DUMPED in CHILKA Lake, They are my People! Untouchability Practiced and The end of Koda the survivor!Amitabh Bachchan 'pained' by fraud allegation!
Indian HOLOCAUST My Father`s Life and Time - One Hundred NINETY Four
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Chilka Lake Orissa
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Chilka Lake - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Chilka Lake (Chilika Lake) is a brackish water lagoon, spread over the Puri, Khurda and Ganjam districts of Orissa state on the east coast of India, ...
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Chilka Lake Bird Sanctuary- offers information on chilka lake bird sanctuary puri orissa, chilka bird watching tours, birding tour packages, accommodation, ...
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Chilka Lake travel guide - Wikitravel
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The journey from Puri to Chilka Lake brings alive the rustic life of Orissa. Tourists coming to Orissa indulge in the weekend tours from Puri to Chilka Lake ...
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Chilika Lake is a well-known lake located near Puri city of Orissa. Read on to know about the Chilka Lake of India.
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The Chilka Lake in Orissa is Asia's largest inland salt-water lagoon. Studded with small islands- including the picturesquely-named Honeymoon Island and ...
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Chilka Lake This lake is also known as the Chilika Lake and it is the largest coastal lake in India. The area of the lake varies from 1165 square kms in the ...
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Chilka Lake one of the major tourist attractions of Orissa is also a largest brackish water lake in Asia. Supporting a major bird sanctuary Chilka Lake is ...
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East Bengali Refugees - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
5 Jun 2009 ... East Bengali Refugees are people that left East Bengal following the ... in Delhi (subsequently renamed Chittaranjan Park) and Orissa. ...
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- 2 visits - 27 Sep... and Sikkim and the country Bhutan, and to its southwest, the state of Orissa. ... Bengali people migrated to the Malay Archipelago and Siam (in modern ... War of 1971 resulted in the influx of millions of refugees to West Bengal, ...
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books.google.co.in/books?isbn=0761934235... -orissalive.com
This site may harm your computer.
They further said that in 1961, the government brought 12000 Bengali refugees to Orissa in the name of rehabilitation, 75 per cent of thick forest was ...
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N Orissa, and Chhattisgarh are the most important mining areas; ….. of millions of Bengali refugees (mostly Hindus) from East Pakistan into India. ...
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| 1 | 2 | 3 | ORISSA chief minister Biju Patnaik wants to disturb the placid waters of the famous Chilika lake but faces an angry response from his people. A broad-based people's agitation is building up in the state against the Patnaik government's efforts to allow the Tatas to set up a prawn aquaculture farm in Chilika, the largest brackish-water lake in Asia. ORISSA chief minister Biju Patnaik wants to disturb the placid waters of the famous Chilika lake but faces an angry response from his people. A broad-based people's agitation is building up in the state against the Patnaik government's efforts to allow the Tatas to set up a prawn aquaculture farm in Chilika, the largest brackish-water lake in Asia.
Tags4 | 5 | 6 | 7 | 8 | 9 | 10 |
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http://www.indiaenvironmentportal.org.in/node/10773
Fewer birds at Chilka lake
A drastic fall in the number of migratory birds visiting the Chilka lake in Orissa this winter has baffled ornithologists. What concerned them more was that ...
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THE FISHERFOLK AND THE LAKE
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deep areas of Chilika. They use large nets for catching fish and prawn in deep areas of the lake. They use tata particularly to catch fish spawn. ...
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by NU Sekhar - 2004 - Cited by 11 - Related articlesChilka Lake Bird Sanctuary,Chilka Lake Bird Sanctuary in Orissa ...
Stretching over an area of 1100 sq. kms., Chilka lake is an excellent tourist spot for fishing, boating and bird watching.During winter it flutters with ...
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Every morning, hundreds of small fishing boats set sail to get the day's catch from this lake. So, if you want to observe all these and more, come to Chilka ...
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Dotted with islands, it offers good hunting, boating, and fishing. For more information on Chilka Lake, visit Britannica.com. ...
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Little Indians.
--------------
Millions of little Indians, Hindus Muslims and others
for them no law, no land, no fathers mothers brothers.
They slave in little tea shops, they beg along the road,
they sleep upon their little feet, they have no bed, no board.
Government makes new budgets of which they are no part.
Governments feed on government grants, they eat their little heart.
The rich perform ablutions to please the gods above;
the gods return their favours and increase their treasure trove.
Little Indians find employment in hell holes we call factories;
their lungs fill up with poison gas, government collects the taxes.
Some little Indians go to public school in bus or car or jeep;
a million others look for food in wayside garbage heap.
Their schools are in Government file, their meals are part of Plan,
but when nation needs an atom bomb, they eat whatever they can.
Little Indians, they are taught to sing 'mera bharat mahan';
Little Indians wipe their hunted eyes - they wonder what is on.
-- Badri Raina.
.........................................................................--
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
..................................................................
Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre- PMARC has been initiated with the support from group of senior journalists, social activists, academics and intellectuals from Dalit and civil society to advocate and facilitate Dalits issues in the mainstream media. To create proper & adequate space with the Dalit perspective in the mainstream media national/ International on Dalit issues is primary objective of the PMARC.
Berhampur (Orissa) : The migratory birds from the foreign lands particularly from North pole have been sighted in hundreds in the Nalabana sky, however the winged guests are yet to land at the famous bird sanctuary Nalabana due to the water logging, local sources informed.
Though, thousands of migratory birds had landed at the Nalabana on October 14 last year, bird lovers, forest and wild life people may have to wait for another few weeks keeping in view the present weather condition and the suitability of the Nalabana for the temporary stay of the visitors.
