Palash Biswas On Unique Identity No1.mpg

Unique Identity No2

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HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST in Brahamin Marxist Ruled Bengal!

HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST   in Brahamin Marxist Ruled Bengal!

Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams- Chapter 534

Palash Biswas          
                                                                                  http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/   



I am  pained to visit Rural India to see the systematic Ethnic Cleansing so live! Specially in the land of Scientific Marxist Manusmriti Rule, the perfect case of Exclusive Economy achieved with Surgical Precision in every sphere of life. Now ensured the Exit of the Marxists and Reincarnation of the Kolkata Kali in the Writers, it is High Time to investigate in the Reality of so much so Mythical Land reforms in Bengal. Today the Telegarph has published a story on this. Murshidabad is the only Muslim Dominated district in India which is successful to protect Aboriginal Indigenous Production system and Livelihood despite Victimised by the Free Market Democracy and Political Polarisation. But it has NO Histroy of Communal Turmoil.
                                                                                                                     HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
                                                                                                    
Sharecroppers in a Murshidabad village are being dispossessed of vested land even as the Left Front crows about land reform, writes Uddalak Mukherjee
                                                
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The results of the last three electoral contests in West Bengal — the panchayat polls in 2008, the Lok Sabha elections of 2009 and the municipal elections this year — have indicated that the state is in the cusp of a political transition. At a time when the Left Front is ceding considerable ground to its principal opponent, it may be instructive to re-examine the present condition of some of its political programmes that had yielded electoral dividends in the past. One such initiative, undoubtedly, was Operation Barga — the fabled land reform programme, which aimed to redistribute land among sharecroppers (bargadars), legally protect them from forcible eviction by landlords and bestow upon them rights as cultivators.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Such a re-examination, despite its localized nature, has the potential to answer two critical questions. First, has the land reform instituted by the Left Front since the late 1970s achieved its intended goal? Second, can the Left Front's continuing dismal performance at the hustings be explained, at least partially, by the persisting problems that have weakened its land reform policy?
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
I travelled to Gangadhari village in Murshidabad recently in search of the answers. Admittedly, it would be unfair to draw conclusions about the pattern, efficacy and problems of land reform in Bengal on the basis of my experiences in a single village in one district. Nonetheless, Gangadhari raises a few uncomfortable questions that must be addressed to understand why the fruits of land reform have eluded the weakest, and hence the most deserving, sections of the peasantry.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
But why Gangadhari of all places? This village, which is only two kilometres from neighbouring Nadia, has a total land area of 1,424.42 acres, out of which 199.2 acres are vested land. This means that nearly 15 per cent of all land in Gangadhari is 'vested'— plots that were confiscated from landowners (in this case, from the erstwhile zamindar, Balaram Chandra Rudra) and then redistributed among the landless. I was told by the officials concerned that the amount of vested land in Gangadhari is much higher than the approximate state average of five per cent. With such a high incidence of patta distribution, Gangadhari, under the Nowda block, serves as an interesting crucible to test the various claims that are made by this government in the name of land reform.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Imagine my surprise when one of the first persons I met in Gangadhari was a landless farmer by the name of Zamiruddin Sheikh. Zamiruddin's fate has been doubly cruel. His father, Chaitan Sheikh, a landless peasant, had received 18 kathas after Operation Barga. However, within a span of a few years, he was forced to 'lease' his land to Abdul Bari Mollah — a Revolutionary Socialist Party leader who, currently, is the chairman of the Nowda panchayat — for Rs 3,000 to meet a medical emergency. Today, Zamiruddin works as a day labourer and makes Rs 1,400 a month, instead of the Rs 2,500 that he requires, he said, to feed the mouths at home.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Zamiruddin's plight offers significant insights into the problems that afflict Bengal's land reform programme at present. A sizeable number of farmers, who had received pattas after land redistribution, have now been reduced to landless peasants once again. In Gangadhari alone, I was told that there are over a hundred farmers who have not received pattas or have lost possession of their land. A survey conducted by the West Bengal State Institute of Panchayats and Rural Development some years ago had found that 14.37 per cent of registered sharecroppers have been dispossessed of vested land, over 26 per cent harboured fears of losing their land in the future and 13.23 per cent had lost access to their holdings in the state.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
But this issue of dispossession is tied to a larger, and more critical, failure. For peasants to prosper, merely transferring the ownership of land is not enough. What is also required, in tandem, is an augmentation of farm productivity and holistic development, something that the Bengal government's land reform policy failed to sustain since that early glimmer of promise. In fact, as early as 1986-88, a survey of the qualitative aspects of land reform in the three districts of Birbhum, Burdwan and Jalpaiguri had noted that even though sharecroppers had received their stipulated plots, farm productivity had been on the wane. According to an independent research report, published in the portal, Science Alert, this June, the contribution of agriculture to West Bengal's State Domestic Product at constant prices has declined from 41.16 per cent in 1970-71 to 27.1 per cent in 2000-01. Significantly, the production of every major crop has dwindled since the 1990s. To take just one example, the output growth rates of aman and boro rice have declined to just 1.04 per cent and 3.35 per cent per annum. There is no reason to believe that the government has been able to reverse the slide since. Gangadhari's shockingly high rates of migration among farming families can be attributed to the lack of employment and the diminishing returns from agriculture. In Gangadhari, reform in the spheres of education and health has been as sporadic. This was, once again, consistent with my earlier experiences of development being dangerously skewed in rural Bengal.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
