Wahiduddin Khan termed it as "good news".
"This will change the future of Muslim children. Earlier too there were attempts to introduce such reforms, but I fail to understand the reasons for the opposition by the madrassa authorities," Khan told IANS.
Mufti Mohammad Yasin, a government school teacher in Bijnore district of Uttar Pradesh, said it would help bring in modern education to the seminaries. "Since this is an era of modern technology, modern education is necessary alongside religious education and such reforms will be of great help."
According to a senior official in the HRD ministry, Sibal is "determined" to introduce reforms in the madrassas.
Madrassas in India are mostly run with donations from the Muslim community, although some receive foreign donations as well.
There is no exact survey on the number of madrassas in the country. However, renowned columnist Yoginder Sikand in his book, "Bastion of the Believers: Madrassas and Islamic Education in India", has put the figures at 30,000-40,000. This is around the figure put out by a survey conducted by the Hamdard Education Foundation.
A few madrassas are also affiliated to state governments like in Bihar, West Bengal, Jharkhand and Assam. These madrassas draw salaries and collect grants from their respective governments. More than 90 percent of the seminaries are run by the funds collected from Muslims.
The Quran and Islamic law form the basic component of the education imparted at madrassas, though some provide modern education as well. Passouts from the seminaries get jobs in accordance with the degree they obtain. Mostly the products of madrassas get the job of an imam in a mosque, earning a meagre salary of Rs.3,000-3,500.
What is the nature of Dalit Muslim Unity
By Dr. K. Jamanadas
This is in response to an article by Adv. Md. Karim (DV.June 1- 15, 97). It was a great misfortune that Dr. Ambedkar and Br. Jinnah could not work together, Adv. Karim says. He says Azad was a stooge. He says the anti Muslim activities are a symptoms and not a disease. He says Muslims are not a minority. He believes that population of Muslims could be more than presumed 15 percent. He also quotes authorities to show that Islam is an egalitarian religion. All this need not refuted and any Bahujan can agree with all these points. He avers that Muslim masses in India are in a need of allies to fight the existing system under the guidance of Islam He advises his Muslim brothers to help the Dalits in all spheres, and keep good contacts for future interaction. This is quite correct. But the main point is, what kind of unity is sought for. He says:
"The future of India lies in the unity of Dalits and Muslims - not under the banner of this party or that because no party is aiming at providing an alternative to the existing social, political and economic setup but under the invigorating and revolutionary message of Islam ..."
Why no political party is thought to be neccesary? Is it an invitation for the Bahujans to adopt Islam? Is it a proletising work? If it is, well and good; nothing wrong in that; only that perhaps DV is not a forum for it.
Our experience of mixing religion with politics is always counter productive. The combination does neither promote the religion nor the politics. The political meetings of RPI used to start with Buddhist prayers, the non Buddhists in the party, gradually, faded away. The religious sermons to Budhists used to end with request for support to RPI work, the non-RPI Buddhists stopped comming. I feel the two must not be combined, the religion and politics. I hope Adv. Karim does not wish to propagate religion from political platform.
What is the spirit of Islam
Do the Muslims consider Dalits as non-hindus? I think, it is the first neccesity that they must make a distinction between "Hindus" and Dalits. Dalit leaders have time and again declared that. Leaders of all Dalit parties, of all shades and colours. But Muslim leaders do not think about this. I think this is the main hurdle.
No doubt, Islam is a great religion. Also it can not be gainsaid that meeting of Ambedkar and Jinnah could not bear fruits. If the unity has to bear any fruits, today, it has got to be based on secular points. The basis has to be non-religious. It should be purely on political ideology. What is that ideology? I believe, that ideology could only be Ambedkarism. Our Muslim brothers have got to get themselves aquainted with Spirit of Ambedkarism, which is different from Spirit of Buddhism
Hindu Muslim Riots and Dalits
A letter by Dr. Ambedkar sent from England at the time of Third Round Table Conference published in "Janata" of 24.12.1932, [M.F.Ganjare - ed. vol III. p. 20 ff., 'babasaheb aambedkarachi bhashane', (marathi), Ashok Prakashan, Nagpur. reprint, no date]
"When Hindus and Muslims fight among themselves, the Untouchables tend to incline towards Muslims. They feel, they would be benifitted if they develope friendship with Muslims. But Untouchables should keep in mind that it is not all that true as it appears and so they should be very careful. What I expereinced at the time of Sarada Act about the Muslim policy, can not called satisfactory. I got first severe jolt when I found that almost all the Muslims got ready to oppose the essential Act like Sarda Act along with the obsolete and puranic, fundamentalists and revivalist orthodox Hindus. And at the time of Round Table Conference, I got second experience now that their attitude can be how narrow and retrograde, like that of sanatani orthodox Hindus. A special telegram from the Brahmin President of Varnashram Brahman Sangha was received recently by a Muslim delegate, Mr. Gazanavi. It was a message that Muslims should cooperate with orthodox Hindus in opposing the Untouchables temple entry movement. It was also suggested that, if India gets freedom, it would be dangerous to the religion of both Hindus as well as Muslims, and so the religious Muslims should be careful about the swaraj like religious Hindus. The sanatani brahmins also requested Mr. Gaznabi to put forward the side of sanatani Hindus by the Muslim delegates in the RTC! Thus, it could be said that these arthodox brahmins have materialised the proverb that 'we are orhtodox brahmins and our relatives are muslims'. Mr.Gazanabi has published this telegram in 'Times' here. The fact, that the orthodox Bengali Muslim like Mr. Gaznabe should be entrusted the job of preserving the religion of Hindus, by the orthodox Hindus, and that he should accept it, should be borne in mind by all the reformists in India. It is an execlent example of how an orthodox sanatani Hindu is ready to pray even an 'yavan' or a 'mlenchha' when he finds the life of his 'dharma' is in danger (from untouchables). And the 'dharma' of Hindus is such a provokative (vigna-santoshi) one, that whenever any thing new happens, or due to time any change takes place in traditional customms, they shout that, dharm' is in danger. Just like a sanatani Hindu, the Indian Muslim also is a strange object. He is averse to all social reforms. His corelegionists outside India have turned to be social revolutionaries. A Muslim patriot like Kemal Pasha has quashed all customs and traditions which are hurdles against the progress of nation and human life. I have great respect and affinity for Kemal Pasha. But the Indian Muslims, even the patriots and nationalists like Shaukat Ali, do not like Kemal Pasha and Amanullah. Because they are reformists, and in the eyes of a Indian Muslim, reform is a sacrilege."
http://www.ambedkar.org/culture/What_is_the_nature_of_Dalit_Muslim_Unity.htm
Muslim-Dalit relations
By Gail Omvedt
Islam is a religion of egalitarianism and brotherhood. After the defeat of Buddhism, it maintained these values in India for centuries. Not only did those who became Muslims benefit by escaping from caste restrictions, but Muslim rule also provided a social and political context for the growth of Bhakti movements. Within these, to a greater or less degree, Dalits and low castes sought a religious equality and expressed a devotionalism which heralded a supreme deity not very different from Allah. Syncretic cults also emerged, large and small, and the masses sought to memorialize holy men of whatever faith. The larger of the new cults, such as Sikhism and the Kabir Panth, probably never saw themselves as separate religions or as part of Hinduism or Muslims until recently.
During the pre-colonial period, there was no all-India "Muslim community" or "Hindu community" as such. Indian culture was complex, syncretic, pluralistic. It was this that changed radically during British rule. Making self-interested use of modern scholarship, the "Aryan theory" and the British tendency to identify all who were not Muslims or Christians as "Hindus," the Brahminic elite formulated what we now call "Hinduism": a religion that was said to be the "national" one of the people of India, but taking the Vedas as its source and privileging the Sanskrit tradition. Previously the word "Hindu" had referred to India as a region; it was "al-Hind" to the Islamic world. Now religion and nation were identified. During this period a process began in which gradually the Bahujan majority began to identify themselves as "Hindus" – and in opposition to these, others began to see themselves as "Muslims" within which an orthodox Islamic identity was emphasized. In this process, the syncretistic and bridging, often local, spiritual traditions that had been created were drawn into the vortex of identifying with one of the two "large" religious communities.
Dalits were caught in this process. They were defined, by the elite, as "Hindus" – though they had few rights within orthodox Hinduism, and were not allowed even into the temples of the Bhakti cults. Almost all elite nationalists, including Gandhi, argued that Dalits should not identify with an "alien" religion but instead seek to reform "their own" religion. Yet it was only by a strange, imposed definition that Dalits could be said to be part of the Vedic- identified Hinduism which had never given them religious or social rights.
During much of the colonial period also, Muslims and Dalits were allies. They had in common a fear – often a hatred – of the dominant Brahminism. As Ambedkar pointed out in his book Thoughts on Pakistan, between 1920 and 1937 it was Muslims, Dalits and Non-Brahmins who had worked the reforms, holding office in provincial assemblies and working in alliance on issues involving constructing the nation – on programmes which included opening up water tanks, roads, schools to Untouchables. In areas such as Bengal, a strong political alliance was formed between the Namasudra (Dalit) movement and the Muslims, which gained strength because both were predominantly tenants fighting anti-landlord struggles.
However, these alliances did not gain a strong philosophical basis. Most Dalits, even today, do not want to identify either as "Hindus" or "Muslims." But Muslims did not appreciate this and failed to articulate an understanding of the oppressiveness of the caste system. As Muslims divided into more orthodox and more "liberal", it was the Gandhian policies that provided the framework for the more "liberal" approach, that is for those associated with the Congress Party. (The left was on the whole irrelevant during this process since it did not deal with issues of culture). Gandhi sought unity between Hindus and Muslims as a major plank of the Congress – but it was a unity based on accepting Brahminism within Hindu society. In the phrase, "Ram-Rahim," whatever "Rahim" may have symbolized, Ram represented a feudal, casteist patriarchal king who had killed the Shudra Shambuk for attempting tapascharya. "Ram Raj" had nothing to offer to Dalits. Gandhi was insistent in taking them as part of the "Hindu community" and thus opposed separate electorates for Dalits with a fervor that he never felt with Hindus. In other words, the conditions implicitly put forward by Gandhi for Hindu-Muslim unity included an acceptance of the framework of the caste system as it was imposed on Dalits and other low castes. Muslims were not to interfere in "Hindu" religion.
Ambedkar and other anti-caste reformers offered a different basis for unity, a common opposition to Brahminism and caste. But this was ignored by liberal Muslims. The orthodox Muslims, in contrast, simply emphasized conversion. This left a situation again, where Dalits seemed to be forced into the "Hindu" framework." Finally, to discourage a Dalit-Muslim alliance those Dalits in Bengal and Hyderabad who had been particular supporters of independent Muslim states had very bad experiences. In Hyderabad, rural Dalits found themselves caught between two pincers of violence, atrocities committed against them both by the Razakars and then by the returning Hindus. In East Pakistan, though Dalits had supported the Muslims, many were attacked as "Hindus" and leaders like Jogendranath Mandal eventually fled back to India.
A solid Dalit-Muslim alliance for the future should be directed to building a prosperous, equalitarian, caste-and patriarchy-free India.
Muslims can make their contributions in three major ways: First, by rebuilding a Muslim culture that regains the artistic and scientific accomplishments of the past, that stands for modernism and an understanding of Islam that brings forth its egalitarianism as well as cultural-artistic achievements. Islam directed to maintaining its identity within a genuinely pluralistic society can be a powerful force for reconstructing the bases of an Indian national community.
Second, by recognizing that within Indian society, there is a special task of fighting the Brahminism that has become dominant, that maintains casteism and "feudal" attitudes. Freeing Indian culture from the stranglehold of Brahminism will provide the basis for a genuine national development. This cannot be done with an acceptance of Gandhism as the framework for "Hindu-Muslim unity." It can only be done by listening to the Dalit voice, to Ambedkar, Phule, Periyar, Iyothee Thass – and Mayawati, Kanshi Ram and others today.
Third, as Dalits search for a new faith, Islam will participate in this process. Dalits must be respected as an autonomous community; as they themselves break more and more decisively with Brahminism, they will go diverse ways, and in the process some will turn to Islam. (Countercurrents.org)«
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
Muslim MPs' number slips in LS
In the recently held Parliamentary elections, people gave a thumping victory to the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) but they failed in electing the desired number of Muslim members of Parliament (MPs).
Muslims constitute about 13.4 per cent of country's total population but their representation in the 15th Lok Sabha is meager 5 per cent with just 30 MPs in a House of 543. In 14th Lok Sabha, there were a total of 35 Muslim MPs. Data shows that there has been nearly 20 per cent downfall in number of Muslims elected to Lok Sabha in this elections compared to 2004.
In the newly constituted Lok Sabha, Congress has the highest number of 11 Muslim MPs followed by four from Bahujan Samaj Party. Three each from Trinamool Congress and National Conference. Two MPs were elected on Indian Union Muslim League ticket. BJP, JD(U), DMK, CPI, All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF) have one each Muslim MP while one Independent Muslim candidate has been elected from Ladakh. There are no Muslim MPs from 19 states and six Union territories.
The downfall in Muslim representation has raised some serious questions among the community as their representation is already much lower than the proportion of their population. Muslim intellectuals are giving plenty of reasons for this declining trend.
"Muslim representation is likely to be affected by the fact that some of the constituencies in which Muslims are concentrated are reserved for scheduled castes which means they are denied the opportunity of contesting elections from these constituencies in which they form a large proportion of the population," says Zoya Hasan, professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University and member of the National Commission for Minorities. Apart from delimitation, there are two other main reasons, first under-nomination of Muslim candidates by political parties and second, division of community votes. National parties had given fewer tickets to Muslims this time than in previous elections.
"Many of those who were given tickets lost because of the split vote. The chances of Muslim candidates were greatly damaged by the new Muslim parties whose candidates could not win a single seat but succeeded in cutting into the votes of more winnable candidates. It is gratifying that Muslim voters rejected attempts by these sectarian parties at stoking religious identity for electoral gain," adds Zoya.