With the arrival of the winged guests, eagerness of the bird lovers and ornithologist ends which makes the forest department people serious and active keeping in view the security of these winged visitors expected to make Chilka their temporary home till March.
The forest department and the wild life people have already warned the boat owners not to venture into these areas in order to protect the rare species of birds from the evil elements; hunters.
As per the statement of local people, birds of the foreign origin have been coming to Chilika Lake and were being sighted flying in groups to locate the proper places for their stay till their homeward journey.
As per local sources, a few hundred birds have already arrived and seen flying in various locations of the Nalabana and Mangalajot area in north west region of the lake Chilika.
Birds including shovllers, Godwals and Uzens have been sighted in the sky, however these birds have not been sighted landing at these places like Parikuda, Solakudi, Khatiakudi, Jayamalla, Chirtakut and Tichhali where they chose to stay, besides the Nalabana covering an area of 15.53 square kilometer where more than 3 lakh migratory birds normally being expected.
There are other species of birds which are yet to be sighted flocking are Pintails, Brahmani ducks, Eiracoorall, Godwich, and Tofted Pochards; the indigenous species normally sighted in the parts of Chilka Lake throughout the year.
Normally, more than 169 species of migratory birds arrive at the Chilika Lake to escape from the chill of the winter in the countries of south East Asia like Russia, Kazakistan, Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan and from the North Pole regions. Even, the birds of Himalayan origin, particularly from the upper regions of the Ladakh do come here for a temporary stay in the Chilika Lake.
In these cold regions of the world, the birds do find it very tough to stay as it was quite difficult to get the normal food due to the snow fall during winter. And Chilika, during this chilled winter that starts from October-November and ends in March, becomes the favourite destination for these winged guests. Hence, to take refugee, these birds do migrate to Chilka lagoon.
Though, there were only few species of birds have been sighted during these days and that too in hundreds, birds of more than 150 species in lakhs are being expected with the decrease in temperature in the cold regions of the world. Notably, near about 9 lakh migratory birds belonged to as many as 169 different species had been sighted at Chilika last year.
Income tax department claimed that it has found evidence of Rs 400 crore hawala transactions linked to former Jharkhand CM Madhu Koda, TV reports say
Protect me? They can't even protect my art: M F Husain
MUMBAI/DELHI: The government might be finally moving to make things easier for India's renowned painter M F Husain to return to his homeland
M F Husain
after four years of exile, but the 94-year-old artist is hardly impressed. Nor is he taking seriously the home ministry's efforts to club three pending cases against him so as to ensure their speedy disposal.
``What are they talking about?'' asked Husain in a telephonic conversation with TOI from Dubai. ``The India Art Summit held in August this year did not feature a single work by me. The reason given was that they could not afford to take the `risk'. How will they protect me if they cannot protect my work? How can I trust them?'' (Read full interview in TOI-Crest this Saturday.)
The artist feels that it's not just a question of legal cases against him. That did not force him to leave India. What caused his exile were the threats of physical harm to him by saffron groups. He wondered what would happen to him if he actually returned. ``They can, of course, promise me a bullet-proof car and the works. But, then, did Indira Gandhi or Rajiv Gandhi have any less security?''
On its part, the home ministry plans to approach the Supreme Court and request it club the three cases pending in Delhi, Gujarat and Maharashtra ^ and move for their early disposal. Said Husain's lawyer Akhil Sibal: ``Any positive step by the government is welcome. But we would also like to see a clear message that the government would do everything within the law to prevent his harassment.''
Husain said his case was not unique: ``From Galileo to Pablo Neruda, creativity has been exiled many times. I am not the first one.'' Still, the artist said he was deeply hurt by the way ``a few'' have treated him. ``It's a tremendous hurt. I'm Indian. Why should I beg these people to call me back to my country?''
Anubha Sawhney Joshi & Himanshi Dhawan, TNN 30 October 2009, 01:27am IST
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Protect-me-They-cant-even-protect-my-art-M-F-Husain/articleshow/5178312.cms
I wanted to visit Dandkaranya once again. Our People have informed me that sometime in November or December,I would have to visit Malkangiri as they planned Matua Sammelan once again.I had visited malkangiri and Omorkot only in last march. They did not change but I may not go as the Bengali Brahaminical hegemony is Indulged once again to play with the Destiny of our People to readjust their political demography beyond Bengal. the marxist did it in Seventies ending in Marichjhanpi Genocide and mamata replicates her Rivals just after gaining recognition as regional parties in Arunachal and Tripura. her peopel in Uttarakhand are trying our people over there wuith the baits of different RLY committee memebership. Now she sends SUNANDO Sanyal to Malkangiri. I may not share the same dias being aware of the IMMINENT Disartous consequences. I alerted our people over their and have informed the CAUSE of my Refusal. But mamata is Powerful enough to get her men over there.
Sridam Biswas, the leader of REFUGEE Coordiantion Committe asked me on phone day befor yeasterday whether I would be able to attend the CONVENTION. I said, NO. I got Phone calls from Malkangiri also.
Sabita has ENTRAINED in DOON Express last Night at 12 PM sharp and expected to reach Howrah tomorrow Morning. But our people fro CHILKA Lake, in KHURDA District informed last day that they would land in my home this morning to discuss their problmes , I agreed.As we face the problem all over Uttar Pradesh, our people are scattered in bunches and have been resettled in ONE, Two, Three, Four, Five villages in Meerut, Bijnore, Bareilly, Rampur,badayoon, kanpur, Lakhim Pur Kheri and Baharaich Districts where they face INFINITE Problems in their day to day life. IN such a MINORITY, they may not defend theselves , either we may be able to protect them from outside as being afraid of Communal flare Up going up against them.We have to live and STRUGLE unted as ROCK solid with Local Communities, it had always been my Survival KIT which I convey our people everywhere. I had been in Bijnore last time and discussed the strategy with our people and convinced them.