During my meeting with the panchayat chairman, he furnished evidence of Gangadhari's 'development'. The village has two primary schools, a primary health centre, two shishu shiksha kendras, a junior high school and a rural library. Given my limited time, I managed to visit the PHC and the school. The health centre, which once provided indoor facilities, was run by a woman, a trained nurse, who usually worked from 10 in the morning. The only doctor, who travelled from Berhampore over 30 kms away, had not turned up on the morning of my visit. The nurse, tired and irritable, informed me that on an average 250 villagers turn up at the PHC to receive treatment for ailments such as fever and malnutrition every single day. Apart from doctors, basic medicines are in short supply. For instance, of the 2,500 paracetamol tablets that were requisitioned by the PHC recently, only 1,000 were sent by the authorities, that too after a month.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Next, I visited the Gangadhari H.B. Junior High School. At first, I thought I had been taken to a correctional home by mistake. The school was surrounded by a high wall, and an ancient, enormous lock hung on its gate. The drop-out rate, I was told by a group of young teachers inside, was over 30 per cent and the children, whose parents worked in the nearby brick-kilns, skipped classes regularly. The teachers complained bitterly about the near-absent infrastructure, the inadequate book grant for students, and the government's decision to institute a commission to monitor corporal punishment in district schools. Such a step, they argued, would compromise the standards of discipline among their wards.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
But let us not forget Zamiruddin and his dead father just yet. Their predicament is a reminder that, in some instances, the philosophy behind Bengal's land reform has been turned on its head as a result of some severe institutional flaws. The law prohibits the selling or leasing of vested land, something that Zamiruddin's father had done to raise money. Biswanath Saha, the land and land reform officer of Nowda block, whom I met later, had initially dismissed the possibility of such malpractices. But, on hearing about Zamiruddin, his confidence seemed to wane. He grudgingly admitted that "only a few instances of irregularities" had come to light during his tenure. Despite his discomfort, Saha took time to explain the process of patta distribution, thereby exposing yet another glaring inconsistency. Under Section 49 (1) of the West Bengal Land Reform Act, said Saha, a joint survey is conducted by the members of the panchayat samiti and the block land and land reform office to identify vested land and their bona fide claimants. On the basis of the findings, a list is prepared and sent to the sub-divisional land and land reform office, which, after completing its own scrutiny, approves the claims. Patta forms are then prepared and pattas distributed in a function, which is often graced by political representatives of the government. Considering the complete politicization of every institution in Bengal, including the bureaucracy, the identification and distribution of pattas in Gangadhari, as in the rest of the state, are blatantly unfair. The RSP is in power in Gangadhari's panchayat. Some of the sharecroppers I met, who are yet to receive pattas even after two decades of land reform, alleged that they have been denied their share because they happen to support the Congress.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
Before I left the Nowda BLLRO office, Saha gifted me with another, equally startling, piece of information. In Nowda, there have also been instances of vested land — which, according to the law, cannot be purchased, leased or marketed — being sold and the deeds being registered at the district registry office. I could have reminded Saha of his earlier claim that patta distribution has been untouched by corruption. Instead, I thanked him for his time, and the tea, and left.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Much of the Left Front's early political gains had been attributed to the success of its land reform programme. But with land reform being severely flawed, at least in its present form, what has been its impact on the coalition's recent political performance in Murshidabad? If the results of the last three assembly elections are looked at, it may seem that a faulty land reform programme has not hurt the Left politically. In the assembly elections of 1996, the Left Front won 10 of the 19 seats; in 2001, its tally rose to 11, and there were significant gains in 2006, given the divided state of the Opposition on that occasion. But democracy is a complicated and tiered political system. A panchayat election, rather than the one that elects a Vidhan Sabha, is a better indicator of the mood and aspirations of a rural people. It is, therefore, telling that at present, in Murshidabad, of the 254 panchayats, the Congress is in power in 157. It is thus difficult to discount the claim that the shortcomings in land redistribution have caused considerable damage to the Left Front in political terms.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
Gangadhari revealed many bitter truths — dispossessed sharecroppers, uneven social reform that has intensified their penury and hopelessness and institutionalized fallacies that have crippled a programme which, undoubtedly, had the potential to change the future of a people. Unfortunately, the reality in this village also made me realize something else. For all the talk of decentralization of power through panchayati raj — touted as yet another of the Left Front's pioneering initiatives — local leadership at the grassroots continues to be deeply divided on political lines. This saps it of the will to empathize and work for those whom it is meant to serve.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
I would like to end by recounting two recurring dreams of two different people who live in Gangadhari. The RSP leader and panchayat chairman, now no more young, still dreams of the day during the early stages of Operation Barga. In his dream, he is all of seven, and he sees himself running to plant the red flag on a field that had just been 'liberated' from the zamindar. Zamiruddin, whose father's vested land is now leased to the panchayat chairman, also shared his dream with me. It had nothing to do with his dead father, he said. In it, he only sees the land his family had lost one morning many years ago.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         
WITH INPUTS FROM ALAMGIR HOSSAIN