Of the total 780 Muslim candidates who contested the election, most of them being independents, but only 30 of them succeeded in making it to the new Parliament. Interestingly, Mulayam Singh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party, Lalu Prasad-led RJD and Chanderbabu Naidu's TDP which claim themselves to be champion in raising minorities cause have failed to send any Muslim MP to the House this time.
While UP and West Bengal have elected the highest number of six Muslim MPs each followed by Jammu & Kashmir with four, Kerala and Bihar have got three each, Tamil Nadu and Assam two each and one each has got elected from Andhra Pradesh and Lakshadweep.
In 2004 polls, the highest number of 10 Muslim candidates were elected from UP, five from West Bengal, four from Bihar, three from J&K, two each from AP, Assam, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and one each from Jharkhand and Maharashtra. The highest number of Muslims were elected to the Lok Sabha in 1980 when the figure was 48. In 1984 also, the number of Muslim MPs was 41.
Story By : Ali Asgar
Hoodwinking Muslims?
Author: C R IraniPublication: The Statesman
Date: February 10, 2002
Introduction: What Buddhadeb and Anil have said is based on knowledge; Basu�s harangue is based on a desire to continue hoodwinking the Muslim community
On 8th August 1994, the West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education Act (39 of 1994) was passed to regularise what the CPI(M) government were already doing. It came into force on All Fools Day 1995; it provides for a Board of 27 members, wholly under government control. No elections have ever been held, because Government have not framed Rules. There are High Madrasas, Junior High Madrasas, and madrasas; distinctions, inter se, are obscure but all impart instruction in Arabic, Islamic history and culture and theology. Senior madrasa education includes Islamic jurisprudence or Shariat law.
The State government exercises total control under the Act; the purpose will be clear shortly. The Board merely advises Government. The Board�s term is 4 years but indefinite extensions are permitted. There is an Appeals Committee and a Tribunal for administrative convenience, but in all matters recourse to Civil or Criminal Courts is barred. Annual meetings must be held each July and Board meetings every quarter. Meetings are not held. The Board has a Fund for contributions, fees, endowments and Government grants, all to be recorded and Section 26(d) provides that any other sums received by or on behalf of the Board from any source whatsoever must be recorded.
The Act is exhaustive and the state government uses it brazenly to seek and retain Muslim votes. Government subventions keep registered madrasas, afloat. Between 1780 when the first madrasa came up, till 1977, there were 238 madrasas. After 1977 the Left Front formed the Board without legislative sanction and until 2002, the number more than doubled to 507. The annual budget allocation at the end of Congress rule was Rs 5,70,000; for 2000-2001 it was Rs 115 crores. One is driven to the conclusion, on the evidence, that madrasas are intended to produce votes for the CPI(M). It is pointless for Syed Shahabuddin to urge that Muslims have the protection of Article 30 of the Constitution to establish educational institutions of their choice. The retort simple is that the Constitution does not require the state also to finance and run the institutions. That you cannot eat your cake and have it is an old established maxim!
Buddhadeb makes a factual and honest statement on 19th January. He concedes that unregistered madrasas need to be investigated, particularly their source of funds - Gulf money funneled through Bangladesh. He adds that some of them who enjoy petrodollar sponsorship, are not affiliated to the Madrasa Board, and that investigations have begun with Central Intelligence agencies to weed out the corrupt ones. His statement was reported in all newspapers, including the party organ Ganashakti, the same day. Next day he says he has specific information that illegal madrasas are on anti-national propaganda. On 28th January, Anil Biswas supports the Chief Minister and reiterates that madrasas in the state outnumber those in Bangladesh and some unaffiliated ones often indulge in anti-national propaganda. Forward Bloc�s general secretary says the issue has security ramifications. A full three weeks later on 6th February the upright chief minister is howled at by Jyoti Basu and forced to plead that all media including Ganashakti, have misquoted him! Some bright spark in the CPI(M) has discovered that Muslim tend to vote en bloc and this must continue, whatever the risk to national security. This is an insult to Muslims in good conscience; it is also a comment on CPI(M)s contempt for the community, which they want to manipulate like puppets.
Instead of a transparently untenable plea of being misquoted, the party should have joined their leader, Buddhadeb in efforts to safeguard national interests. Take a good hard look at the registered madrasas, which have been provided unlimited state funds without accountability. The unregistered ones should be put under a scanner.
To return to Shahabuddin, the Constitution allows minorities of language or religion to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice. He says nothing about registered madrasas because the cost is borne by the government. He claims the protection of the Constitution only for madrasas run on petrodollars to borrow Buddhadeb's phrase. The only advantage of registration being unlimited public funds, why should those funded from overseas register? If he disputes the proposition, he should ask for repeal of the Act, which openly controls the Board. Is the reason that the state government far from exercising control uses the Act malafide to produce a steady supply of dependable but unemployable voters? The government has a perfect right to inquire into the source of funds. The Constitution only prohibits interference in educational institutions; it cannot be interpreted as granting immunity from other laws, like general regulation of funds from overseas. Article 30 is not available to commit offences.
What Buddhadeb and Anil have said is based on knowledge; Bastes harangue is based on a desire to continue hoodwinking the Muslim community. In the process he scores another brownie point in his campaign to harass Buddhadeb!
 Interview 'Religious Fundamentalism, Not Just Some Madrasas' 'Do It Now' is hardly a variation of the Nike exhortation for the West Bengal chief minister, who speaks on the controversies surrounding him in the first year of his tenure. Ashis K. Biswas Interviews Buddhadeb Bhattacharya Where others exude gung-ho optimism and breezy confidence, West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharji projects a consciously different persona in media interviews: sincere, self critical, yet self assured -- a combination of qualities that has its own attraction. It was no different as he spoke to Outlook on completion of one year of his tenure. Underplaying some of the positives the state has chalked up under him -- a more accountable administration, a new positivism on work culture, stress on education, public health and industries, an alternate agricultural strategy -- Bhattacharji insists all this is only a beginning and that the road ahead will be difficult. There are questions as to how far his party, the CPI(M) will allow him to go . Already the party has virtually overruled him on the issue of monitoring some madrasas, dealing with errant doctors , not to mention the right of political parties to hold rallies and processions. His critics naturally make much of this, but they overlook that on most other matters of policy, the party has been wholly behind him. Not bad for someone who has had to replace the towering Jyoti Basu as Chief Minister and emerged as the party's most presentable face to the people all in a single year in a difficult state like West Bengal. Let us begin with law and order, Chief Minister. You often express fears about the law and order situation in the East and have asked for more forces to be deployed in the border regions. Just what sort of a situation now prevails in the border areas? Bhattacharji: I think we in Bengal have to remain vigilant in our areas bordering Bangladesh and Bhutan. There are certain trends and incidents we simply cannot ignore. There was the recent arrest of confirmed ISI agent Dilshad from North Bengal. You remember the kidnapping of Partha Ray Burman, owner of Khadim company. That is only one of 18 terrorism-related incidents we have had to deal with. The problem is, some activists operate out of Pakistan, India and Bangladesh. There has to be a change in the working style of the administration as well.... You mean... Obviously, now more than ever we need more accurate intelligence, more modern weapons to face up to the challenge that we face from terrorists on the ground. We have discussed our problems in Delhi and the centre appreciates our problems . Efforts have to be made at the political level among the countries concerned . You once spoke of taking action against some madrasas, sparking off a major controversy...... It is a question of religious fundamentalism, not just some madrasas. The way I see it, there are two contending streams of religious fundamentalism in India, and we cannot compromise with either. And when terrorism combines with religious fundamentalism, we must mobilise everyone against it. How? Through meetings , rallies, group meetings on the ground. We understand you are suggesting to the centre to amend the provisions of the Indo-Bhutan treaty of 1949 and the Indo-Nepal treaty of 1950. Would you please explain why ? As you know, these provisions enable citizens of Nepal and Bhutan, and India to visit each others' country without visas, to work, settle down and carry out business here. Nothing wrong with all this. Only problem, Katahmandu has now emerged as a major operational centre for the Pak intelligence agency, ISI, for some time. We have evidence of undesirable elements taking advantage of near-open borders to move freely into India and carry out their sabotage. The hijacking of the Indian plane that was flown to Afghanistan was masterminded form Kathmandu and elements within India. So we suggest that there should now be more checks on people entering India from neighbouring countries, ensuring at the same time that the traditionally cordial relations between these countries is not affected at all. I have discussed this with Union Home Minister L.K.Advani. In Bhutan again, there is the problem of the camps run by insurgents, where ULFA and Kamtapuri agitationists take arms training, with ISI help. We must make movement more difficult for them. After the recent communal violence in Gujarat, there are reports that some industries want to shift out of the state.... Perhaps, but I would rather not invite them here myself ... I do not believe in taking advantage of others in distress, although in the past, leaders of other states had done it to us . There is a common perception that you are far more concerned with films and urban culture, instead of grassroots level folk culture .... (smiles) You say this because I visit the Nandan cultural complex frequently.. No, it is by no means as though we have neglected our traditional, rural folk culture and the arts. There are folk academies in every district and regular cultural fairs there, with accent on literary activities, handicrafts and folk music. We now know the exact number of people involved on Chhou dancing in Purulia and are compiling a census of Gambhira artists in Malda so that the government can help them more effectively. We have district rural fairs held in Kolkata as well. How do you assess you official performance in the past year ? I think a beginning has been made, that:"s all. Youy will perhaps agree that roads are a little better now and so are our health centres in the rural areas, where I visited. We are working also on Health and education sectors, but punctuality and regular academic tests have been ensured. In agriculture, we have problems of over production and cultivators are getting proper price for paddy.We are thinking od diversifying agriculture, now that the first phase of our rural reforms is over. For instance, we plan to increase the production of potatoes, pineapples , mangos and lichis with an eye to exporting them.Similarly we have identified areas where horticultural and vegetable production would be increased. Mind you ,we lead most other states in agricultural production, but we plan to consolidate the position. What of industries, are enough investments coming in ? With the commissioning of the Haldia patrochemical plant, there is a definite flow of investments. Mitsubhishi, which has its only Indian unit in Bengal, is putting up another one. Over 500 downstream units have come up in Bengal and neighbouring states. Big organisations like L and T, Lafarge , Bhushan Steel and others are setting up major units. During the last three years, we have secured new investments of over Rs 10,000 crore which does not compare unfavourably with other states. However, infrastructure remains a problem and a priority. The Asian Development Bank is helping us build the Haldia -Kolkata and Kolkata -Siliguri highways, which will certainly accelerate the pace of development in our state. During the last couple of years we have opened over 30 new engineering and medical colleges. We are also setting up a new biotechnology unit and are setting the pace in IT where international majors are coming here to invest and we are exporting software over Rs 1200 crore within two years. But all this, again I emphasize, is only the beginning. In view of our unemployment problem and requirements, we have a very long way to go. What is the response to your slogan -- Do It Now? There has been some improvement, but not much, I think. I think I need to repeat this slogan and monitor progress strictly. If people (government employees) respond, fine, but if they do not, then naturally we have to think of other measures.
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CPM helped madrasas mushroom: Congress.
The Congress asked West Bengal chief minister Buddhadev Bhattacharya not to indulge in a polemical battle over madrasas and said it was time that the CPI(M) acknowledged that it was under its patronage that unaffiliated madrasas mushroomed in the state's border areas.
"Those unaffiliated madarasas were certainly set up with the help of the ruling party. Let the government identify the madarasas from where anti-national activities were being carried out," an agency report quoting Pranab Mukherjee said.
Mukherjee also reminded the chief minister that its government had tried to bring Ramakrishna Mission and missionaries school under the government, but did not act against unaffiliated madrasas. In other words, he should walk the talk.
The chief minister is already facing the wrath of his coalition allies who want the government to abandon his anti-madrasa campaign.
To add to his troubles, Muslim oufits have termed as "unsavoury" the remarks made by the chief minister and demanded an apology. According to an agency report, Jamait-e-Ulema accused the West Bengal police of torturing and harassing "innocent" madrasa teachers in the aftermath of the terror attack.
Bhattacharya had, while accusing the ISI of organising the attack on the American Centre and a conspiracy to reduce West Bengal to another J&K, had spoken about the anti-national activities of some of the madrasas and their Arabic-centric curriculum.
He also said that some of the ...
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Buddhadeb denies statement on madrasas
By Our Special Correspondent
KOLKATA, FEB. 6. The West Bengal Chief Minister, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, today denied having ever said that certain madrasas across West Bengal were breeding grounds for anti-national activities.
Biman Bose, the chairman of the ruling Left coalition, told a news conference here that Mr. Bhattacharjee had explained his position with regard to the madrasas at a meeting today where the Front constituents sought to know the CPI(M)'s thinking on madrasas.
``The Chief Minister had informed us that he had been misquoted by a section of the press including the CPI(M) daily, Ganasakti. He had never commented that unaffiliated madrasas were centres of unlawful activities,'' Mr. Bose said.
Mr. Bhattacharjee triggered a controversy a few weeks back when he was reported to have accused certain unaffiliated madrasas in Bengal of spreading anti-India sentiments. The Opposition parties such as the Congress and the Trinamool Congress criticised the CPI(M), the leader of the front, for hurting minority sentiments.
Certain Muslim organisations later joined them saying they would conduct protracted movements in the State if the Government took action against unaffiliated madrasas without adequate evidence.
The coalition partners such as the CPI, the Forward Bloc and the RSP, too, were believed to be upset with the CPI(M) for making statements in public on sensitive issues.
Mr. Bhattacharjee was reportedly bewildered at the manner in which the mainline Opposition parties started ``misinterpreting'' his views on madrasas. The CPI(M) leadership decided that Mr. Bhattacharjee would explain his position vis-a- vis madrasas on various fora so that the minority community did not get a wrong signal.
According to Mr. Bhattacharjee, he had only suggested that madrasas should teach the children in a way so that they can go for higher studies. ``They can read the Quran but they should also read other things,'' he is reported to have commented.