In Orissa, the Problem is very ACUTE as they have been targeted under Nationwide Deportation drive launched jointly by LK Adwani, PRANAB Mukherjee and Buddhadeb Bhattachary aligning with NAVEEN Patnaik. A few families were already deported from KENDRAPARA already until a UTKAL Bangiya Suraksha Committe was constituted and ORIA local Communities, Political parties and media came in forward to defend our people.
Mahajati Nagar Block in Kendrapara sandwitched between PARADEEP Port and Bhitar KANIKA sanctury falls under Coast Line Security Act as well as Forest act. Citizenship amendment Act declaring the NOAKHALI Victims resettled there since 1952 executes the much Needed EVICTION to clear the GROUND for a gretaer SEZ passed by Patnaik. Abriginal Tribal and Bengali as well as tamil refugee land in almost every Orissa district is TRGETED by MNCs and India Incs including PASCO and Tatas. So Reliance gets it in CHHATTISHGARH and Tata has rooted in JHARKHAND.
The LPG Raj is clear with the fact that EX Chief Minister of JHARKHAND, madhu KDA has DIVERTED no less than FOUR Thousand Crore RS in Personal Pockets and CBI raided Sevnety Places all over the country in search of the Jharkhand State Money DIVESTED not to mension the SWISS Bank acount. if a low Profile Chief Minister may dare to DIGEST such a BIG amount, it would be rather very interesting to know HOW Much GROWTH the POLITICIANS gained inMajor Deals, SEZ Drive, INFRASTRUCTURE Projects and MOWs Signed. All the FLAGSHIP Progrramme MONEY is allocated VIA NGOS run by the RULING Class.
Times Now says that this was revealed after the "detailed questioning" of Koda by the I-T sleuths on alleged hawala transactions and investments made by him and his associates.
The department carried out countrywide searches on at least 70 premises associated with Koda yesterday and seized voluminous documents, computer peripherals and other records pertaining to bank details and investments.
The department issued notices to Koda and others for "detailed questioning" after the completion of scrutiny of the seized material, official sources said.
Some questioning at the time of searches was done by tax officials but they were largely cursory.
The notices were said have been sent under section 131 of the Income Tax Act 1961 which authorises the department to issue summons or to force attendance of any person for being examined on oath or to compel production of books of account and other documents.
The department yesterday had claimed that its had found evidence of Rs 4000 crore in hawala transaction and investments after searches were conducted at Delhi, Kolkata, Mumbai, Lucknow, Nasik, Ranchi, Chaibasa and Jamshedpur.
IT authorities added the department will also initiate the unlocking of seized lockers at various places of the former Chief Minister and his associates.
"Some documents showed about Rs 100 crore in foreign exchange being sent by hawala transactions to Dubai, Thailand and Malayasia," tax officials said after the searches on Saturday.
The searches were held after the Enforcement Directorate registered a case against Koda and his associates Sanjay Choudhary and Vinod Kumar Sinha on October 9 on charges of making huge illegal investments abroad.
The ED had filed an Enforcement Case Information Report (ECIR), which is equivalent to an FIR, before the Prevention of Money Laundering Act court in Ranchi against Koda and eight others.
Koda was chief minister between September 2006 and August 2008. Currently an Independent member of the Lok Sabha, Koda had held the mines portfolio twice in two governments, led by Arjun Munda between 2003 and 2006.
Thus, our people are quite UNSAFE and bengali ELITE Brahmin RULING Class who did everything to destroy right from the beginning would not bail them out, we may BANK on Local support only.
Nine Hundred Fifty One families from Partition Victims have been DUMPED in CHILKA lake. They were alotted land TWO Acres per family in the lake itself isolating the so called land in a dams for CULTIVATION. The land is almost INUNDATED and the SLIT salt has eaten the fertility. The Scheduled caste People have to live on with FISHING. since TATA has got the Lake, the people must be EVUICTED. For the time being they have been asked to get LICENSE and pay for FISHING, hence the LIVELIHOOD has already ENDANGERED.
Moreover, the NAMOSHUDRA and Paundra families settled in SIX Villages in CHILKA BHUSHAND Pur area are DePRIVED of RESERVATION as the CASTE Hindus do PRACTICE UNTOUCHABILITY against them. They are not allowed to fetch water in Public resources. They are NOT allowed the ENTER the Temples! They are SUBJECTED to INFINITE persecution!
you amy jsut call Nityanand SARDAR on his Cell Phone Number 09937350382 for further details.
Two Youngmen representing our people DUMPED in Chilka lake have been at my Home ad we discussed the Problems for Hours. Meanwhile, KL BISWAS from PUNE, Abhiram Mallick from Ranchi, Shyamal Paramanik from Banaras and DILIP mandal from JNU, New delhi joined us. SUSHANTO Kumar mandal and Nakul Chandra Mandal did everything to make us know about their PLIGHT and they just did not Cry. My heart Was weeping. As tehy refered my father PULIN Babu who had VISITED them and raised their issues at different level. I had been Kndrapara, cuttuck and Malkangiri, Umorkot refugee areas.
Rabi Sarkar, belonging to chilka lakeand staying in Cuttack happens to be my family friend. But I could not manage the TIME to visit the place just One Hour away from Bhuvneshwar.
Our people have SIX villages there.