Trains from Murshidabad is Jam Packed and you would Never be able to get an INCH Space to stand anywhere just because the Peasntry is NOT well and People have to go out for Survival. After Grand Success of Land Reforms, as Claimed , it is quite Contradictory.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST   in Brahamin Marxist Ruled Bengal!

Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams- Chapter 534

Palash Biswas                                                                                             http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/   


I am  pained to visit Rural India to see the systematic Ethnic Cleansing so live! Specially in the land of Scientific Marxist Manusmriti Rule, the perfect case of Exclusive Economy achieved with Surgical Precision in every sphere of life. Now ensured the Exit of the Marxists and Reincarnation of the Kolkata Kali in the Writers, it is High Time to investigate in the Reality of so much so Mythical Land reforms in Bengal. Today the Telegarph has published a story on this. Murshidabad is the only Muslim Dominated district in India which is successful to protect Aboriginal Indigenous Production system and Livelihood despite Victimised by the Free Market Democracy and Political Polarisation. But it has NO Histroy of Communal Turmoil.
                                                                                                                     HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
                                                                                                    
Sharecroppers in a Murshidabad village are being dispossessed of vested land even as the Left Front crows about land reform, writes Uddalak Mukherjee
                                                
*                

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
The results of the last three electoral contests in West Bengal — the panchayat polls in 2008, the Lok Sabha elections of 2009 and the municipal elections this year — have indicated that the state is in the cusp of a political transition. At a time when the Left Front is ceding considerable ground to its principal opponent, it may be instructive to re-examine the present condition of some of its political programmes that had yielded electoral dividends in the past. One such initiative, undoubtedly, was Operation Barga — the fabled land reform programme, which aimed to redistribute land among sharecroppers (bargadars), legally protect them from forcible eviction by landlords and bestow upon them rights as cultivators.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Such a re-examination, despite its localized nature, has the potential to answer two critical questions. First, has the land reform instituted by the Left Front since the late 1970s achieved its intended goal? Second, can the Left Front's continuing dismal performance at the hustings be explained, at least partially, by the persisting problems that have weakened its land reform policy?
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
I travelled to Gangadhari village in Murshidabad recently in search of the answers. Admittedly, it would be unfair to draw conclusions about the pattern, efficacy and problems of land reform in Bengal on the basis of my experiences in a single village in one district. Nonetheless, Gangadhari raises a few uncomfortable questions that must be addressed to understand why the fruits of land reform have eluded the weakest, and hence the most deserving, sections of the peasantry.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
But why Gangadhari of all places? This village, which is only two kilometres from neighbouring Nadia, has a total land area of 1,424.42 acres, out of which 199.2 acres are vested land. This means that nearly 15 per cent of all land in Gangadhari is 'vested'— plots that were confiscated from landowners (in this case, from the erstwhile zamindar, Balaram Chandra Rudra) and then redistributed among the landless. I was told by the officials concerned that the amount of vested land in Gangadhari is much higher than the approximate state average of five per cent. With such a high incidence of patta distribution, Gangadhari, under the Nowda block, serves as an interesting crucible to test the various claims that are made by this government in the name of land reform.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Imagine my surprise when one of the first persons I met in Gangadhari was a landless farmer by the name of Zamiruddin Sheikh. Zamiruddin's fate has been doubly cruel. His father, Chaitan Sheikh, a landless peasant, had received 18 kathas after Operation Barga. However, within a span of a few years, he was forced to 'lease' his land to Abdul Bari Mollah — a Revolutionary Socialist Party leader who, currently, is the chairman of the Nowda panchayat — for Rs 3,000 to meet a medical emergency. Today, Zamiruddin works as a day labourer and makes Rs 1,400 a month, instead of the Rs 2,500 that he requires, he said, to feed the mouths at home.