No VRS for Govt. staff
Mr. Bhattacharjee today ruled out a voluntary retirement scheme(VRS) for the nine lakh State Government employees.
Reacting to the Centre's ``big-ticket reforms'' announced yesterday, Mr. Bhattacharjee said ``we oppose all these policies and consider them an assault on civil society''.
Earlier, Asim Dasgupta, the Finance Minister, spoke in the same tenor saying that no such move was being contemplated by the Government now. http://www.hinduonnet.com/2002/02/07/stories/2002020703250900.htm
Hindu woman-run madrasa inspires communal harmony in Gwalior
By Ashok Pal
Gwalior, Aug.15 (ANI): A woman in Gwalior has set a unique example of communal harmony by running a madrasa, an Islamic school, to educate Muslim children belonging to downtrodden or poor families.
Today, this madrasa being run by Kamlesh Pathak is an edifice of communal harmony and inspires people.
Pathak started this madrasa in 2006 to provide quality education to Muslim children hailing from theeconomically weaker sections.
Imparting lessons in English, Arabic and Urdu, the Pathak-run madrasa imparts lessons till the fifth grade. It aims to educate students with basic skills to move ahead in life.
"I had thought for a long time of starting something for the children coming from economically weaker sections. We chose English, Arabic and Urdu for teaching in the madrasa for extending benefits of education to the economically weaker children so that they can move ahead in life and do something for their family, for themselves and the nation," said Kamlesh Pathak.
There are 65 students enrolled at Kamlesh Pathak's madarsa. She wishes to expand the madrasa and extend its benefits to other children as well.
For students, the madrasa has proved to be of a great help to learn and realise their educational dreams. They say Pathak has done exemplary work by opening such a place to educate children irrespective of religious considerations of pupils.
"These days people differentiate between Hindus and Muslims but aunty (Kamlesh Pathak) is not like them. She has opened this, which is a good effort. If Hindus and Muslims start living together like this, there will no longer be any differences," said Sanno Khan, a student.
At present a total of 418 madrasa are being run in Gwalior by Muslim organisations, including this one being run by a Hindu woman. (ANI)
Let's make education a non-political agenda, says Sibal (Roundup)
New Delhi, Aug 31 (IANS) The government Monday announced a number of educational reforms ranging from making the Class 10 examination optional to setting up a central madrassa board and an educational tribunal to handle educational malpractices and urged state governments to make education "a non-political agenda".
"If we can make educational a non-political agenda, we can not only change the future of students but also change the country," Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal said after a Central Advisory Board on Education meeting attended by state education ministers.
"We are with your reform process. Whether it is on elementary education, higher education, curriculum change, Right to Education, making Class 10 exams optional or introducing grading system," Sibal said to the state governments.
"All members supported us," he claimed.
The minister said from the current academic year, the tens of thousands of students studying in Class 10 need not burn the midnight oil or get stressed over the board exams - the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) Class 10 examination has been made optional.
"The CBSE Class 10 exams are optional from the 2009-10 academic year."
Officials said all schools, which have Class 11 and 12, need not conduct the Class 10 exams, but schools with classes up to standard 10 may conduct the board examination. Under the grading system, students would be given grades like A+, A, B, C, D and E.
Sibal, however, reiterated that he is not proposing state education boards to make Class 10 exams optional.
The minister also announced that vice-chancellors of universities in the country would be appointed by a collegium headed by an eminent person equivalent to a Nobel laureate, and not the central or state government.
"The collegium will consist of 30 to 40 people headed by an eminent personality, lets say a Nobel laureate. They will decide whom to appoint. They will select and inform the government and if the government disagrees, then it will again go back to the collegium," he added.
On higher education, he said his ministry is in favour of an overall body to work on the policy framework of education. But a regulatory body will also be there, which will be separate from this body.
Sibal said there is need for bringing in legislation to deal with educational malpractices, and unfair capitation fees.
"We will also set up an education tribunal. In some states it will work on two levels - state and central level. Cases related to malpractices will go to this tribunal. Students will not have to go to a court and the cases can be solved fast," he added. "There will be a quick remedy through the tribunal."
The HRD minister said that during deliberation with state governments it was perceived that teacher training is a major issue. "We need some two million trained teachers in the next few years. They should be competent."
Talking about setting up a central madrassa board, he said: "It will be an executive body. It will not interfere with the theological teachings and there is no contention here. The body will consist of both clerics and educationists."
No Class 10 boards from 2011, grading from this year: Sibal (Lead)
New Delhi, Sep 7 (IANS) There would be no Class 10 public exams for Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) affiliated schools from 2011 and a grading system would be introduced from the current academic session, Human Resource Development (HRD) Minister Kapil Sibal announced Monday.
The minister told reporters here that board exams would be held as usual this academic year, but a grading system would be introduced along with the prevalent marks system.
Sibal had so far maintained the Class 10 board exams would be optional. On Monday, he said: "Students who wish to evaluate themselves (on the board exam system) could do so on demand".
The grading system, he said, would have A1, A2, B1, B2, C1, C2, D, E1 and E2 grades.
Dalit Leader Files Case against IIT MADRAS
On 15th May, the Tamil Dalit leader Thol Thirumavalavan (President, Viduthalai Chiruthaikal Katchi) filed a writ petition at Madras High Court, seeking its intervention against caste-based discrimination in student admissions and faculty recruitment undertaken by IIT Madras administration. According to the Dalit leader, the IITs, since their inceptions, have singularly failed to provide proper representation to the SC/ST community in admissions.
NO. Course Total Enrolled SC/ST students Percentage
1 B.Tech. 1537 260 16.9%
2 Dual Degree 575 67 11.6%
3 M.Sc. 163 10 6.1%
4 M.Tech. 904 146 16.1%
5 M.B.A. 82 13 15.8%
6 M.S. 480 11 2.3%
7 Ph.D. 946 55 5.8%
Total 4687 562
Despite being completely funded by the Indian state, IITs have displayed their complete reluctance to adhere with the constitutional norms of providing 22.5% reservations in admissions for SC/ST students. This fact can be verified by the data about the total number of students enrolled in the academic year of 2004-05 in IIT Madras (see table).
The Deputy Registrar of IIT Madras provided this statistics to a researcher seeking information for the Times Higher Education Supplement, London.
The total students on the rolls of IIT Madras in the year 2004-2005 were 4687. However, the total number of SC/ST students was only 562, thus constituting only 11.9 % of the total students. If the reservation for SC/ST students had been followed properly there would have been 1054 students from the reserved category.
The Dalit leader also raised serious questions about the 'preparatory courses' undertaken by IIT Administration for the Dalit students, where a limited number of SC/ST candidates are admitted to a preparatory course of one year duration in case all the reserved seats are not filled. This course attempts to prepare the students in Physics, Mathematics, and Chemistry of 10+2 level. On successful completion of the course, the students are offered direct admission to the undergraduate programs in the next academic year.
However, the reality is otherwise. In the name of preparatory courses, the SC/ST students are segregated and their stay in IIT is stigmatized as non-meritorious students. Though several lofty ideas are given to back-up the existence of this course, yet, not even once the quota for SC/ST students had completely filled. Above all, if the Dalit student fails in this course she/ he is not allowed any re-examination, or another attempt to re-do the course and has to forfeit his/her seat secured in the IIT JEE.
In fact, in 2001, Chennai-based Dalit Media Network came out with a report exposing the case of Sujee Teppal, an ST student who topped the Andhra Pradesh common entrance test (EAMCET) for engineering in her category but instead wanted to pursue B.Tech from IIT. After clearing the IIT entrance exam, she was asked to take up the preparatory course in IIT Madras although she had scored brilliant 94 per cent marks in Class XII.
However, at the end of the course in IIT Madras, she was failed in one subject, Physics. She could not believe this and went to National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for redressal that forced IIT management for re-examination and many Dalit students got admitted after that.
According to Thol Thirumavalavan, the concept of preparatory course is an illegal subversion of the reservation policy and there is also a strong need for some kind of academic audit of IITs to be undertaken to ensure that these institutions are not able to destroy the concept of social justice in such a blatant manner.
With inputs from Meena Kandasamy, Anna University, Chennai
| Religion, not caste, hides behind reservations | ||
| Radha Rajan | ||
| 17 Mar 2009 | ||
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Madras University To Offer Five Year Integrated Courses
Moreover, the students are provided with an exit option at the end every year for MA courses and at the end of third year and fifth year for the M Sc course. Students who wish to exit after first year would get a certificate, second year would get a diploma certificate, third year would get a degree certificate, fourth year would get degree and post-graduate diploma.
| Contact Details: University of Madras Chepauk Chennai - 600 005 Tamil Nadu Phone: +91-44-25399778 Fax: +91-44-25366693 www.unom.ac.in |
J. Venkatesan
Centre appeals against High Court verdict holding ultra vires CSE Rule 16 (2)
"Reserved category candidates selected on merit have not availed themselves of any relaxation"
New Delhi: A five-judge Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court will consider whether candidates in a 'reserved category' selected on merit and placed in the 'unreserved category' in the Central Civil Services Examination could be given a choice to opt for service of higher preference in terms of Rule 16 (2) of the CSE Rules at the time of 'service allocation'.
This rule says: "While making service allocation, candidates belonging to SC/ST or OBCs recommended against unreserved candidates may be adjusted against reserved vacancies by the government if by this process they get a service of higher choice in the order of their preference."
A three-judge Bench consisting of Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan and Justices P. Sathasivam and J.M. Panchal in its order said: "In view of the fact that the issues raised and discussed relating to amended Rule 16 of the CSE are applicable to all Central Civil Services, we are of the view that an authoritative pronouncement is needed. Hence all these SLPs and writ petitions are referred to a Constitution Bench."
The Centre appealed against a Madras High Court judgment holding ultra vires and unconstitutional Rule 16 (2) and directing it rework service allocation dehors Rule 16 (2). Certain writ petitions were also filed.
The Supreme Court stayed the High Court judgment and on Thursday referred the matter to a larger Bench.
The Bench, quoting the 'Indra Sawhney vs. Union of India' judgment which said that while "50 per cent [maximum] shall be the rule, it is necessary not to put out of consideration certain extraordinary situations inherent in the great diversity of this country and the people … It may well happen that some members belonging to say, Scheduled Castes, get selected in the open competition filed on the basis of their own merit; they will not be counted against the quota reserved for SCs; they will be treated as open competition candidates."
Writing the judgment, the CJI said: "In the light of this decision [the question arises] whether it is reasonable not to give better preference of posts in service for the persons of reserved category who have been selected in the open competition field on the basis of their own merit and even if they are given such better preference whether that should not come under this specific percentage as it will only be a certain relaxation or concession and not a proper form of reservation."
The Bench said: "As far as amended Rule 16 is concerned, it is to be noted that reserved category candidates selected in the merit/unreserved category upon the basis of their merit have not availed [themselves] of any relaxations which are only available for the reserved category candidates."
The Bench said that "in the present case, the UPSC has provided the amendment of Rule 16 which has been made to fulfil certain objective specified in the Rules."
However, the question whether reserved category candidates could actually avail themselves of better preference of service under the reserved category list or not could be decided only by a Constitution Bench.
We're thinking of directly paying teachers: Sibal
Improving the quality of education is the greatest challenge before the government, Human Resource Development Minister Kapil Sibal [ Images ] tells Sreelatha Menon. The Right to Education Act raises the issue of access to good quality education for all. What are your plans?
It is the biggest challenge we face in the country and I am going to address it separately in a huge way. This will be the first issue to be taken up at the round-table on school education that I have set up.
Lack of enough teachers will puncture any attempt to ensure equal access to education for all. How will you resolve this?
I am giving the states five years to do this. Five years is sufficient time to get enough teachers.
How will the government ensure monitoring of schools? Is anything being planned? Even during the British period, there was a system of monitoring.
We will have an accreditation process in place. We will have a system to evaluate teachers.
But since education is a state subject, can you enforce these things?
We will enforce only where we can.
There may be a reason why central schools and Navodaya schools have done well and have been able to retain students and maintain quality.
I think one of the reasons is that these are government schools catering to government servants. Among government servants, there is a greater emphasis on education. Therefore, teachers in these schools are monitored by parents. The structure of central schools has a direct relationship with quality. We can't replicate it but we have to evolve another way to ensure the same impact.
The issue of minority-run institutions being exempt from 25 per cent reservation for weaker sections has created a lot of problems in Kerala [ Images ]. Do you foresee a similar problem in other parts of the country, since you have not exempted these institutions from quotas?
I have to call a separate meeting on the Kerala issue. But, in general, under the Right to Education Act, I have decided to leave it to the courts to decide on minority institutions. If it is against the Constitution, the courts will say so. I am not saying anything now. But in the original draft of the Act which I made, this issue was subject to Article 30.
This provision was removed in later drafts. Now, when the Act is amended, this will be added again. Under Article 30, a minority management has the right to manage, not mismanage, a right to administer, not to mis-administer.
Bribery is rampant in the education sector, so much so that people have to pay to get their children admitted to schools, as well as to get appointed as teachers. This affects quality. Is the ministry planning to act on this front?
Where institutions are unaided, we are helpless. We are thinking of a system where we can directly pay teachers. When we have the unique identification number (UID), this will become a reality as 310 million people will be covered by the school system alone. Then, salaries and perks can be paid directly to teachers.
Is the ministry planning a separate scheme with UID? How can it stop absenteeism or prevent teachers from hiring someone else to do their job?
We will have the biggest UID programme in our ministry. I am meeting Nandan Nilekeni for a whole day to look at the school and college system and to see how the project can be used to check the dropout rate and to track students and teachers. We are also looking at ways to track absentees.
The strike by the IIT teachers revealed the gulf between the ministry and these institutions. Have you decided to increase the funds for their salaries to resolve their pay-rise issue?