BALIPATPUR Colony
JATINUAGA Colony
Gobardhanpur
Puntolby clony
Sunderpur colony
Katlagupta Colony
As Fishing as LIvelihood is not enough and cste Hindus having Hatred and apathy against them, practicing UNTOUCHABILITY, it is near IMPOSSIBLE to sustain Themselves. They have to seek JOB elsewhere where they may not be singled out as Untouchables. They have to travel palces all over the country!
Since Paundras, Malo,Namoshudra and other bengali Scheduled caste communities enjoyed the FREEDOM form Brahaminical Socity for Decades as the Local Communities were Unaware of their SC Identity, they NEVER Demanded RESERVATION and always opposed the AMBEDKARITES, even my Father. They would not spare anyone who would EXPOSE their dalit IDENTITY Fearing UNTOUCHANBILITY and DISCRIMINATION as well as Social Separation! I faced their Wrath in 1978 while I voiced their Grievances in stories based on their SC status. they were ready to kill me. I did not withdraw and faced SOCIAL ANGER for years.
Now in a Global village they Demadn RESERVATION for Extra Chances as the SC local Communities treat them as cate Hindu and caste Hindus PRACTICE Untouchability as they EXPOSED their SC status demanding Reservation! Moreoever, they sufefr INFIGHT amongst theselves . The Namoshudras and Paudras popularly known as Chandala And POD fight for Reseravtion SEPARATELY poised agints each other. While my father PULIN Babu wante a SINGLE SOCIETY of Refugees irrespective of religion, caste and language with RESERVATION and quota. They Never AGREED.
Culturally RAGGED for thousnads years, ENSLAVED for Thousands years and DEPRIVED of Knowledge they have lost ETHNIC Nationality Idenity and even Motehr Tongue. They Know Nothing about their Glorious Past and anything about the ANCIENT Bengal Ruled by Indigenous and Aboriginal communities, their NEGROID fore fathers. Even they happen to be unaware OF MAHASTHAGARH, the Paundra capital in east Bengal not to mention aboriginal and indigenous rulers all along United Bengal, Orissa, Andhra, maharashtra, Chhattishgarh, MP, Bihar and Jharkhand beside the Himalayas and the NORTH east. They are unaware of the Power Politics and remain TAMED Votebanks without Representation. Thy KNOW nothing about the FREE Market Democarcy and LPG Raj. They are UNAWAR of the IMMINENT danger to their VERY Existence.
How may I help these People? But it is my Immediate Liability!
My dear friends!
Most of us do believe we happen to be the best of the Democratic and secular lot with Academic background very sound as we may be technically perfect as living in SENSEX Shining Nuclear India depriving eighty Percent Indigenous Aboriginal people.
With Poona pact signed, Gandhi ENSURED Brhamin Bania raj which shped in Corporate MNC raj in US promoted FREE market Democracy turning India into a peripherry of US war Economy. DR BR Ambedkar being singled out alone was able to enter the Constitutional Assembly thanks to the East bengal refugees Scheduled castes who had the legacy of Peasant Uprising and Aboriginal Insurrection against foreigners since Mohanjodor Harappa to British raj. Partion was the RESOLUTION to seek Ram rajya in an Indian HOLOCAUST and Bloodshed INFINITE. The Feudal Princely Zamindar Class have adopted the Corporate Culture adjusting very well in Post Modern manusmriti apartheid Galaxy Order. Rs Ten Lac corore Indian national Budget is spent in Defence deals and kickbacks, Sixth pay commision, Energy Crisis, Nuclear space Armament and a Bailout of the INFLATED FII FDI so called RISILIENT Economy from NON Existing Recession in India. Indian comanies and MNCS grew in TRIPLE fold of which about twenty percent comes from HIRE and Fire policy. Every Profitable PSU has to be Disinvested or Divested as the Trade Union Movement is Captured by the Marxists and the Left which Never do addresses Job Loss, Unemployment and Rights of the working class. deprived of Livelihood, Land, home AVERAGE Enslaved iIndian are Destined to live aand die as SLUMDOGs in Urban Semi urban and Rural India as well. Basic services and necessities, Food Insecurity, Starvation and Pandemic Problems are Never Addressed. DEMOGOGUES hold on the State Power arousing castelogy and ETHNONationalism. Unprecedented hatred and Violence ENVELOP us and the Geopolitics is made an INFINITE battleground. Though India Suffered the Partition Holocaust and refugee Influx continues even today. The Ruling Hegemony further partitioned the Nation into Landscape as well as Humanscape DIVIDES as North India the Cow belt, South India , the Dravid land and the Himalyan Zone including Kashmir , gorkhaland, uttarakhand and Entire North east most of which is under the UMBRELLA of AFPSA since 1958. We the people divided in different landscapes and humanscapes have no Interactions as Market Dominating Minority Brahamin policy Makers, Intelligentsia, civil society and media play all the MIND Control Game to Isolate ourselves into little Islands and hence we Never may be able to break the Walls of Concentration camps of Mental blocks as we are Controlled Minds and behave like BIOLOGICAL Robots.
While Icon like Arundhati ray addresses the problems of alien landscape or Humanscpae we react very subjective and enhance the HATE campaign with personal attack. I do agree and also know personally all the details unfolded by Ms RAY.
But I am alos AWARE of the Human Documentation of hatred as revealed in high caste Indian L:iterature and Journalism! They present and showcase themselves most Human. Trashankar Bandopaddhyaya to Mahashweta Debi, SALMAN Rushdie to arundhatui ray, Amitav Ghosh to Rajkamal Jha the story is same. They seem to stand UNITED Rock Solid with the Aboriginal Indigenous People in their Anti fascist Anti Imperialist secular Inclusive Mode as GANDHI has been the best ICON in this GENRE but little Sympathy they would have in their hearts and would Never go beyound their Class and caste Interest. Just they Oblige us to raise the voice against us. For example, Ulka Mahajan and medha Patkar Phenomenon and Projected NGO mass movement in Hard RH light may explain the grownd reality as we gain NOTHING from the Projected Ideology or Insurrection. At last LPG Mafia gains stronger.