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Zamiruddin's plight offers significant insights into the problems that afflict Bengal's land reform programme at present. A sizeable number of farmers, who had received pattas after land redistribution, have now been reduced to landless peasants once again. In Gangadhari alone, I was told that there are over a hundred farmers who have not received pattas or have lost possession of their land. A survey conducted by the West Bengal State Institute of Panchayats and Rural Development some years ago had found that 14.37 per cent of registered sharecroppers have been dispossessed of vested land, over 26 per cent harboured fears of losing their land in the future and 13.23 per cent had lost access to their holdings in the state.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
But this issue of dispossession is tied to a larger, and more critical, failure. For peasants to prosper, merely transferring the ownership of land is not enough. What is also required, in tandem, is an augmentation of farm productivity and holistic development, something that the Bengal government's land reform policy failed to sustain since that early glimmer of promise. In fact, as early as 1986-88, a survey of the qualitative aspects of land reform in the three districts of Birbhum, Burdwan and Jalpaiguri had noted that even though sharecroppers had received their stipulated plots, farm productivity had been on the wane. According to an independent research report, published in the portal, Science Alert, this June, the contribution of agriculture to West Bengal's State Domestic Product at constant prices has declined from 41.16 per cent in 1970-71 to 27.1 per cent in 2000-01. Significantly, the production of every major crop has dwindled since the 1990s. To take just one example, the output growth rates of aman and boro rice have declined to just 1.04 per cent and 3.35 per cent per annum. There is no reason to believe that the government has been able to reverse the slide since. Gangadhari's shockingly high rates of migration among farming families can be attributed to the lack of employment and the diminishing returns from agriculture. In Gangadhari, reform in the spheres of education and health has been as sporadic. This was, once again, consistent with my earlier experiences of development being dangerously skewed in rural Bengal.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
During my meeting with the panchayat chairman, he furnished evidence of Gangadhari's 'development'. The village has two primary schools, a primary health centre, two shishu shiksha kendras, a junior high school and a rural library. Given my limited time, I managed to visit the PHC and the school. The health centre, which once provided indoor facilities, was run by a woman, a trained nurse, who usually worked from 10 in the morning. The only doctor, who travelled from Berhampore over 30 kms away, had not turned up on the morning of my visit. The nurse, tired and irritable, informed me that on an average 250 villagers turn up at the PHC to receive treatment for ailments such as fever and malnutrition every single day. Apart from doctors, basic medicines are in short supply. For instance, of the 2,500 paracetamol tablets that were requisitioned by the PHC recently, only 1,000 were sent by the authorities, that too after a month.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Next, I visited the Gangadhari H.B. Junior High School. At first, I thought I had been taken to a correctional home by mistake. The school was surrounded by a high wall, and an ancient, enormous lock hung on its gate. The drop-out rate, I was told by a group of young teachers inside, was over 30 per cent and the children, whose parents worked in the nearby brick-kilns, skipped classes regularly. The teachers complained bitterly about the near-absent infrastructure, the inadequate book grant for students, and the government's decision to institute a commission to monitor corporal punishment in district schools. Such a step, they argued, would compromise the standards of discipline among their wards.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