There was nothing to resolve on salaries. The budget for IITs remains the same. They have the flexibility and we have made it clear to them that the government will support everything that ensures their autonomy.
Will the madrassa board become a reality soon?
It has to, as it was one of the recommendations of the Sachar Committee. I have met minority members of Parliament (MPs) and will soon meet Minority institutions to get their views. We have already got the approval of the Central Advisory Board on Education, which has supported the move. There has to be a separate board run by them, not us, so that students can get a degree similar to the CBSE one and then move to polytechnics, universities and so on.
Have you seen the website of the National Open School? It asks for a dozen documents for admission to school courses and is in English. How can it help the thousands of dropouts who can benefit from it?
I have not seen it. The distance education policy is on the website and, according to it, the open school programme can be adopted by any institution. So, they can then help dropouts access these courses. Besides, I cannot visit all issues in such a short time even if I try to. I can't do it in three years, not even in five years.
Professor Yash Pal recently objected to the ministry's plans for agricultural universities and medical universities being left out of the ambit of the higher education commission.
All these matters are still being decided. It is too early to talk about them.
When will we have the first IIT which teaches humanities and agriculture as well as other subjects?
| CASTE IN CAMPUS DALITS NOT WELCOME IN IIT MADRAS There are only a handful of Dalit students and faculty members at the elite institute, but they face widespread discrimination and harassment PC Vinoj Kumar
Activists who have been fighting for proper implementation of reservations for Dalits describe IIT Madras as a modern day agraharam — a Brahmin enclave. Located on a 250 hectare wooded campus in the heart of the city, the majority of the 460 faculty members and students here are Brahmins. According to WB Vasantha Kandasamy, assistant professor in the Mathematics department, there are just four Dalits among the institute's entire faculty, a meagre 0.86 percent of the total faculty strength. There are about 50 OBC faculty members, and the rest belong to the upper castes, she says. Vasantha says Dalit Ph.D scholars are routinely harassed. "They are forced to change their topic of research midway. They are unduly delayed, and are failed in examinations and vivas. It is a stressful atmosphere for them." She says her support of Dalit students got her into the bad books of the management. (See Box) There have been many agitations against the management in the past over not filling the Dalit quota and the alleged harassment of Dalit students. Activists say there were even fewer Dalit students and faculty members in the institute some years ago, and it was only because of efforts by parties like Paatali Makkal Katchi (PMK), Dravidar Kazhagam (DK), Viduthalai Chiruthaigal (VC) and Periyar Dravidar Kazhagam (PDK) that the situation improved. In 1996, K. Viswanath, general secretary of the IIT SC/ST Employees Welfare Association, remarked in a letter to the institute's director that the institute was yet to have a professor from the SC/ST community even after 37 years of its existence. There were only two Dalits of the rank of assistant professor and there was just one Dalit scientific officer, he noted.
The PDK is not alone in levelling such charges. Retired ias officer V. Karuppan, who is state convener of the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), recalls that in 2005 a "meritorious" Dalit student was denied admission to the Ph.D course in the Mathematics department. "They didn't call him for an interview initially. But he was asked to appear for the interview after we argued his case with the authorities. But in the interview, they asked him irrelevant questions and failed him," he says. There have been many complaints of discrimination against Dalit students in the campus. The PDK study cites the case of a Dalit student Sujee Teppal, who had scored 94 percent in Maths, Physics, and Chemistry in the public intermediate exam. Sujee had also secured admission in bits, Ranchi and bits, Pilani but chose to attend IIT Madras, where in spite of her meritorious track record she was made to join the mandatory one-year "preparatory course" for Dalit students. According to the PDK study, "at the end of the course in which she only re-learnt her 12th standard syllabus, she was declared failed." The institute refused to reverse its decision in spite of the intervention of the National Commission for SC/ST and the then state SC/ST minister Selvaraj in her favour. Another serious charge against the institute is that successive directors have flouted rules in appointing faculty members, and do not advertise vacancies in newspapers. Former Congress MP Era Anbarasu has brought the issue to the notice of Human Resources Development Minister Arjun Singh in several letters. In the memorandum submitted to the minister on September 2, 2006, he states: "The ambiguity is apparent because even the number of vacancies is not announced. In order to broaden this arbitrariness, applications to the entry level position of assistant professor are invited for all the 15 departments at the same time. Norms and guidelines for selection are wilfully abandoned by the respective departments." Anbarasu wants a high-level committee to probe irregularities in appointments and the violation of reservation policies by the IIT management. He has levelled charges against director MS Ananth, whom he calls a "highly casteist man". He says that disregarding all norms, Ananth has mostly chosen faculty members from his own community of Iyengar Brahmins. Of the six deans in the institute, four are from the Iyengar community. In his memorandum to Singh, Anbarasu has demanded that the present director be replaced with someone from the OBC/SC/ST community as the institute has had only Brahmins as directors so far. "I met the minister (Arjun Singh) three or four times and discussed with him these issues. He promised to order a probe, but nothing has happened till now," he says. A PIL filed by Karuppan last year against the allegedly flawed selection process in IIT Madras was dismissed by the High Court. Karuppan has now filed a review petition. He also met the IIT director along with a senior leader of the CPI to discuss the reservation issue, and says the director told him that no policy of reservation for SC/ST was applicable to IIT Madras. Karuppan says there are several cases pending in courts against the institute's selection and reservation policy. They include writ petitions by the IIT Backward Classes Employees Welfare Association, and the Vanniar Mahasangam. An angry Thol Thirumavalavan, general secretary of the Dalit Panthers of India, says, "Dalits are only working as sweepers and scavengers in the institute". He wants the IIT management to release a white paper containing details of appointments and admissions given to Dalits and OBCs. "The Tamil Nadu government should demand this information from the institute," he says. When Tehelka tried to meet IIT Director MS Ananth to get his views on the allegations against him and the institute, his secretary wanted this correspondent to send a mail stating the purpose for the interview. In the mail to the director, it was stated that the interview was needed "on the issue of SC/ST reservation policy in IIT, Madras." His reaction on Anbarasu's memorandum to the Union hrd minister levelling charges of corruption against him was also sought. However, his secretary said the director was not available for comments. | ||||||||
| Jun 16 , 2007 | ||||||||
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ii) The complainant should disclose his full identity and give his full address. No action will be taken on an unsigned complaint.
122
(iii) Complaints should be legibly written and, where necessary, supported by authenticated documents.
(iv) No action will be taken on matters which are sub judice.
(v) Cases in which a court has already given its final verdict shall not be taken up afresh by the Commission.
6.43 It would be appreciated if the Government of India in the DoPT issue suitable instructions to all the Ministries, Departments and the State Governments that SC/ST employees working in any Government office, PSU, Banks, Universities, autonomous bodies, etc., are permitted to approach the National Commission for SC & ST directly for redress of their service grievances relating to violation of any statutory provision or orders concerning 'reserved quota' or concessions and facilities specifically extended to SC & ST. The Central Ministries, State Governments, etc., may also be informed that any authority or officer involved in serious violation of the Government orders and guidelines could be summoned before the Commission in terms of the powers of Civil Court vested in the Commission, for speedy disposal of the grievances.
Cases of discrimination in the matter of promotion against reserved posts
Punjab State Electricity Board, Patiala
6.44 The Supreme Court of India in the case of reservation for Socially and Educationally Backward Classes as recommended by the Mandal Commission recommended that "Reservation of appointments or posts under Article 16(4) is confined to initial appointment only and cannot extend to providing reservation in the matter of promotions. We direct that our decision on this question shall operate only prospectively and shall not affect promotion already made, whether on temporary, officiating or regular/permanent basis. It is further directed that wherever reservation are already provided in the matter of promotion ...... such reservations shall continue in operation for a period of five years from this day But the Punjab State Electricity Board reportedly stopped implementation of the reservation orders for SC. A Member of Parliament complained to the Commission that even after the Punjab Government clarified that the reserved vacancies would be filled in as per the existing practice, the cases of SC were ignored. The authorities in the PSEB with whom the matter was taken up reported that the name of the petitioner was approved for promotion as XEN alongwith others with effect from 16-8-1993. They
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added that in view of the Supreme Court judgment reservation in promotion was to be reviewed by the Government an incorrect statement, and as such promotion could not be allowed before 3-6-1993 when the Punjab Government clarified that the existing benefit of reservation in promotion for SC/OBC would continue. The action of the PSEB was based on a misconceived notion and could be termed as manipulative against the interests of SC employees in that organisation. The Commission recommends that promotions of the SC officers should be reviewed to allow them the benefit retrospectively from due dates.
India Trade Promotion Organisation
6.45 A Scheduled Caste employee of the India Trade Promotion Organisation represented to the Commission that there were four posts of Deputy Security Officer out of which one was reserved for SC. Two posts were reportedly filled by promoting the two general seniormost Security Assistants who fulfilled all the requirements. The third post was also filled by promoting a general candidate by relaxing the basic qualifications in that case, but the reserved post was kept vacant and no relaxation was allowed in his case till 1988 when the reserved post was abolished. The authorities with whom the case was taken up reported that the DPC held in October 1985 did not recommend the case of the petitioner even on ad hoc basis alongwith the other three, considering his service record and CRs. The authorities, however, considered the case of promotion of the petitioner subsequently soon after the availability of a vacancy of DSO and promoted him against the post with effect from 2-6-1994. The authorities did not agree to review his case for promotion from the earlier date before 1988 when he was eligible against the available reserved post. It is felt that it was a clear case of discrimination against the SC official who could certainly be promoted before the post was abolished in 1988, if not in October 1985. If the authorities could relax even the educational qualification in the case of a general candidate above the petitioner, nothing prevented them from considering the case of the SC official against the reserved post.
Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe Certificates
6.46 The terms Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are Constitutional and legal terms defined in Articles 341 and 342 respectively of the Constitution of India. Under these Articles the President has, with respect to every State and Union Territory and where it is a State after consultation with the Governor of the concerned State, issued orders notifying various castes and tribes as Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes in relation to that
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State or Union Territory from time to time. The SC/ST certificates issued by the competent authorities to SC/ST persons play a vital role in ensuring implementation of Constitutional safeguards in matters like entry into Government services under the Central/State Governments and Public Sector Undertakings, awards of scholarships, admissions to educational institutions including technical and medical colleges against reserved seats, allotment of land, contesting elections to the Lok Sabha and the State Vidhan Sabhas, Municipal Corporations and other local bodies, Gram Panchayats, etc., against reserved seats and for availing of a number of other facilities admissible to such persons.
6.47 As compared to 66 complaints regarding SC/ST certificates received during 1992-93, the Commission received 158 complaints during the year under report from individuals, SC/ST Associations, Public Sector Undertakings and Government Departments regarding validity of the SC/ST certificates of some of the employees/officers appointed against the reserved vacancies. The Commission scrutinised each case on its merits and, as a part of investigation, forwarded the relevant documents alongwith its preliminary comments to the District Magistrate concerned for on-the-spot verification and intimation to the Commission about the validity of the certificate. After getting a report from the District Magistrate the cases were re-examined and the concerned Department/Organisation was advised to initiate action against the employees who fraudulently obtained SC/ST certificates, as per orders issued by the Dept. of Personnel & Training (DoPT) from time to time.
6.48 The documentary evidence available with the Commission revealed that the competent authorities were not taking due care of the check points issued by the ministry of Home Affairs. As a result, a number of non- SC/ST persons availed of the benefit meant for SC & ST. Details of some selected cases dealt with in the Commission may be seen as under:
6.49 Cases of persons not belonging to SC/ST by birth
(1) Two women had obtained Scheduled Tribe certificates as Valmiki from the Tahsildar, Rampachodavaram (Andhra Pradesh) and joined Bharat Heavy Plates and Vessels Ltd. as LDC/Typist. Their certificates were verified by the Collector, East Godavari, Kakinada, who- found them to be Adi Andhra Christians (BC) and cancelled their Scheduled Tribe certificates. The Commission requested BHP&VL, Visakhapatnam, to terminate their services as per Government of India instructions. Information about the action taken by BHP&VL was awaited.
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(2) An employee of the Oriental Insurance Company Ltd. Madras, had got appointment against a reserved vacancy on the basis of a Scheduled Tribe certificate as Konda Reddi issued by the Tahsildar, Ellavaram, Fast Godavari District (Andhra Pradesh). The certificate was cancelled by the ADM, Kakinada, who mentioned in his findings that the caste mentioned in the school leaving certificate should not be considered as the basis for an SC/ST certificate. The Commission advised the Oriental Insurance Company Ltd. to terminate his services. Their report was awaited.
(3) A person, resident of Katihar (Bihar) belonging to sudi (Vaishya) caste obtained a Scheduled Caste certificate in the name of Turi, and was allotted an IBP agency of kerosene oil reserved for the Scheduled Castes. On scrutiny of the documents received through the IBP Company it was found that the SC certificate had been Issued by the District Welfare Officer who was not a competent authority to issue SC/ST certificates for the purposes of the Central Government/Central PSUs. The IBPC was asked to furnish reasons for accepting the Scheduled Caste certificate not issued by a competent authority. The Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas was also requested to take action against the officer who violated the procedure laid down by the Government of India and accepted the Scheduled Caste certificate. Information about the action taken by the IBPC and the Ministry of Petroleum & Natural Gas was awaited.
(4) A person belonging to Kangra District (Himachal. Pradesh) joined Coast Guard as a Navik on the basis of a false Scheduled Caste certificate as Kabirpanthi issued by the Executive Magistrate, Dehra. His caste status was got verified through the Deputy Commissioner, Kangra, who reported that the Navik belonged to Girth community and not to Kabirpanthi caste (SC). The Commission wrote to the Deputy Commissioner, Kangra, Dharamshala, to cancel the Scheduled Caste certificate under intimation to the Commission as well as the Director General, Coast Guard Hqs., New Delhi. Information about the action taken was awaited.