For eaxample, Ms Mamat Banerjee had aligned with the Maoists and worked together even in Lalgrah movement with Chhatradhar Mahato as well as Kishanjee. but getting the share in Powerpolitics she breaks through a major Turnaround demanding ARMY Operation against Maoist Branded Millions of Aboriginal People trying to sustain tehemselves demanding Civil and Human Rights.
Mamata Banerjee also does CONVERT she is now a MATUA. MATUA Religion was the direct product of CHANDAL Movement in Dalit Renaissanince of bengal which succeeded in Indigo Revolt as well as anti Untouchability Movement. Mamata Matua Banerjee has declared that she would worship the DALIT Avtar of GOD, harichand Thakur only but she takes no stance on Matua demands . The matuas demand citizenship for eevry East Bengal refugee, the Partition victims. mamata has not responded as yet. she has not clarified her stance on EXTRA chances for SC, ST and OBC. She has not demnaded justice for Marichjhanpi Genocide even after thirty years following suit the bengali Intelligentsia as well as society which wre HABITUAL to have every CAKE during the haydays of marxist Hegemony and now NEVR feel ashamed of being the part and parcel of railway Ministry.
Mahashweta debi, the daughter of Manish Ghatak, wife of BIJO Bhattacharya, Mother of Nabarun Bhattacharya and the niece of RITWIK Ghatak has been writing on Tribal Rights whereas she has not spoken a word against Dalit Genocide or Persecution in Bengal.She NEVER tlks on Refugee Problem UNSOLVED til this date.
mamata speaks for Lalgarh Tribal but she has kept MUM on THREE MILLION Partiotion Victim east Bengal Refugees settled in the Maoist Geopolitics STRANDED in CROSS Fire.
Arundhati Ray speaks for a different landscape and Humanscape ISOLATED from the Rest of India.We must Thank Ray as well as OUT Look India for this Highlight. We may debate on the limitation of Mrs ray limited in her Class character as Indian Communist, Marxist and Maoist Movement have always been led by BRAHAMIN General secretaries, central committes and polit bureaus and always they have BETRAYED our people. We have to bear the heat an dust of ETHNIC Cleansing while the people like Arundhati ray, mahashweta debi and Medha Patkar, BARBARA Rao and DEEPANKAR bhattachary, Prakash Karat and Brinda Karat would Enjoy the ICON status and bargain in Power Politics to hget personal and class Mileage. They would not creat any DEMOCRATIC process to resolve the Problems but would always ENCASH the STAND Off for reasons understandable!
I beleive that the DEBATE should focus on the basic Problems of ETHNIC cleansing and Mass destruction in an age of ECONOMIC Reforms and LOOT of National and Natural resources.
Nov 01, 2009 04:55 PM
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I Have been a very loyal reader of Outlook India and Ms ARUNDHATI Ray. I have been writing on the topic Maosim as detecting the Space Popular Resistance by thr INDIGENOUS Aboriginal Nature associated people against the Monopolistic Corporate Imperialist Onslaught ontheir only holding the nature associate traditional Property Natural Resouce. Since FREE MARKET sntach everything and Economic Reforms means ETHNIC Cleansing in the best ineterst of Minoriti DOMINATING CASTE Hindu Brahaminical Communities and US War ECONOMY, Democracy as well as Parliamentary system and Constituyion with the rest of SUFFERING Majority Masses remain IRRELEVANT.
The Fight for Land is alright which Ms ray Highlights quite effectively but she hardly refers the Major COINCIDENCE that MAOSIT falare UP as well as Projected NGO Mass Movements led by the BRAHAMINICAL leadership defend Corporate interest as well as MANUSMRITI Apartheid Rule. Maoist attack the State Power Structure which is as much as SINILAR to the AFPSA Repression, Military Oprion with Zero Intoletance, Man Made Calamities and Pandemics and the STRUCTURAL Insyitutional unprecedented Hatred, Discrimination, inequality, Injustice, Violence and subversion. But the Maoist do play the Power Play on their part to help either part of ruling Hegemony as it is clear with Mamata Banarejee appearing maoist to harvest the Electoral Mandate manipulated in Hypocricy and Revenge play. Maoist BLOOM just after the LPG Mafia and INDIA Incs took over Governance, policy Making and Adminstraion and so Called Representatives do feel Happy go all round with SHOCKING Wealth, Power, Previllege and loyality to Zionist Dyansty. THe Peripherry of US war Economy, latest War Zone Indian Divided Geoploitics engaged in Nuclear and Space ARMAMENT guided and aligned by and with Pentagon does depend on the Internal security on either US ARMY or CIA and Mossad. Trained in India, they fight in Iraq. But the Maoists have NEVER involved themselves in Trade Union Movement and NEVER EVER did anything to HARM and attack CORPORATE infrastructure anywhere in Free Base Areas. Maoists as well as Media Creat the GROUND of STATE sponsered Mass destruction which Strengthens the Market Dominating BRAHAMINICAL comminities. Incidentally, Ms ray, an ICON herselfis also a BRAHMIN as Mahashweta Di and mamata Banerjee, Medha and Ulka happen to be. Our people, the Negroid Black untouchables are to be SCAPE Goats!
Please visit my blog for every detail:
indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com
Palash Biswas
Kolkata, India
http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262519
The end of Koda the survivor
From staging a coup to dislodge the NDA government in 2006 to become the youngest chief minister of Jharkhand, Madhu Koda has always been
a survivor till major ally JMM in the state's UPA withdrew support to his government on August 17.