But let us not forget Zamiruddin and his dead father just yet. Their predicament is a reminder that, in some instances, the philosophy behind Bengal's land reform has been turned on its head as a result of some severe institutional flaws. The law prohibits the selling or leasing of vested land, something that Zamiruddin's father had done to raise money. Biswanath Saha, the land and land reform officer of Nowda block, whom I met later, had initially dismissed the possibility of such malpractices. But, on hearing about Zamiruddin, his confidence seemed to wane. He grudgingly admitted that "only a few instances of irregularities" had come to light during his tenure. Despite his discomfort, Saha took time to explain the process of patta distribution, thereby exposing yet another glaring inconsistency. Under Section 49 (1) of the West Bengal Land Reform Act, said Saha, a joint survey is conducted by the members of the panchayat samiti and the block land and land reform office to identify vested land and their bona fide claimants. On the basis of the findings, a list is prepared and sent to the sub-divisional land and land reform office, which, after completing its own scrutiny, approves the claims. Patta forms are then prepared and pattas distributed in a function, which is often graced by political representatives of the government. Considering the complete politicization of every institution in Bengal, including the bureaucracy, the identification and distribution of pattas in Gangadhari, as in the rest of the state, are blatantly unfair. The RSP is in power in Gangadhari's panchayat. Some of the sharecroppers I met, who are yet to receive pattas even after two decades of land reform, alleged that they have been denied their share because they happen to support the Congress.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
Before I left the Nowda BLLRO office, Saha gifted me with another, equally startling, piece of information. In Nowda, there have also been instances of vested land — which, according to the law, cannot be purchased, leased or marketed — being sold and the deeds being registered at the district registry office. I could have reminded Saha of his earlier claim that patta distribution has been untouched by corruption. Instead, I thanked him for his time, and the tea, and left.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
Much of the Left Front's early political gains had been attributed to the success of its land reform programme. But with land reform being severely flawed, at least in its present form, what has been its impact on the coalition's recent political performance in Murshidabad? If the results of the last three assembly elections are looked at, it may seem that a faulty land reform programme has not hurt the Left politically. In the assembly elections of 1996, the Left Front won 10 of the 19 seats; in 2001, its tally rose to 11, and there were significant gains in 2006, given the divided state of the Opposition on that occasion. But democracy is a complicated and tiered political system. A panchayat election, rather than the one that elects a Vidhan Sabha, is a better indicator of the mood and aspirations of a rural people. It is, therefore, telling that at present, in Murshidabad, of the 254 panchayats, the Congress is in power in 157. It is thus difficult to discount the claim that the shortcomings in land redistribution have caused considerable damage to the Left Front in political terms.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                   
Gangadhari revealed many bitter truths — dispossessed sharecroppers, uneven social reform that has intensified their penury and hopelessness and institutionalized fallacies that have crippled a programme which, undoubtedly, had the potential to change the future of a people. Unfortunately, the reality in this village also made me realize something else. For all the talk of decentralization of power through panchayati raj — touted as yet another of the Left Front's pioneering initiatives — local leadership at the grassroots continues to be deeply divided on political lines. This saps it of the will to empathize and work for those whom it is meant to serve.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
I would like to end by recounting two recurring dreams of two different people who live in Gangadhari. The RSP leader and panchayat chairman, now no more young, still dreams of the day during the early stages of Operation Barga. In his dream, he is all of seven, and he sees himself running to plant the red flag on a field that had just been 'liberated' from the zamindar. Zamiruddin, whose father's vested land is now leased to the panchayat chairman, also shared his dream with me. It had nothing to do with his dead father, he said. In it, he only sees the land his family had lost one morning many years ago.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                         
WITH INPUTS FROM ALAMGIR HOSSAIN