(5) Three employees had obtained Scheduled Caste certificates as Adi-Dravida from Tahsildar, Purasawalkam- Perambur, Madras (Tamil Nadu), on the basis of their forged school admission forms in the years 1984, 1985 and 1986 respectively and joined the Government Medical Stores Depot, Ministry of Health & Family Welfare, Govt. of India, Madras, against vacancies reserved for the Scheduled Castes. Their cases were referred to the District Collector, Madras, who after verification cancelled all these certificates on 26-3-1992 on the ground that these incumbents did not belong to Adi-Dravida
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community and had obtained the certificates with fabricated and false records with malafide intention. The Commission requested the Asst. Director General, Govt. Medical Stores Depot, Madras, to terminate their services. A report was awaited.
(6) A Tax Assistant, Income-tax Office, Salem (Tamil Nadu), had neither claimed ST status nor submitted any ST certificate either at the time of entry into service or that of promotion. But his son and daughter got admission in Alagappa Govt. Arts College, Karaikudi, PMT District, and Medical College, Thanjavur, respectively on the basis of Scheduled Tribe certificates as Paniyan issued by the Tahsildar, Karaikudi, PMT District (renamed from PMR district). The District Collector, PMT District, was requested to verify the said certificates. A reply was awaited.
(7) An Assistant Teacher, Cantonment Board, Varanasi (Uttar Pradesh), had got appointment against a vacancy reserved for the Scheduled Castes. It was alleged that he was ordinarily a resident of Varanasi District and belonged to Bharbhuja caste (OBC) but he had produced a Scheduled Caste certificate as Gond. In fact, Gonds of Sonbhadra District and Bundelkhand Division of U.P. were notified as a Scheduled Caste. The Commission asked the Executive Officer, Cantonment Board, Varanasi, to furnish copies of the attestation form and the SC certificate submitted by the teacher. A reply was awaited.
(8) A person belonging to Aligarh District (Uttar Pradesh) was declared successful by the UPSC in the Combined Engineering Services Examination 1981, against the reserved quota on the basis of a Scheduled Caste certificate as Karwal. He got appointment in Indian Railways Stores Services. His caste status was got verified through the District Magistrate, Aligarh, who intimated that the officer belonged to Aheria caste which was not notified as a Scheduled Caste in U.P. The Commission advised the District Magistrate, Aligarh, to cancel the Scheduled Caste certificate issued in his favour. After protracted correspondence the District Magistrate informed the Commission that the officer had filed a writ petition in CAT, Calcutta Branch. The Commission requested the GM, Eastern Railway, Calcutta, to furnish a copy of the writ petition for perusal of the Commission. The Secretary, Railway Board, was also requested to direct the GM, ER, to make the documents available on priority basis. The matter was pending with the Indian Railways.
(9) A Junior Technical Assistant belonging to Agra District (Uttar Pradesh) was appointed on 30-6-1976 as a general candidate and also got first promotion to the next post in the Uttar Pradesh State Warehousing Corporation.
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He was promoted as Warehousing Manager against a vacancy reserved for the Scheduled Castes. it was alleged that he belonged to Gaderia caste (OBC) but managed to obtain a Scheduled Caste certificate as Dhangar. The Commission requested the UPSWC to get the SC certificate verified from the District Magistrate, Agra. The UPSWC intimated that they had taken up the matter with the District Magistrate, Agra, with whom it was pending. Despite a reminder a final report was awaited from the Corporation.
(10) A resident of Moradabad District (Uttar Pradesh) was appointed in the office of the District Election Officer, Meerut, as a general category candidate but later on he produced a Scheduled Caste certificate issued by the Tahsildar, Meerut, in the name of 'Turiah' caste. It was alleged that he belonged to Dhiwar community which was not notified as a Scheduled Caste in U.P. The ADM, Meerut, subsequently intimated that the Tahsildar, Meerut, was asked to investigate. The investigation report was yet to be recieved.
(11) A lady joined the Hindustan Fertilizer Corporation of India Ltd., Durgapur Unit (West Bengal), in 1973 as an LDC against a vacancy reserved for the Scheduled Castes on the basis of a Scheduled Caste certificate as Namasudra issued by the SDO, Durgapur, on 12-1-1973. Verification of her caste status was referred to the SDO, Durgapur, by the CBI, Calcutta. On 31-10-1988 the SDO, Durgapur, directed the Officer-in-Charge, Kanksa P.S., to register a criminal case against her u/s 193, 199 and 471 IPC as she belonged to Saha community and not to Namasudra (SC). on the basis of the findings of the CBI the HFC chargesheeted her in 1990 and awarded punishment on 1-6-1992 as "reduction to two lower stages in the time scale for one year" which is contrary to the Government of India instructions that "if in any particular case the verification reveals that the candidate's claim is false, his services should be terminated". The Commission advised HFC, Durgapur, to initiate action as per Government instructions. A reply was awaited.
6.50 Cases of SC/ST certificates in the names of communities not included in the lists of SC/ST of the concerned State
(1) A Medical Officer at the PHC, Ballumath, Palamu District (Bihar), had allegedly got admission in the MBBS course by producing a Scheduled Caste certificate in the name of 'Choapal' community which was actually not included in the list of the Scheduled Castes of Bihar. The Director, Health Services, was requested to furnish the Scheduled Caste certificate and the attestation form of the said officer but the same were not received despite repeated reminders.
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(2) A person of Vaishali District (Bihar) appeared at an interview for direct recruitment in the grade of Senior Field Assistant (Stores) in the Cabinet Secretariat, Govt. of India, against vacancies reserved for the Scheduled Castes. He produced a Scheduled Caste certificate bearing No.125 dated 19-5-1992 issued by the SDM, Hazipur, to the effect that that person belonged to Gwala caste which was a Scheduled Caste in the State of Bihar. The Commission advised the Cabinet Secretariat to reject the invalid Scheduled Caste certificate as Gwala caste was not notified as a Scheduled Caste in Bihar and also requested the Chief Secretary, Government of Bihar, to initiate action against the officer who had issued the certificate and also against the person who deliberately obtained a false Scheduled Caste certificate. Replies were awaited.
http://www.education.nic.in/cd50years/g/S/I6/0SI60604.htm
People's Democracy(Weekly Organ of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) | Vol. XXVI No. 10 March 10,2002 |
Madrasa Education: Present Scenario & The Muslim Community
Moinul Hassan
RECENTLY a debate on madrasas and Madrasa education has cropped up in West Bengal. It has grabbed the frontlines in both the press and electronic media. In the context of complex incidents in recent times, some significant comments related to madrasas made by our chief minister ignited the debate. He spoke not only on madrasa education, but simultaneously put forward deeper issues like expansion of modern education among the Muslim community; modernisation of madrasa education; progress among the Muslims and their role; as well the fight against divisive trends and maintaining the unity of our country. But those significant opinions did not get mention in the mainstream media, as they do not go well with the recipe of crispy news that the voices of the central home minister and the chief minister of our state sound similar. Before looking at the debate I would first like to discuss some relevant themes.
ISLAM AND EDUCATION
Education has always received great weightage in the Islam religion. The religion emerged in the barren Arabian lands which were both culturally and socially backward. Thus education was put forward as the lamp to illumine darkness. The main theological text is the Koran, where the word 'llam' is used, which means knowledge. It is the second largest word used in the Koran. There it is suggested going to China so as to acquire knowledge.
Hazrat Muhammad won the war of "Badar", and to many this saved Islam. There were many captives in this war who were freed on different conditions. One such condition was that if a prisoner could educate ten Muslims he would be with emancipation. Muhammad expressed this in different language, that the ink from the pen of a knowledgeable person is even purer than the blood of a martyr.
The suggestion to go to China to acquire knowledge, or to get educated from non-Muslim prisoners obviously implied no inclination to religious teachings. Rather, Islam essentially, in several ways, directs acquiring knowledge of the world and modern education. During the period of expansion of the Islam religion it was staked, that there should be no room for long quarrels and hatred in this religion. Restraint, sympathy forgiveness, justice according to law, friendship and harmony are the basic tenets of Islam, whose propagation is compulsory.
MADRASA EDUCATION: PAST & PRESENT
The Muslim population numbers more than a hundred crore across the world. It is too difficult to specifically assess the number of madrasas spread over different countries, but definitely they number some lakhs. India ranks third, after Indonesia and Pakistan in terms of Muslim population. Here also there is a long tradition of madrasa education. Without going into the historical details I would rather try to focus on the present controversy in our state.
In this state the Muslim minorities accounts for twenty-one per cent of the population. Institutes like madrasas emerged as a historical necessity. The intention was expressed quite explicity in 1780, when the Alia Madrasa College, Calcutta was established "to promote the study of the Arabic and Persian languages and Mohammedan law, with a view more especially to the production of qualified officers for the court of justice." People capable of reading and explaining the book of law written in Farsi was an urgent need and Warren Hestings, responded to the demand of a section of Muslims to establish a Madrasa college. A Sanskrit college also received British patronage for similar reasons. So it is a fact that studies in both Hindu and Muslim theology received British favour. For the two successive centuries of the Imperial age there was no exception to the above mentioned fact.
SYLLABI PURSUED
Now, we should take note of the syllabus pursued in madrasa educaion. Madrasa is an Arabic word which means an educational institution. In essence madrasa has nothing to do with studies in theology.
Maktab
is a Farsi word which also means an educational institution. But from the beginning, not in our country alone, but throughout the world, studies in Islamic theology have always been incorporated in madrasa education. It would be better to confine our discussion on madrasa education specifically to our state, where it has undergone a long history of different phases, and ups and downs.
Broadly speaking, there are three types of madrasas in West Bengal – high madrasa, senior madrasa and khariji madrasa. The first two categotries comprising nearly about five hundred institutes, are registered with the West Bengal Madrasa Board. Many do not know that the syllabus in high madrasas is no longer in its initial form. Mathematics, Social Science, Geography, all are taught, in concurrence with those of schools under the Madhyamik Board. Though negligible in number , some madrasas have also introduced computer studies. Arabic, as a classical language is taught on a large scale which creates additional pressure on students of madrasas.
In senior madrasa – English, Mathematics, History and Geography are taught to a comparatively lesser extent and studies in Islamic theology get the greatest weightage.
According to a government order passing in Alis and Fasil should be treated equivalent to Madhyamik and Graduate levels respectively. How much this is recognised in practice is a different question.
Khariji madrasa, where only Islamic theology is taught are not recognised by the Madrasa Board. It is difficult to count their exact number, but no doubt this number is on the issue.
We should consider the social perspective in the establishment of high and senior madrassas. They emerged after independence in Muslim-populated areas with patronage from different political parties. At that time it was easier to get recognition, and moreover, at the primary level they received funds from Zakat-e-Fitra. To many it may seem a religious act, providing employment to Muslim students as well. Quest of knowledge and employment of Muslims are the less major reasons for establishing madrasa. Students passing from the senior madrasa expected prestigious jobs, but since this materialised only for a few, the rest either became priests (Maulabi) in mosques or teachers in the khariji madrasas and delivered speeches in religious gatherings throughout the year. These acts still have relevance in society and the system runs smoothly.
Some people argue that if general schools are available everywhere there is no need of madrasas for Muslims. This is not completely true because in many villages both madhyamik schools and madrasas co-exist with sufficient number of students attending both. The reasons for establishing madrasas were altogether different. There are also examples where the children of a person who pioneered a madrasa, didn't go to his father's institute but got educated elsewhere and then joined madrasa as a teacher.
Needless to say the syllabus should be further modernised, a point which I have mentioned at the outset. There has been some revision in the syllabus of high and senior madrasas, and more would be done. The main question is how much weightage should be given on teaching Arabic and whether it should be taught as a classical language.
In general, the point is of acquainting the Muslim community, what constitutes one-fifth of the total population in one state, with Muslim theology.
THE CONSTITUTION & RIGHTS OF MINORITIES
There has been a series of debates and discussions among the proponents of our constitution on the rights of minorities in independent India, and how to defend them, which culminated in the present state of our understanding. Even then hundreds of cases related to the issue were brought up in different courts and resolved through specific judgements.
Regarding the freedom of adhering to different religious beliefs our Constitution says "Subject to public order, morality and health and to other provisions of this part, all persons are equally entitled to freedom of conscience and the right to freely profess, practice and propagate religion." [Article 25 (1)]
In the context of rights of minorities on the question of establishing and managing educational institutions, it is said "All minorities, whether based on religion or language, shall have the right to establish and administer educational institutions of their choice." [Article 30 (1)]
A direction to all governments is given in this regard "The state shall not, in granting aid to educational institutions, discriminate against any educational institution on the ground that it is under the management of a minority, whether based on religion or language." [Article 30 (2)]
LEFT FRONT GOVT. & MADRASA EDUCATION
There is a concerted campaign that the Left Front government intends to close down madrasas. It has been suggested that it will close down illegal madrasas. But why only madrasas, any government has the right to close any illegal institution. If we concretely assess the situation of Madrasa education in West Bengal during the Left Front regime we see that the reality is quite contrary to the false campaign.
The number of madrasas is more than five hundred. The number of madrasas established during the period of Left Front governance is even greater than that which emerged in the centuries following its inception.
Teachers of high and senior madrasas no longer depend upon the funds from Zakat-e-Fitra but received monthly salaries from the government treasury like others. New teachers with higher qualification are being selected for madrasas through the School Service Commission without any consideration of religious beliefs. In the last budget the Left Front government allocated Rs 120 crore for Madrasa education.
All these measures are exceptional. Moreover, enormous change has been made in the syllabus which received support from the Muslim community as well. It is the Left Front that has uplifted madrasas from the status of mere 'factories producing mullahs', and integrated them with the mainstream of educational process. Further change is necessary and the government intends to bring about this.
The chief minister talked about this modernisation which is in concurrence with the directives of Islam. Some sceptics view this as a move to aim minorities votes but it needs to be mentioned that no development or progress is possible keeping twenty one per cent of the population in the dark and out of the mainstream.