Born on January 6, 1971, Koda, hailing from a tribal farming community, began his political career as a RSS worker in 1990 and entered the state assembly in 2000 on a BJP ticket from Jagganathpur constituency.
He retained the seat as an independent after BJP denied him nomination, which turned out to be a blessing in disguise for him.
Koda served as a cabinet minister in the erstwhile BJP governments headed by Babulal Marandi and Arjun Munda before he became the fifth chief minister after Marandi, Munda (twice) and Soren.
He became the chief minister as an independent MLA after he assumed the post on September 18, 2006 in the wake of the fall of the saffron government.
He endured many pulls and pressures to survive for nearly two years before JMM supremo Shibu Soren declared that his government's 'baggage of misgovernance' could not be carried further.
Buddhadeb 'both a Marxist and a Maoist': Mamata
Countering the CPM's allegation of her party's truck with the Maoists, Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee today said the Maoists
and the Marxists are both sides of the same coin.
"I think that the Marxists and the Maoists are both sides of the same coin. They are working together," Banerjee told newspersons here.
Alleging that the CPM was running the government with the help of the Maoists, she said there was no difference between the violent activities of the Maoists and Marxists.
"If Maoists are to be banned, why not the CPM which is also carrying out armed operations in the state?"
Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee had appealed to the Trinamool Congress yesterday to "severe links with the rebels".
Describing Bhattacharjee as "both a Marxist and Maoist with a double face," Banerjee accused him of inaction in tracing the missing policemen Sabir Ali Molla and Kanchan Gorai reportedly kidnapped by Maoists on July 30.
"The Union Home Minister had said that the Centre is willing to help in the search of these two policemen. I want to know why they are not being looked for even after this. Does not the Chief Minister have the responsibility to look for them?" she said.
She claimed the state government was using CPM cadre to carry out armed operations against opposition leaders and workers. 69 Trinamool supporters have been killed by CPM activists over the past few months.
Banerjee said she had handed over evidence regarding the killing of Trinamool men to Union Home Minister P Chidambaram.
She also gave a list of 14 Trinamool activists who remained untraced in Nandigarm and its vicinity during the anti-land acquisition campaign there. Banerjee said according to locals, they had been killed by CPM cadre and their bodies thrown in the Haldi river.
The Railway Minister also accused the CPM of amassing huge sums of unaccounted money, and said this will come to light once the Centre takes the move to unearth black money stashed in Swiss banks.
Banerjee said the government was not "doing its duty" in checking the spiralling price rise. "Potato is selling at Rs 30 a kilo. But farmers are not getting a fair price."
She said although the PDS is in the hand of the state government, it was not doing anything to ensure supply of essentials and thereby stabilise their prices.
Trinamool, Maoists jointly unleashing violence: Jyoti Basu
With the crucial by-election to 10 Assembly seats in West Bengal barely nine days away, CPM patriarch Jyoti Basu today charged Trinamool
Congress with joining hands with Maoists to unleash violence in the state.
"Everyday our workers are getting killed. Common people, police personnel, doctors, nurses are also slain. Our party office is burnt. Trinamool Congress and Maoists are doing this together. They are taking law into their own hands," the nonagenarian leader said in a statement.
Describing the coming Assembly by-polls as "very important", Basu said, "Democracy is under attack, peace is disturbed. We had restored peace and democracy in 1977 with people's support".
Seeking support for the Leftits, Basu said, "Our result in the last Lok Sabha election was poor. Some of our sympathisers and friends had voted against us. It is not their fault. We could not take our view points properly to the people".
Basu's statement, which came after the CPM-led Left Front's successive poor showing in the Lok Sabha, Assembly by-elections and municipal polls, also admitted that there were some mistakes on the part of party.
Amitabh Bachchan gets clean chit in Barabanki land row
A five-member committee constituted by Barabanki district administration has given a clean chit to Bollywood star Amitabh Bachchan in a
case of alleged land forgery.
The committee, headed by a sub-divisional magistrate, in its report submitted yesterday, turned down the charges of forgery against Bachchan following which a complaint lodged by son of the Daulatpur village head was quashed, Superintendent of Police Alok Singh said today.
The committee, constituted by District Magistrate Vikas Gothwal, in its report said Bachchan had only proposed to donate two plots in Daulatpur village to the gram samaj.
"As the process to donate plots to the gram sabha was not completed, it cannot be proved that plot numbers 711 and 793 were to be transfered to the gram samaj," the report said.
Amitabh Bachchan gets SMS threat for visiting Dargah, temple
Bollywood megastar Amitabh Bachchan has revealed that he was threatened by an unnamed person through a text message for visiting a Hindutemple and a Muslim dargah. ( Watch Video )
The 67-year-old actor had described his religious routines in an earlier blog, which led the unknown person to threaten him against doing so, but the megastar is undeterred.
"That I visit a Muslim dargah and a Hindu temple has been viciously criticized by an unknown element on my mobile. He says it is incorrect of me to do so and that I should never do it again." Bachchan wrote on his blog.
The actor had visited the Haji Ali dargah in the wee hours on Thursday and then went to a nearby temple. He also visited a small dargah on and finally went to the Siddhivinayak temple.
But despite the warning, Bachchan insists that he is unaffected by such reactions.
"I am going to do it again, and shall continue to do it. And I want to see how you are going to stop me. If you have the courage and guts come and get me," he wrote.
The man has also warned the actor that his latest film 'Aladin', which hit the theatres yesterday, will not be successful because of Bachchan's act of visiting the dargah and temple.