Trains from Murshidabad is Jam Packed and you would Never be able to get an INCH Space to stand anywhere just because the Peasntry is NOT well and People have to go out for Survival. After Grand Success of Land Reforms, as Claimed , it is quite Contradictory.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                 HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                  HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST   in Brahamin Marxist Ruled Bengal!

Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams- Chapter 534

Palash Biswas                                                                                             http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/   


I am  pained to visit Rural India to see the systematic Ethnic Cleansing so live! Specially in the land of Scientific Marxist Manusmriti Rule, the perfect case of Exclusive Economy achieved with Surgical Precision in every sphere of life. Now ensured the Exit of the Marxists and Reincarnation of the Kolkata Kali in the Writers, it is High Time to investigate in the Reality of so much so Mythical Land reforms in Bengal. Today the Telegarph has published a story on this. Murshidabad is the only Muslim Dominated district in India which is successful to protect Aboriginal Indigenous Production system and Livelihood despite Victimised by the Free Market Democracy and Political Polarisation. But it has NO Histroy of Communal Turmoil.

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  •                                                                                                                      HOW THE LAND WAS WON AND LOST                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                           
                                                                                                        
    Sharecroppers in a Murshidabad village are being dispossessed of vested land even as the Left Front crows about land reform, writes Uddalak Mukherjee
                                                    