SOME ISOLATED EXPERIENCE
The Constitution has provided the minorities the right to establish institutes to teach theology. Since there is no need for recognition by the government, it is difficult of know their exact number. There is no doubt that this number is increasing. There is nothing wrong if the government wants to enumerate the madrasas or appoints any agency to survey them, rather it is a necessary exercise for all religious institutions.
Even in remote villages khariji madrasas have large establishments with no lack of funds, while the primary school may not have a roof. Will this go in favour of Muslim community? Only khariji madrasas will receive funds from the Zakat-e-Fitra why not the high madrasa and primary schools? When these questions are raised it is completely irrational and meaningless to allege that this raises doubts about the patriotic feelings of Muslims.
No one can state that teaching in khariji madrasas is modern enough; no one can deny at the same time that modern education is essential for Muslims as well. To take up an attitude of fierce competition, would be detrimental to the Muslims community. If funds flow to khariji madrasas instead of primary schools the whole community will lag behind, lose relevance in social process, and the quest of knowledge much advocated in Islam would be placed out of gear. Where newly constructed khariji madrasas or mosques are breeding anti-nationalists rebels, or instilling terrorism, that should be identified and judged according to the court of law.
There is no question of this. Terrorism is an identifiable phenomenon, which emerged in a definite historical perspective. When mass uprisings and a communist movement threatened the status quo in Muslim countries, terrorism was created and fueled by imperialist forces as an antidote. The imperialist-backed terrorist outfits in Indonesia, Sudan, Iraq, Afghanistan are witness to this fact. Imperialism has the same intention also in this question.
Recently in a speech president of Pakistan, General Musharraf, expressed concern on the need for modernisation of madrasa education, and integrating it in the mainstream, registering all madrasas, and imposed restrictions on the registration of new madrasas. Political and separatist activities centering in madrasas and mosques have been declared illegal.
Not only in West Bengal, but throughout the world progressive people should come forward in this regard. The problem is more acute in border areas. In those fringe areas we may find a popular Imam who has been propagating religious teaching for several years, but a little enquiry reveals that he is a citizen of Bangladesh, and does not possess permission to reside in our country. He may be respectable person but how can one deny the fact that his residing in India is illegal.
Some people say, let us know where such alien campaigns are going on and identify them, then we will take steps. This approach is too childish. It is the responsibility of the government to take steps, and if this is not done everyone will criticise the government? But the government is not talking about taking steps presently as the situation is not severe. We also have to keep in mind that the ISI network is very active in these areas, and they are using some institutions as their centres of activity. It is quite impossible to assess what contribution this large number of khariji madrasas in our country actually make the progress of the Muslim community, but this is definite, that the gains of development in this society are not due to khariji madrasas. Then what is wrong if restrictions are imposed for at least some time, on the establishment of new madrasas! The need for Maullavis and Maulanas in Muslim community will not be hampered in the least by that. Rather if the funds allotted for these are channelled to Muslim areas for expansion of education and other development works, this would ultimately help the minority community to come forward. The Left Front government is committed to render all support in this manner.
Finally I underscore the fact that ultimately national security is always top priority and it can be ensured only by the people of a country. No compromises can be made in this regard. On the question of national security, unity of the people, independent of caste, creed and religion, is more important than increasing the deployment of armies on the borders. Both Hindu and Muslim fundamentalism, backed by imperialist forces, pose a serious threat to the national security of our country, and we should face the challenge, rising above all sectarian views.
BOOKS
Political pragmatist
V. VENKATESAN
| The book analyses Rajaji's role in Indian politics and says it deserves more serious consideration. |
The idea of conscience involves some degree of sincerity with which one examines the moral credentials of his or her wants, omissions and commissions. Psychologists say feelings of remorse, shame, dismay, torment or guilt are major elements of a `functioning conscience'. Simply put, it is an individual's system of moral values, the sense of right and wrong in his or her conduct.
THE term "conscience-keeper" refers to a person whom an individual listens to when in doubt about moral values but not necessarily agrees with. Conscience-keepers thus seek to guide but keep a respectful distance from the individuals or the systems involved in decision-making. They often think differently from the latter on the moral content of issues, and disagree with the individuals or the systems concerned either in public or in private, giving them the option to choose between two competing values.
There are many references to such conscience-keepers in contemporary Indian politics. Jayaprakash Narayan played the role of the conscience-keeper of the Janata Party government at the Centre in the late 1970s. V.P. Singh was described as the conscience-keeper of the United Front government in the mid-1990s. N. Chandrababu Naidu exercised his prerogative as a conscience-keeper of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government by extending support to it from outside. Some observers have recently credited Rahul Gandhi with playing such a role for the second United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. Governors and Presidents have been called conscience-keepers of the state, especially those not belonging to the party in power.
It will be interesting to know why and when Mahatma Gandhi called C. Rajagopalachari, or Rajaji, his conscience-keeper. No other Indian leader has described a contemporary as his or her conscience-keeper. The publishers of Vasanthi Srinivasan's book appear to have borrowed the phrase from the popular perception of Rajaji for the purpose of its title even though the focus of her research is on his contribution to Indian politics both before and after Independence. A Reader in Political Science, University of Hyderabad, Vasanthi Srinivasan received the second New India Foundation Fellowship in 2005 for writing the book under review. She has not dwelt on the occasion when Gandhi actually used this label to describe one of his close associates. But historical nuggets such as this sometimes help us understand the contribution made by individual leaders better than serious biographies.
Gandhi was overscrupulous in subjecting his conscience to self-scrutiny whenever he confronted a moral doubt in his personal and public life. He called Rajaji his conscience-keeper only once. That was in May 1933. Gopalkrishna Gandhi, West Bengal Governor and editor of an excellent anthology of Gandhi's writings, in response to my specific query, furnished this information through historian Ramachandra Guha. In her preface, the author of the book under review too makes a reference to the remark made by Gandhi.
In September 1932, Mahatma Gandhi went on a fast for seven days, which resulted in the Poona Pact. The fast was meant to urge caste Hindus to give up untouchability so that B.R. Ambedkar could be persuaded to give up his demand for separate electorates for Dalits.
In May 1933, Gandhi undertook a 21-day fast as he was shocked by the increasing evidence of insincerity or moral lapses on the part of workers engaged in "Harijan" service. Attributing their weakness to imperfection in himself, Gandhi undertook the fast to make himself, through prayerful communion with God, a worthier instrument of service. The announcement of the fast led to appeals from his admirers and well-wishers to abandon the idea. The British authorities released him from prison fearing he may die while in custody.
It was on the eve of this fast that Gandhi referred to Rajaji as the keeper of his conscience. Rajaji had sent him a long telegram attacking the very basis of his fast (Harijan, 6-5-1933). (See Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol. LV, Chapter 125, pages 120-122.) It is not known what Rajaji had written in that telegram, but Gandhi apparently ignored his and others' appeal to give up the fast. Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi (Vol. LV - April 23 to September 15, 1933; Publications Division, Government of India, 1973), in Appendix IV, includes Gandhi's talk with Rajaji on May 4, 1933, as translated from Gujarati. During this talk, Rajaji made a number of reasoned arguments to persuade Gandhi to give up his fast, which he called unscientific. But Gandhi was adamant and fielded every objection advanced by Rajaji.
It requires some effort to understand why Gandhi might have considered Rajaji his conscience-keeper, especially when the latter considered Gandhi his master or mentor. Vasanthi Srinivasan mentions that Gandhi conceived of the first nationwide satyagraha against the Rowlatt Act after he visited Rajaji in Madras (now Chennai) in 1919. A dream he had when he stayed at Rajaji's house led to the conception of the satyagraha; a sheer coincidence and not a result of any dialogue with Rajaji. But this itself does not explain why Rajaji was considered his conscience-keeper.
It is possible that Gandhi considered Rajaji his conscience-keeper because of the latter's questioning spirit, which had many a times moulded Gandhi's opinion on men and matters.
In 1927, Gandhi said in Karaikudi that Rajaji was his "only possible successor". He was to revise this view later in favour of Jawaharlal Nehru. Rajmohan Gandhi, a biographer of both Gandhi and Rajaji, mentions that Rajaji's lack of proficiency in Hindi, the marriage in 1933 between Rajaji's daughter Lakshmi and Gandhi's youngest son, Devdas Gandhi, and the growing differences between Rajaji and himself were the reasons for Gandhi's decision to avoid naming Rajaji. Gandhi probably did not wish to invite the charge of nepotism.
Gandhi with Rajaji at the Basin Bridge railway platform, near Chennai, before his departure for Wardha by the Grand Trunk Express in 1940.
Explaining the differences that cropped up between the two leaders, the author begins with Gandhi's offer of unconditional assistance to the British during the First World War, when he thought the empire was good, whereas Rajaji wanted to offer only conditional assistance. At the time of the Second World War, Gandhi insisted that non-violence was the only way to combat aggression, including that of Hitler. Here, he was in a minority. In 1940, as the war intensified, Rajaji persuaded the Congress Working Committee to depart from the position of the Mahatma – who was set on civil disobedience – and pass a resolution that the Congress would prosecute the War as an ally if Britain granted freedom after the War and if an all-party government were formed right away.
Gandhi's argument was that even if the British were to succeed with violence, they would be no better than Hitler; and that non-violence would be more effective against a Japanese invasion than armed resistance. The British, however, rejected Rajaji's proposition and the Congress quickly went back to the Mahatma's guidance. Rajaji agreed with Gandhi that the world should abolish wars and move towards peace but the path to it was to be found in education in the highest sense, in international cooperation, and not in "finding alternative weapons to defeat one another's ambitions and aims".
Rajaji was the principal associate of Gandhi who lived the longest after Gandhi's assassination. Those who wish to know whether Rajaji would have continued to play the role of Gandhi's conscience-keeper had Gandhi been alive for a longer period will find the book useful. Vasanthi Srinivasan says that taking India's border conflict with China in 1962 as an example, Rajaji asserted that non-violence was not an absolute value. Rajaji argued that Gandhi did not advocate a pacifism that rejected national borders and that he actually preferred armed resistance for good causes when there was no reasonable chance for non-violent resistance.
Vasanthi Srinivasan says that Gandhi may have questioned this interpretation. According to her, Rajaji did not share Gandhi's holistic approach that looked to religion for both the form and content of politics. Rajaji was more tuned to the fact that political contingencies may call for choosing the lesser evil and waiting for opportune moments to push for the greater good.
In the context of the storm created by Jaswant Singh's recent book on Jinnah, it may be of interest to reflect on Rajaji's formula of self-determination for select Muslim-majority provinces, and for facilitating the historic Gandhi-Jinnah talks in 1944, which led to great excitement then. (Incidentally, Jaswant Singh has said that his next book will be on Rajaji.)
When Rajaji asked Gandhi to accept the demand for Pakistan even if he did not believe in it, because Jinnah would later on realise the disadvantages of Pakistan and forgo the demand, Gandhi said:
"It is not fair to accept as true a thing which I hold to be untrue and ask others to do so in the belief that the demand will not be pressed when the time comes for settling it finally. If I hold the demand to be just, I should concede it this very day. I should not agree to it merely in order to placate Jinnah Saheb...."
The Rajaji formula
According to Vasanthi Srinivasan, more than making a "false promise", as Gandhi put it, Rajaji was exploring another strand of Gandhi's practice, one that tries to melt and persuade an opponent through reasonable and sporting offers. Rajaji, she says, thought that the core of Gandhi's philosophy was that there was no limit to what friendliness can achieve, a difficult ideal in practical politics. If Rajaji struggled to work out a compromise with the British and the Muslim League so that India could honourably participate in the War and resist Japanese aggression when necessary, it was because he took practical politics even more seriously than moral idealism, she writes.
Interestingly, the conscience-keeper in Rajaji managed to persuade a reluctant Gandhi to return to negotiation after the Quit India Movement and agree to his formula of self-determination for select Muslim-majority provinces, which Gandhi had, in principle, refused to endorse in 1942. The Rajaji formula, articulated in 1943, required the Muslim League to cooperate with the Congress in forming a provisional national government, in return for which the Congress would abide by a plebiscite on the question of Pakistan to be held in contiguous Muslim-majority districts in the north-west and the east after the transfer of power. In the event of separation, mutual agreements for safeguarding defence, commerce, communications and other essential purposes would be entered into.
As one perceptive observer at that time put it, "it [the formula] expressed Rajaji's belief that Pakistan was not possible but if Hindus conceded it, the Muslims will in time cease to want it." Gandhi was persuaded to accept the viability of the formula and it was referred to Jinnah, who rejected it, aiming at a larger territory than what it offered. Curiously, however, Jinnah had to accept the final Partition in 1947, with territorial division almost similar to the Rajaji formula. The importance of the book lies in establishing a link between Rajaji's pre-Independence views on Pakistan and his post-Independence plea for a joint defence pact with Pakistan in response to an offer in this regard from Pakistan in 1959. Nehru rebuffed the offer saying "joint defence against whom". Vasanthi Srinivasan says that the Chinese gave an unforgettable answer to the rhetorical question in October 1962. Rajaji persisted with his proposal for joint defence even after India's war with Pakistan in 1964.
The author quotes Monica Felton, a contemporary biographer of Rajaji (I Meet Rajaji; 1962), that Rajaji had recalled that Jinnah had the least objection to it when he rejected the Rajaji formula. Rajaji had outlined the components of such a pact in an article in Swarajya on November 13, 1965.
As the author mentions in her preface, Rajaji articulated how the Mahatma's ideas and practices could be reconciled with the needs and aspirations of a modern nation-state in a manner and ideological orientation strikingly different from that of Nehru. Consequently, in the post-Independence period, she says, Rajaji found himself saying no many more times than he had done with the Mahatma.
Drawing upon his voluminous political writing, Vasanthi Srinivasan analyses Rajaji's views on democracy, free enterprise, the market economy, foreign policy and social diversity. She argues that a principled statesmanship, which balanced individual freedom and civic virtues, lay at the root of Rajaji's political vision. Courage and moderation were the hallmarks of his approach to politics. She refuses to accept the label of a conservative to describe Rajaji and instead calls him a theocentric liberal. She laments that Rajaji's political contributions have been pretty much treated like chutney on a leaf, to be tasted or left alone by scholars of Indian political thought.