"If the film has merit, no force on earth will be able to stop its worth. If the film is weak and does not have merit, no force on earth shall be able to make it a success. At the cost of every film of mine failing, I am not going to change my routine," wrote Bachchan.
Amitabh Bachchan 'pained' by fraud allegation
Pervez Iqbal Siddiqui, TNN 26 October 2009, 01:32am IST
Megastar Amitabh Bachchan is distressed over the allegations of his involvement in the Rs 500 crore fraud against him and Samajwadi
Party general secretary Amar Singh. In a pained and comprehensive blog, Big B has sought answers to more than 20 questions ''despite spasmodic shoulder pain''.
From questioning the reason behind the case of ''a supposed fraud'' being reported at ''a small almost unknown police station, Babupurwa, in far off Kanpur'', to pointing out how bogus FIRs, Bofors and Barabanki have bogged him down time and again, the Bollywood superhero says it all.
''Is it a fact that no police officer was willing to register the case as they couldn't find anything wrong?'' he asks. That inspector of Babupurwa refused to register the complaint and was transferred an hour before the new inspector came in to lodge the FIR as his first job at the new post?
That the government later discovered that all proper procedures had been followed by the ''accused'' in the FIR? That clearances from the Income Tax Department, the Company Law Board and the hon'ble High Court of Kolkata had been obtained? And that finding themselves in an embarrassing spot, the authorities washed their hands off and sent the case to Kolkata? The questions, as per his admission, are based on his ''own little enquiry''.
Closely following the developments in regard to the Kanpur FIR, Bachchan expresses relief over the Allahabad high court dismissing a petition seeking the court's monitoring of the investigations and progress into the FIR.
''Meanwhile, back home, that most obnoxiously constructed case of this fraud of Rs 500 crore has reached another proportion,'' his Sunday blog reads.
''Without warning and with an intent to save face, the administration, on receiving its complaint back from Kolkata Courts of Law stating there was no illegality in the matter, moved Allahabad HC without informing us, or without seeking our desire for representation.
This afternoon the matter was dismissed by the hon'ble HC, in our favour apparently stating that there was no basis to this case!
''I have much to say on this. But now my pain intensifies. I have to travel tomorrow to contribute in and open a diabetic center in another city. I must rest,'' he concludes, but not without promising ''more later''
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Amitabh-Bachchan-pained-by-fraud-allegation/articleshow/5161652.cms
Bhubaneswar ( Orissa) : In an attempt to attract more tourists, Orissa Government has planned an Integrated Management Plan, based on the Ramsar guidelines for Chilka Lake, the largest lake on the East Coast of India, with an ecosystem approach.
As a follow-up, Ramsar Convention had commissioned the services of Wetlands International South Asia (WISA) to formulate the plan and the management planning process has almost been completed, Chilka Development Authority chief executive Ajit Kumar Patnaik said.
Patnaik said a management planning workshop would be organised here on October 23 next for the deliberation on the draft management plan.
The workshop, to be inaugurated by Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik, would discuss about the management plan of the lake, he stated, adding based on the recommendations of the workshop, the management plan would be fine tuned.
Spread over 1,16,500 hectares of brackish wetland separated from the Bay of Bengal by a long sandy ridge, Chilka lake was added to the Ramsar List of Wetlands of International Importance in 1981.
Because of serious degradation, mainly due to siltation and choking of the seawater inlet channel, the lake suffered an overall loss of biodiversity and most importantly, changes in its ecological characters took place, resulting in inter alia in the proliferation of invasive freshwater species and the decrease in fish productivity, Chilka lake was added to the list of Ramsar sites in danger (the Montreux Record) in 1993. In 2001, a Ramsar Advisory Mission was carried out at the Chilka Lake Ramsar site, which concluded with the recommendation that the site should be removed from the Montreux Record.
Based on their recommendations, Chilka was removed from the Montreux record in the year 2002. Chilka was the first site from Asia to be removed from Montreux record.
The case of Chilka lake is a perfect example of how the listing of a site on the Montreux Record could be used to promote measures to correct change in ecological character of a site, and also to improve the socio-economic conditions of the population living in and around the site.
Patnaik said one of the major interventions was desiltation of the channel connecting the lagoon to the sea and opening of a new mouth to restore the natural flow of water and salinity levels.
This resulted notably, in only a couple of years, in a substantial increase in the lagoon's fish yield and a reduction of freshwater weeds.
Other measures included catchment management in a participatory manner, protection of bird habitat and of bird species, economic incentives to the local population to stop poaching of birds, measures to improve the socio-economic conditions.
The CDA chief executive said all these activities were carried out based on the scientific studies and recommendations of the premier institutes of the country.
He claimed that the Ramsar Advisory Mission in their report had made an observation that the Convention should consider using Chilka Lake as a case study on the application of the various Ramsar guidelines and address complex wetland and catchment management issues.
With the development of a perfect management plan, the Chilka lake could serve as an example for other contracting parties world over on the issues such as participatory planning, awareness and education, monitoring and integrated management, Mr Patnaik added.
Mainstream, Vol XLVII, No 44, October 17, 2009
What has Driven the Tribals of Central India to Political Extremism?
Saturday 17 October 2009, by
According to the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, 125 districts spread over nine States in Central India and adjoining areas have come under the influence of Left radical groups, loosely called Naxalites. On June 22, 2009, the Government of India has declared the most important among the Naxalite groups, the Communist Party of India (Maoist), as a terrorist organisation and banned it.