    *                

                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       
    The results of the last three electoral contests in West Bengal — the panchayat polls in 2008, the Lok Sabha elections of 2009 and the municipal elections this year — have indicated that the state is in the cusp of a political transition. At a time when the Left Front is ceding considerable ground to its principal opponent, it may be instructive to re-examine the present condition of some of its political programmes that had yielded electoral dividends in the past. One such initiative, undoubtedly, was Operation Barga — the fabled land reform programme, which aimed to redistribute land among sharecroppers (bargadars), legally protect them from forcible eviction by landlords and bestow upon them rights as cultivators.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    Such a re-examination, despite its localized nature, has the potential to answer two critical questions. First, has the land reform instituted by the Left Front since the late 1970s achieved its intended goal? Second, can the Left Front's continuing dismal performance at the hustings be explained, at least partially, by the persisting problems that have weakened its land reform policy?
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    I travelled to Gangadhari village in Murshidabad recently in search of the answers. Admittedly, it would be unfair to draw conclusions about the pattern, efficacy and problems of land reform in Bengal on the basis of my experiences in a single village in one district. Nonetheless, Gangadhari raises a few uncomfortable questions that must be addressed to understand why the fruits of land reform have eluded the weakest, and hence the most deserving, sections of the peasantry.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    But why Gangadhari of all places? This village, which is only two kilometres from neighbouring Nadia, has a total land area of 1,424.42 acres, out of which 199.2 acres are vested land. This means that nearly 15 per cent of all land in Gangadhari is 'vested'— plots that were confiscated from landowners (in this case, from the erstwhile zamindar, Balaram Chandra Rudra) and then redistributed among the landless. I was told by the officials concerned that the amount of vested land in Gangadhari is much higher than the approximate state average of five per cent. With such a high incidence of patta distribution, Gangadhari, under the Nowda block, serves as an interesting crucible to test the various claims that are made by this government in the name of land reform.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    Imagine my surprise when one of the first persons I met in Gangadhari was a landless farmer by the name of Zamiruddin Sheikh. Zamiruddin's fate has been doubly cruel. His father, Chaitan Sheikh, a landless peasant, had received 18 kathas after Operation Barga. However, within a span of a few years, he was forced to 'lease' his land to Abdul Bari Mollah — a Revolutionary Socialist Party leader who, currently, is the chairman of the Nowda panchayat — for Rs 3,000 to meet a medical emergency. Today, Zamiruddin works as a day labourer and makes Rs 1,400 a month, instead of the Rs 2,500 that he requires, he said, to feed the mouths at home.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    Zamiruddin's plight offers significant insights into the problems that afflict Bengal's land reform programme at present. A sizeable number of farmers, who had received pattas after land redistribution, have now been reduced to landless peasants once again. In Gangadhari alone, I was told that there are over a hundred farmers who have not received pattas or have lost possession of their land. A survey conducted by the West Bengal State Institute of Panchayats and Rural Development some years ago had found that 14.37 per cent of registered sharecroppers have been dispossessed of vested land, over 26 per cent harboured fears of losing their land in the future and 13.23 per cent had lost access to their holdings in the state.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       
    But this issue of dispossession is tied to a larger, and more critical, failure. For peasants to prosper, merely transferring the ownership of land is not enough. What is also required, in tandem, is an augmentation of farm productivity and holistic development, something that the Bengal government's land reform policy failed to sustain since that early glimmer of promise. In fact, as early as 1986-88, a survey of the qualitative aspects of land reform in the three districts of Birbhum, Burdwan and Jalpaiguri had noted that even though sharecroppers had received their stipulated plots, farm productivity had been on the wane. According to an independent research report, published in the portal, Science Alert, this June, the contribution of agriculture to West Bengal's State Domestic Product at constant prices has declined from 41.16 per cent in 1970-71 to 27.1 per cent in 2000-01. Significantly, the production of every major crop has dwindled since the 1990s. To take just one example, the output growth rates of aman and boro rice have declined to just 1.04 per cent and 3.35 per cent per annum. There is no reason to believe that the government has been able to reverse the slide since. Gangadhari's shockingly high rates of migration among farming families can be attributed to the lack of employment and the diminishing returns from agriculture. In Gangadhari, reform in the spheres of education and health has been as sporadic. This was, once again, consistent with my earlier experiences of development being dangerously skewed in rural Bengal.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    During my meeting with the panchayat chairman, he furnished evidence of Gangadhari's 'development'. The village has two primary schools, a primary health centre, two shishu shiksha kendras, a junior high school and a rural library. Given my limited time, I managed to visit the PHC and the school. The health centre, which once provided indoor facilities, was run by a woman, a trained nurse, who usually worked from 10 in the morning. The only doctor, who travelled from Berhampore over 30 kms away, had not turned up on the morning of my visit. The nurse, tired and irritable, informed me that on an average 250 villagers turn up at the PHC to receive treatment for ailments such as fever and malnutrition every single day. Apart from doctors, basic medicines are in short supply. For instance, of the 2,500 paracetamol tablets that were requisitioned by the PHC recently, only 1,000 were sent by the authorities, that too after a month.