The book deserves appreciation for rediscovering that neglected flavour and assessing its impact in the context of politics and life in India.
| |
| WHODUNNIT - History has a habit of revising itself now and then | |
| ASHOK MITRA | |
Crying over spilt milk or over who had spilled it more than six decades after the event is, according to one view, a sure sign of decadence. To compare the partitioning of the country and the grisly, tragic consequences thereof with spilt milk, others will say, is offensive to the limit. Whatever that be, the ripples caused by Jaswant Singh's otherwise-pedestrianly-written book will not easily subside; the publishers are still minting money. Spice has been added to the proceedings by the happenstance of transferred zeal. It is the Congress, and not the Bharatiya Janata Party, which should have exploded with anger over Jaswant Singh's holding Jawaharlal Nehru primarily responsible for the creation of Pakistan. To Congressmen, the charge is nothing less than lése majestè. How unfair, they were not allowed the pleasure of expelling the blackguard, he was not a member of their party. The BJP, however, swung into action, but not because the Jodhpur princeling traduced Nehru. That was all right. He had no business though, the Hindutva school of thought will argue, to bracket, along with Nehru, the great Sardar from Karamsat. Public memory is short; political parties too go through mutation. Big chunks of the ideological descendants of Vallabhbhai Patel moved away from the Congress even as the Nehru-Gandhis were taking over the party, lock, stock and barrel. They now constitute Narendra Modi's hardcore constituency. There was actually no greater preacher of Hindu revivalism than Kanhaiya Lal Munshi, Patel's close mentor and immediate successor as Union home minister. Jaswant Singh was most indiscreet; he had to be sent to the gallows. Thanks to his indiscretion, an occasion has at least arisen to revisit some old myths. One such is that the Congress had all along envisaged free India as a federal entity where residual powers will repose with the federating units. In the party's early phase, its leaders, of course, used to gush along these lines. Even the 1942 Quit India resolution spoke of an India which, once rid of alien rulers, will emerge as an arcadia of a federation; the residual powers were to rest with the provinces, the Centre will only enjoy powers delegated to it. There is such a thing as appearance's sake. For, simultaneously, the Empire of India the British had set up, stretching from the borders of Burma at one end to those of Afghanistan at the other, bewitched the English-educated affluent gentlemen who led the Congress since it founding. The mystique and majesty of the imperium — the concentration of all authority in the hands of the viceroy and governor-general representing the Crown —bowled them over. They were determined to inherit that majesty, in toto; transfer of power by the British meant acquiring the prerogative to govern the country entirely according to their own lights. They had a further aspiration: the administrative system of post-independent India should be the mirror image of the Congress's organizational structure, where decision-making was concentrated in the hands of the cabal designated as the working committee. Members of this committee loved to call themselves the Congress high command; independent India, too, should be ruled by such a mightily high command. The 1940 Cabinet Mission's plan for a three-tier federation —provinces, groups and the Centre — was, therefore, a big letdown for the Congress leadership. This was not what it wanted. The proposal to have groups at the intermediate level of administration left Congress leaders cold. Besides, all subjects other than foreign affairs, defence and communications were to be vested with the provinces. It was explicitly stated that the provinces would retain all powers and jurisdictions other than those credited to the Union. While the details of the arrangements were to be worked out by a constituent assembly, it was understood that it must adhere to the broad scheme outlined in the Cabinet Mission plan. The provinces were to be arranged into three groups: A) consisting of the then existing provinces of Madras, Bombay, the United Provinces, the Central Provinces, Bihar and Orissa; B) tucking in Sind, Punjab and the North-West Frontier Province; and, finally, C) to consist of Bengal and Sind. Any province could, by a majority vote in its legislature, move out of the group it was assigned to, but only after an initial period of 10 years and at 10-yearly intervals thereafter. The Cabinet Mission did not concede Mohammad Ali Jinnah his Pakistan. But what he got was enough; he was sure of controlling Group B and reasonably confident about Group C. He accepted the plan; his sole reservation was regarding the composition of the interim government where he demanded parity of representation with the Congress. The Congress leadership, on the other hand, hemmed and hawed. Yes, formally the integrity of India was preserved. There was to be a Union government over which the Congress would presumably be able to establish command. But it would be in exclusive charge in only three spheres: foreign affairs, defence and communications, with powers to raise finances to the extent the compliance of responsibility in these spheres called for. The grandeur of the imperium was sadly missing. Apprehension overtook the Congress 'High Command': the chances were that Groups B and C would always be dominated by the Muslim League which was bound to create problems, one after another, for the Union. The prospects need not have been that bleak. The speculation was that Group C, comprising Bengal and Assam, consisted of almost the same number of non-Muslims as Muslims. That apart, given the class character of the League leadership and the nature of issues that were of central concern to the Muslim masses in both Bengal and Assam, the Muslim League could only hope to have a tenuous hold on Group C. Had the Congress not spurned in 1937 the invitation from A.K. Fazlul Huq to join the Krishak Praja Party and form a coalition government in Bengal, the League might have never gained a foothold in that province. But the Congress leaders had reached their decision. Over a period of 15-odd months they engaged in interminable sessions with British minister and the viceroy over the interpretation of this or that clause in the Cabinet Mission Plan. A great quantity of the discussions centred around the proviso which allowed a province to opt out of the group to which it originally belonged after a time span of 10 years. The Congress insisted on the option being made available from the very beginning; they were anxious, to rescue the North-West Frontier Province — then under Congress rule largely because of the charisma of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan — from the clutches of Jinnah. While the ping-pong game of talks and yet more talks was going on, a press interview by Jawaharlal Nehru put the fat in the fire: the Congress, he hinted, might use its clout in the constituent assembly to ignore the directive of the Cabinet Mission in the matter. The Muslim League was furious, Jinnah went back to his demand for Pakistan. The Direct Action resolution and the Great Calcutta Killings, followed by even more frightening mayhem, vitiated the air. Patience wore thin on all sides. An exhausted Wavell was replaced as viceroy by get-down-to-business Mountbatten. Nehru and Patel agreed that, notwithstanding Mahatma Gandhi, they would be satisfied with a truncated India if that would deliver them from Jinnah. They thereby reneged from their earlier pledge to stand by Frontier Gandhi and his khudai-khidmadgars. What was, at the moment, of immensely greater importance to them was the establishment of a free India with a firm central authority and no nuisance of groups challenging that authority. The Congress leaders got their imperium — even though reduced in scale — and Mohammed Ali Jinnah got his Pakistan, which coupled Groups B and C with some modifications. But Group C did not stay with Pakistan. It emerged as Bangladesh within a quarter of a century. History has, seemingly, a habit of now and then revising itself. |
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1090925/jsp/opinion/story_11540148.jsp
Hindi–Urdu controversy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Status change of languages Urdu replaces Persian 1837 Hindi and Urdu granted equal status 1900 Hindi replaces Urdu 1950
The Hindi-Urdu controversy is an ongoing dispute—dating back to the 19th century—regarding the establishment of a single standard language in certain areas of north and northwestern India; while the debate was officially settled by government order in 1950, some resistance remains.
Hindi belongs to the Indo-Aryan language family spoken by about 41% of people in modern North and Central India. Urdu also belongs to the Indo-Aryan family of languages. It began to take shape during the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 AD) and Mughal Empire (1526–1858 AD) in South Asia.[1] The British East India company replaced Persian with Urdu in Perso-Arabic script as the official language of Hindi-speaking Northern provinces of modern day India in addition to English.
The last few decades of the nineteenth century witnessed the beginning of the flaring-up of the Hindi-Urdu controversy in North-Western provinces and Oudh with Hindi and Urdu protagonists advocating the official use of Hindi with Nagari script and Urdu with Persian script respectively. Hindi movements advocating the growth of and official status for Hindi were established in Northern India and Babu Shiva Prasad and Madan Mohan Malaviya were notable early proponents. This, in turn, led to the development of Urdu movements defending Urdu's official status; Syed Ahmed Khan was one of its noted advocates.
In 1900, the Government issued a decree granting symbolic equal status to both Hindi and Urdu which was opposed by Urdu speakers and received with jubilance by Hindi speakers. Both Hindi and Urdu continued diverging linguistically with Hindi drawing words from Sanskrit and Urdu from Arabic, Persian and Turkish. Gradually, the controversy took on a communal form as Urdu came to be seen as the language of Muslims and Hindi of Hindus. Deploring this Hindu-Muslim divide, Gandhi proposed merging Hindi and Urdu written in either Nagari or Persian script which he termed Hindustani. Bolstered by the support received by Congress and various leaders involved in the Indian Independence Movement including non-Hindi speakers, Hindi in Devanagari script eventually replaced Urdu as the official language of India during the institution of the Indian constitution in 1950.
Contents
[hide] 3 Urdu to Hindi 4 See also 5 References 6 External links
[edit] Background
Urdu became the language of the courts of Muslim rulers who invaded India from the eighth century onwards. It developed from Khari boli of the Delhi area with infusion of words from Arabic, Persian and Turkish. As the Muslim invaders spread in the Northern India, Urdu interacted with various vernaculars and introduced Persian words into local languages and absorbed local vocabulary, and over a period of time developed into a distinct spoken language. Hindi also developed from Khari boli albeit with assimilation of words from local languages and Sanskrit.
Several factors contributed to the increasing divergence of Hindi and Urdu. The Muslim rulers chose to write Urdu in Persian script instead of Devanagari script. In time, Urdu in Persian script also became a literary language with an increasing body of literature written in the 8th and 9th century. A division developed gradually between Hindus who chose to write Hindi-Urdu in Devanagari script and Muslims and some Hindus who chose to write the same in Persian script. The development of Hindi movements in the late nineteenth century further contributed to this divergence.[2]
Paul R. Brass, Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Washington notes in his book, Language, Religion and Politics in North India,
" The Hindi-Urdu controversy by its very bitterness demonstrates how little the objective similarities between language groups matter when people attach subjective significance to their languages. Willingness to communicate through the same language is quite a different thing from the mere ability to communicate.[2] "
[edit] Controversy
[edit] British language policy
In 1837, the British East India company replaced Persian with local vernacular in various provinces as the official and court language. However, in North India, Urdu in Persian script instead of Hindi in Devanagari script was chosen to replace Persian.[2] The most immediate reason for the controversy is believed to be the contradictory language policy in North India in 1860s. While the then government encouraged both Hindi and Urdu as a medium of education in school, it discouraged Hindi or Nagari script for official purposes. This policy gave rise to conflict between students educated in Hindi or Urdu for the competition of government jobs, which eventually took on a communal form.[3]
[edit] Hindi and Urdu movements
In 1867, some Hindus in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh during the British Raj in India began to demand that Hindi should be made an official language in place of Urdu.[4] Babu Shiva Prasad of Banares was one of the early proponents of the Nagari script. In a Memorandum on court characters written in 1868, he accused the early Muslim rulers of India for forcing them to learn Persian. In 1897, Madan Mohan Malaviya published a collection of documents and statements titled Court character and primary education in North Western Provinces and Oudh, in which, he made a compelling case for Hindi.[3][5]
Several Hindi movements were formed in the late 19th and early 20th century; notable among them were Nagari Pracharini Sabha formed in Banaras in 1893, Hindi Sahitya Sammelan in Allahabad in 1910, Dakshina Bharat Hindi Prachar Sabha in 1918 and Rashtra Basha Prachar Samiti in 1926.[5] The movement was encouraged in 1881 when Hindi in Devanagari script replaced Urdu in Persian script as the official language in neighboring Bihar. They submitted 118 memorials signed by 67,000 people to the Education Commission in several cities.[2][5] The proponents of Hindi argued that the majority of people spoke Hindi and therefore introduction of Nagari script would provide better education and improve prospects for holding Government positions. They also argued that Urdu script made court documents illegible, encouraged forgery and promoted the use of complex Arabic and Persian words.
Organisations such as Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu were formed for the advocacy of Urdu.[2] Advocates of Urdu argued that Hindi scripts could not be written faster, and lacked standardisation and vocabulary. They also argued that the Urdu language originated in India, asserted that Urdu could also be spoken fluently by most of the people and disputed the assertion that official status of language and script is essential for the spread of education.
Communal violence broke out as the issue was taken up by firebrands. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan had once stated, "I look to both Hindus and Muslims with the same eyes & consider them as two eyes of a bride. By the word nation I only mean Hindus and Muslims and nothing else. We Hindus and Muslims live together under the same soil under the same government. Our interest and problems are common and therefore I consider the two factions as one nation." Speaking to Mr. Shakespeare, the governor of Banaras, after the language controversy heated up, he said "I am now convinced that the Hindus and Muslims could never become one nation as their religion and way of life was quite distinct from one and other."
In the last three decades of 19th century the controversy flared up several times in North-Western provinces and Oudh. The Hunter commission, appointed by the Government of India to review the progress of education, was used by the advocates of both Hindi and Urdu for their respective causes.
[edit] Gandhi's idea of Hindustani
Hindi and Urdu continued to diverge both linguistcally and culturally. Linguistically, Hindi continued drawing words from Sanskrit, and Urdu from Persian, Arabic and Turkish. Culturally Urdu came to be identified with Muslims and Hindi with Hindus. This wide divergence in 1920s was deplored by Gandhi who exhorted the re-merging of both Hindi and Urdu naming it Hindustani written in both Nagari and Persian scripts.[2] Though he failed in his attempt to bring together Hindi and Urdu under the Hindustani banner, he popularised Hindustani in other non-Hindi speaking areas.[5]
[edit] Muslim separatism
It has been argued that the Hindi-Urdu controversy sowed the seeds for Muslim separatism in India. However, other historians dispute this, pointing to the development of Muslim separatism in Bengal where Urdu was not spoken. Some also argued that Syed Ahmad had expressed separatist views long before the controversy developed.[2]
[edit] Urdu to Hindi
On April 1900, Government issued an order granting equal official status to both Nagari and Urdu scripts. This decree evoked protests from Urdu supporters and joy from Hindi supporters. However, the order was more symbolic in that it did not provision exclusive use of Nagari script. Urdu remained dominant in North-Western provinces and Oudh till independence.[3]
C. Rajagopalachari, chief minister of Madras Presidency introduced Hindustani as a compulsory language in secondary school education though he later relented and opposed the introduction of Hindi during the Madras anti-Hindi agitation of 1965.[6] Bal Gangadhar Tilak supported Devanagari script as the essential part of nationalist movement. The language policy of Congress and the independence movement paved its status as an alternative official language of independent India. Hindi was supported by religious and political leaders, social reformers, writers and intellectuals during independence movement securing that status. Hindi was recognised as the official language of India during the institution of the Indian constitution in 1950.[5]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ "A Historical Perspective of Urdu". National Council for Promotion of Urdu language. http://www.urducouncil.nic.in/pers_pp/index.htm. Retrieved 2007-06-15.
- ^ a b c d e f g Language, Religion and Politics in North India by Paul R. Brass, Publisher: iUniverse, Incorporated, ISBN 9780595343942
- ^ a b c Religious Controversy in British India by Kenneth W. Jones, p124, ISBN 0791408272 Google book
- ^ Urdu-Hindi Controversy, from Story of Pakistan.
- ^ a b c d e Status Change of Languages by Ulrich Ammon, Marlis Hellinger
- ^ Venkatachalapathy, A. R. (December 20, 2007). "Tongue tied". India Today. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/index.php?option=com_content&issueid=32&task=view&id=2692&acc=high.
[edit] External links
- South Asia Analysis Group: Hindi-Urdu controversy
- Mahatma Gandhi and Hindustani (Hindi-Urdu)
- A century of dedicated service: Anjuman Tarraqqi-i-Urdu, from Dawn Newspaper
[show] Aligarh - Muslim University & the Movement History 
Pioneers Alumni
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[hide] Hindi Grammar · Phonology · Devanagari · History · Vocabulary · Hindustani Western Braj Bhasha · Hariyanvi · Bundeli · Kannauji · Sansiboli · Khari boli (Registers: Urdu · Standard Hindi) Eastern Pidgins and Creoles Language politics Arts
[show] Urdu topics History · Alphabet · Grammar · Phonology · Informatics · Vocabulary · Nastaliq · Roman Urdu · Fiji Urdu · Uddin and Begum Romanisation · Literature (Writers · Poetry · Poets) · Hindi-Urdu controversy · Urdu movement · Deccani · Khari boli · Hindustani · Progressive Writers' Movement
See also Pakistani literature
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Status change of languages | |
| Urdu replaces Persian | 1837 |
| Hindi and Urdu granted equal status | 1900 |
| Hindi replaces Urdu | 1950 |
The Hindi-Urdu controversy is an ongoing dispute—dating back to the 19th century—regarding the establishment of a single standard language in certain areas of north and northwestern India; while the debate was officially settled by government order in 1950, some resistance remains.
Hindi belongs to the Indo-Aryan language family spoken by about 41% of people in modern North and Central India. Urdu also belongs to the Indo-Aryan family of languages. It began to take shape during the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526 AD) and Mughal Empire (1526–1858 AD) in South Asia.[1] The British East India company replaced Persian with Urdu in Perso-Arabic script as the official language of Hindi-speaking Northern provinces of modern day India in addition to English.
The last few decades of the nineteenth century witnessed the beginning of the flaring-up of the Hindi-Urdu controversy in North-Western provinces and Oudh with Hindi and Urdu protagonists advocating the official use of Hindi with Nagari script and Urdu with Persian script respectively. Hindi movements advocating the growth of and official status for Hindi were established in Northern India and Babu Shiva Prasad and Madan Mohan Malaviya were notable early proponents. This, in turn, led to the development of Urdu movements defending Urdu's official status; Syed Ahmed Khan was one of its noted advocates.
In 1900, the Government issued a decree granting symbolic equal status to both Hindi and Urdu which was opposed by Urdu speakers and received with jubilance by Hindi speakers. Both Hindi and Urdu continued diverging linguistically with Hindi drawing words from Sanskrit and Urdu from Arabic, Persian and Turkish. Gradually, the controversy took on a communal form as Urdu came to be seen as the language of Muslims and Hindi of Hindus. Deploring this Hindu-Muslim divide, Gandhi proposed merging Hindi and Urdu written in either Nagari or Persian script which he termed Hindustani. Bolstered by the support received by Congress and various leaders involved in the Indian Independence Movement including non-Hindi speakers, Hindi in Devanagari script eventually replaced Urdu as the official language of India during the institution of the Indian constitution in 1950.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Background
Urdu became the language of the courts of Muslim rulers who invaded India from the eighth century onwards. It developed from Khari boli of the Delhi area with infusion of words from Arabic, Persian and Turkish. As the Muslim invaders spread in the Northern India, Urdu interacted with various vernaculars and introduced Persian words into local languages and absorbed local vocabulary, and over a period of time developed into a distinct spoken language. Hindi also developed from Khari boli albeit with assimilation of words from local languages and Sanskrit.
Several factors contributed to the increasing divergence of Hindi and Urdu. The Muslim rulers chose to write Urdu in Persian script instead of Devanagari script. In time, Urdu in Persian script also became a literary language with an increasing body of literature written in the 8th and 9th century. A division developed gradually between Hindus who chose to write Hindi-Urdu in Devanagari script and Muslims and some Hindus who chose to write the same in Persian script. The development of Hindi movements in the late nineteenth century further contributed to this divergence.[2]
Paul R. Brass, Professor (Emeritus) of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Washington notes in his book, Language, Religion and Politics in North India,
| " | The Hindi-Urdu controversy by its very bitterness demonstrates how little the objective similarities between language groups matter when people attach subjective significance to their languages. Willingness to communicate through the same language is quite a different thing from the mere ability to communicate.[2] | " |
[edit] Controversy
[edit] British language policy
In 1837, the British East India company replaced Persian with local vernacular in various provinces as the official and court language. However, in North India, Urdu in Persian script instead of Hindi in Devanagari script was chosen to replace Persian.[2] The most immediate reason for the controversy is believed to be the contradictory language policy in North India in 1860s. While the then government encouraged both Hindi and Urdu as a medium of education in school, it discouraged Hindi or Nagari script for official purposes. This policy gave rise to conflict between students educated in Hindi or Urdu for the competition of government jobs, which eventually took on a communal form.[3]
[edit] Hindi and Urdu movements
In 1867, some Hindus in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh during the British Raj in India began to demand that Hindi should be made an official language in place of Urdu.[4] Babu Shiva Prasad of Banares was one of the early proponents of the Nagari script. In a Memorandum on court characters written in 1868, he accused the early Muslim rulers of India for forcing them to learn Persian. In 1897, Madan Mohan Malaviya published a collection of documents and statements titled Court character and primary education in North Western Provinces and Oudh, in which, he made a compelling case for Hindi.[3][5]
Several Hindi movements were formed in the late 19th and early 20th century; notable among them were Nagari Pracharini Sabha formed in Banaras in 1893, Hindi Sahitya Sammelan in Allahabad in 1910, Dakshina Bharat Hindi Prachar Sabha in 1918 and Rashtra Basha Prachar Samiti in 1926.[5] The movement was encouraged in 1881 when Hindi in Devanagari script replaced Urdu in Persian script as the official language in neighboring Bihar. They submitted 118 memorials signed by 67,000 people to the Education Commission in several cities.[2][5] The proponents of Hindi argued that the majority of people spoke Hindi and therefore introduction of Nagari script would provide better education and improve prospects for holding Government positions. They also argued that Urdu script made court documents illegible, encouraged forgery and promoted the use of complex Arabic and Persian words.
Organisations such as Anjuman Taraqqi-e-Urdu were formed for the advocacy of Urdu.[2] Advocates of Urdu argued that Hindi scripts could not be written faster, and lacked standardisation and vocabulary. They also argued that the Urdu language originated in India, asserted that Urdu could also be spoken fluently by most of the people and disputed the assertion that official status of language and script is essential for the spread of education.
Communal violence broke out as the issue was taken up by firebrands. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan had once stated, "I look to both Hindus and Muslims with the same eyes & consider them as two eyes of a bride. By the word nation I only mean Hindus and Muslims and nothing else. We Hindus and Muslims live together under the same soil under the same government. Our interest and problems are common and therefore I consider the two factions as one nation." Speaking to Mr. Shakespeare, the governor of Banaras, after the language controversy heated up, he said "I am now convinced that the Hindus and Muslims could never become one nation as their religion and way of life was quite distinct from one and other."
In the last three decades of 19th century the controversy flared up several times in North-Western provinces and Oudh. The Hunter commission, appointed by the Government of India to review the progress of education, was used by the advocates of both Hindi and Urdu for their respective causes.
[edit] Gandhi's idea of Hindustani
Hindi and Urdu continued to diverge both linguistcally and culturally. Linguistically, Hindi continued drawing words from Sanskrit, and Urdu from Persian, Arabic and Turkish. Culturally Urdu came to be identified with Muslims and Hindi with Hindus. This wide divergence in 1920s was deplored by Gandhi who exhorted the re-merging of both Hindi and Urdu naming it Hindustani written in both Nagari and Persian scripts.[2] Though he failed in his attempt to bring together Hindi and Urdu under the Hindustani banner, he popularised Hindustani in other non-Hindi speaking areas.[5]
[edit] Muslim separatism
It has been argued that the Hindi-Urdu controversy sowed the seeds for Muslim separatism in India. However, other historians dispute this, pointing to the development of Muslim separatism in Bengal where Urdu was not spoken. Some also argued that Syed Ahmad had expressed separatist views long before the controversy developed.[2]
[edit] Urdu to Hindi
On April 1900, Government issued an order granting equal official status to both Nagari and Urdu scripts. This decree evoked protests from Urdu supporters and joy from Hindi supporters. However, the order was more symbolic in that it did not provision exclusive use of Nagari script. Urdu remained dominant in North-Western provinces and Oudh till independence.[3]
C. Rajagopalachari, chief minister of Madras Presidency introduced Hindustani as a compulsory language in secondary school education though he later relented and opposed the introduction of Hindi during the Madras anti-Hindi agitation of 1965.[6] Bal Gangadhar Tilak supported Devanagari script as the essential part of nationalist movement. The language policy of Congress and the independence movement paved its status as an alternative official language of independent India. Hindi was supported by religious and political leaders, social reformers, writers and intellectuals during independence movement securing that status. Hindi was recognised as the official language of India during the institution of the Indian constitution in 1950.[5]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ "A Historical Perspective of Urdu". National Council for Promotion of Urdu language. http://www.urducouncil.nic.in/pers_pp/index.htm. Retrieved 2007-06-15.
- ^ a b c d e f g Language, Religion and Politics in North India by Paul R. Brass, Publisher: iUniverse, Incorporated, ISBN 9780595343942
- ^ a b c Religious Controversy in British India by Kenneth W. Jones, p124, ISBN 0791408272 Google book
- ^ Urdu-Hindi Controversy, from Story of Pakistan.
- ^ a b c d e Status Change of Languages by Ulrich Ammon, Marlis Hellinger
- ^ Venkatachalapathy, A. R. (December 20, 2007). "Tongue tied". India Today. http://indiatoday.intoday.in/index.php?option=com_content&issueid=32&task=view&id=2692&acc=high.
[edit] External links
- South Asia Analysis Group: Hindi-Urdu controversy
- Mahatma Gandhi and Hindustani (Hindi-Urdu)
- A century of dedicated service: Anjuman Tarraqqi-i-Urdu, from Dawn Newspaper
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IIT boss calls university system scandalous
CHENNAI: In what turned out to be an explosive discussion on higher education, M Anandakrishnan, Chairman of IIT-Kanpur and a member of the Yash Pal Committee, slammed the education system in India in general and Tamil Nadu in particular.
"The State university systems are very scandalous. The price of a vice-chancellor is Rs 10-20 crore and touts collect money all the way from Raj Bhavan to Secretariat. Even appointment of syndicate members is a corrupt process and paid for. Private colleges deny capitation fee but we know that a MD seat costs somewhere around Rs 1.5 crore, while an MBBS seat will cost Rs 50 lakhs. Engineering seats come for Rs 15 lakhs," he said. The forum was an interactive session between the National Knowledge Commission and the Yash Pal Committee report on higher education, organised by the CII. Anandakrishnan went on to highlight how the concept of a university is wrongly perceived in India. "Universities are not factories producing graduates or places where degrees are awarded. Universities are meant to engage young minds. Over the years, there has been lot of cubicalisation of educational streams. Right from school days, students are made to believe that there is no link between physics, chemistry and biology whereas the trend now is of multi-disciplinary skills," he said. Anandakrishnan also openly pointed out that the multiple regulatory systems were spoiling the higher education scenario that should otherwise be insulated from government interference. "There is a world of difference in which the central, private and state universities function. The exam systems are so archaic. You cannot prepare students for an obsolete market. Public universities are extraordinarily handicapped by political interference. At least in central universities like IIT, no minister says promote my son-in-law," he pointed out. The private institutions were not spared either. "In India, private institutions are family-controlled organisations that need to be restructured. In Tamil Nadu, there are two political parties that are running only with capitation money collected from colleges. Eighty per cent of the colleges collect money and don't issue receipts. PhDs are sold to professors for Rs 30 lakh. Deemed universities are a rotten concept altogether," he said.Top Headlines
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IIT boss calls university system scandalous
M Anandakrishnan, Chairman of IIT-Kanpur and a member of the Yash Pal Committee, slammed the education system in India.
IIT boss calls university system scandalous
M Anandakrishnan, Chairman of IIT-Kanpur and a member of the Yash Pal Committee, slammed the education system in India.
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