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    Next, I visited the Gangadhari H.B. Junior High School. At first, I thought I had been taken to a correctional home by mistake. The school was surrounded by a high wall, and an ancient, enormous lock hung on its gate. The drop-out rate, I was told by a group of young teachers inside, was over 30 per cent and the children, whose parents worked in the nearby brick-kilns, skipped classes regularly. The teachers complained bitterly about the near-absent infrastructure, the inadequate book grant for students, and the government's decision to institute a commission to monitor corporal punishment in district schools. Such a step, they argued, would compromise the standards of discipline among their wards.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    But let us not forget Zamiruddin and his dead father just yet. Their predicament is a reminder that, in some instances, the philosophy behind Bengal's land reform has been turned on its head as a result of some severe institutional flaws. The law prohibits the selling or leasing of vested land, something that Zamiruddin's father had done to raise money. Biswanath Saha, the land and land reform officer of Nowda block, whom I met later, had initially dismissed the possibility of such malpractices. But, on hearing about Zamiruddin, his confidence seemed to wane. He grudgingly admitted that "only a few instances of irregularities" had come to light during his tenure. Despite his discomfort, Saha took time to explain the process of patta distribution, thereby exposing yet another glaring inconsistency. Under Section 49 (1) of the West Bengal Land Reform Act, said Saha, a joint survey is conducted by the members of the panchayat samiti and the block land and land reform office to identify vested land and their bona fide claimants. On the basis of the findings, a list is prepared and sent to the sub-divisional land and land reform office, which, after completing its own scrutiny, approves the claims. Patta forms are then prepared and pattas distributed in a function, which is often graced by political representatives of the government. Considering the complete politicization of every institution in Bengal, including the bureaucracy, the identification and distribution of pattas in Gangadhari, as in the rest of the state, are blatantly unfair. The RSP is in power in Gangadhari's panchayat. Some of the sharecroppers I met, who are yet to receive pattas even after two decades of land reform, alleged that they have been denied their share because they happen to support the Congress.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       
    Before I left the Nowda BLLRO office, Saha gifted me with another, equally startling, piece of information. In Nowda, there have also been instances of vested land — which, according to the law, cannot be purchased, leased or marketed — being sold and the deeds being registered at the district registry office. I could have reminded Saha of his earlier claim that patta distribution has been untouched by corruption. Instead, I thanked him for his time, and the tea, and left.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    Much of the Left Front's early political gains had been attributed to the success of its land reform programme. But with land reform being severely flawed, at least in its present form, what has been its impact on the coalition's recent political performance in Murshidabad? If the results of the last three assembly elections are looked at, it may seem that a faulty land reform programme has not hurt the Left politically. In the assembly elections of 1996, the Left Front won 10 of the 19 seats; in 2001, its tally rose to 11, and there were significant gains in 2006, given the divided state of the Opposition on that occasion. But democracy is a complicated and tiered political system. A panchayat election, rather than the one that elects a Vidhan Sabha, is a better indicator of the mood and aspirations of a rural people. It is, therefore, telling that at present, in Murshidabad, of the 254 panchayats, the Congress is in power in 157. It is thus difficult to discount the claim that the shortcomings in land redistribution have caused considerable damage to the Left Front in political terms.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                       
    Gangadhari revealed many bitter truths — dispossessed sharecroppers, uneven social reform that has intensified their penury and hopelessness and institutionalized fallacies that have crippled a programme which, undoubtedly, had the potential to change the future of a people. Unfortunately, the reality in this village also made me realize something else. For all the talk of decentralization of power through panchayati raj — touted as yet another of the Left Front's pioneering initiatives — local leadership at the grassroots continues to be deeply divided on political lines. This saps it of the will to empathize and work for those whom it is meant to serve.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                               
    I would like to end by recounting two recurring dreams of two different people who live in Gangadhari. The RSP leader and panchayat chairman, now no more young, still dreams of the day during the early stages of Operation Barga. In his dream, he is all of seven, and he sees himself running to plant the red flag on a field that had just been 'liberated' from the zamindar. Zamiruddin, whose father's vested land is now leased to the panchayat chairman, also shared his dream with me. It had nothing to do with his dead father, he said. In it, he only sees the land his family had lost one morning many years ago.
                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             
    WITH INPUTS FROM ALAMGIR HOSSAIN


    Trains from Murshidabad is Jam Packed and you would Never be able to get an INCH Space to stand anywhere just because the Peasntry is NOT well and People have to go out for Survival. After Grand Success of Land Reforms, as Claimed , it is quite Contradictory.
        
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    Place: New Delhi | Agency: PTI Opposition in the Lok Sabha today mounted a scathing attack on the government on skyrocketing prices asking it to "wake up from its deep slumber" and urgently provide relief to the common people instead of being ...
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                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                        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