The precursors of the present phase of Naxal activities first surfaced in Naxalbari of North Bengal; Gopiballabhpur and Nayagram Police Station areas close to the meeting points of West Bengal and Jharkhand; Srikakulam in Andhra Pradesh; Malkangiri in Orissa; the adjoining areas of Bastar in Chhattisgarh and Gadchiroli in Maharashtra mainly among the tribal people. Currently though many areas and people in North India outside the predominantly tribal region have come under Naxal influence, it seems from the report of the Expert Group constituted by the Planning Commission to examine the development challenges in extremist affected areas that the epicentre of the upsurge "is the region in Central India with concentration of tribal population, hilly topography and undulating terrain". This may not be fortuitous.
On August 18, 2009, addressing a meeting of the Chief Ministers the Home Minister of the Government of India, P. Chidambaram, stated that the Maoist challenge would be met by development activities and police action. This was an utterly unrealistic approach; he was silent about the most important issue, namely, the systematic dispossession of the tribal people from land resources, which they have been holding for generations.
Here it would be noted that the dispossession I am referring to is very much different from development related displacement. Conceptually at least, project related displacement is not dispossession. Displacement is the unwanted outcome of particular type of development, and the government accepts the right of the displaced persons to be compensated. It is a different matter that compensation may not be adequate, or only notional.
As against involuntary displacement, in many predominantly tribal areas the tribal people are deliberately dispossessed of their lands and resources thereon in a meticulously planned manner. This is a serious charge. But this is true. I shall now give the relevant information in support of what I have stated.
In November 1985, the Planning Commission had set up a Study Group on Land Holding Systems in Tribal Areas with myself as the Chairman and Dr Bhupinder Singh (at that time Adviser, Planning Commission with the rank of an Additional Secretary, Government of India) as Member-Secretary. The other members included one retired High Court Judge, one retired Chief Secretary who also had served as the Adviser to the Governor during President's Rule in Nagaland, one former member of the Union Public Service Commission, the Agricultural Commissioner of the Government of Bihar, one Professor of History, Economics and Sociology each. I am a retired Professor of Anthropology. We made a field study in Orissa and found that during the land survey and settlement operation carried out in the late 1950s and continuing in the 1980s in some areas of Koraput district, hardly one per cent land in actual possession of the tribal communities was recorded in their favour. The Study Group could not visit other States because of the inability of the Planning Commission to provide logistic support.
In fulfilment of an assurance in respect of a Lok Sabha USQ No. 678 dated April 15, 1987, a statement was tabled in Parliament vide Planning Commission QM No. Pc/Bc/16—(67)/87 dated 1988. It inter alia mentioned:
As regards cadastral survey and settlement operations above 10 degree slope which have been declared forest, there may be some difficulty in carrying out these operations because this may come in conflict with the provisions of the Forest (Conservation) Act 1980. Even in cases where the provisions of the Forest Act are not attracted the State Government of Orissa seems to have avoided such a survey in order to prevent alienation of fragile hill-slopes.
¨
During our visit to Orissa, apart from interacting with the tribal people in their habitats, we had held discussions with leading citizens, the concerned Minister, Commissioner-cum-Revenue Secretary, Member, Board of Revenue, Land Reforms Commissioner, former Survey and Settlement Officer, Koraput district, District Collector, Keonjhar, and other officials. Nobody mentioned that cadastral survey could not take place on a slope beyond 10 per cent because most of these were declared forests. Perhaps some of these areas were declared village forests under the Village Forest Act 1972 after the survey-and-settlement started in the late 1950s. The time when some of the areas beyond 10 per cent slope might have been declared village forest should be checked.
However, the Planning Commission's statement submitted to Parliament admits that even in those areas beyond 10 per cent slope that did not attract the provision of the Forest Conservation Act, the rights of the tribal people were not recorded as "the Government of Orissa seems to have avoided even a survey in order to prevent alienation of fragile hill slopes". Here it should be noted that the statement of the Planning Commission is incomplete. On behalf of the Government of Orissa the Deputy Director, Land Records and Survey had submitted a note in which it had been mentioned that the land beyond 10 per cent slope was entered in 'Government Khata'. The note has been attached to the report of the Study Group (Annexure V). Perhaps, the officer of the Planning Commission who drafted the statement failed to take cognisance of the note submitted by the Government of Orissa. Otherwise the statement submitted to Parliament would have clearly mentioned that the areas beyond 10 per cent slope were recorded as state land in a single entry.
Details of why lands beyond 10 per cent slope, which were under actual possession of the tribal people, were not recorded in their favour have been furnished in the annual report of the Commissioner of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes for the year 1960-61. During its visit to Orissa in 1986, the Study Group found that the position had remained unchanged even after the lapse of a quarter-of-a-century and no remedial measure had been taken even though the Commissioner's report was presented to Parliament.
The report of the Study Group had included extracts from the report of the Commissioner of Scheduled Castes and Tribes at para 8.4. The relevant portion from the same is reproduced here.
During the Second Plan period an amount of Rs 6.93 lakhs was provided for implementation of the Jhum control scheme on Assam pattern and an amount of Rs 30.00 lakhs was provided for implementation of rehabilitation and soil conservation schemes. The Soil Conservation Department of the State has mainly concentrated on two types of activities, viz (1) contour bunding below 10 per cent slope, and (2) plantation above 10 per cent. Figures published by the Soil Conservation Organisation show that 6574 acres were bunded and 28103 acres of land were terraced. Three new watershed management units were also started during the year under the report, bringing the total number of units to eleven. These units covered a total area of 6.8 lakh acres.
As a result of perfunctory entry in the record-of-rights, in one village of Bisum Cuttack Block while out of 936.13 acres of land only 2.50 acres below 10 per cent slope was recorded in favour of the 44 households of Dongria Kondh [a community listed as primitive tribe in the State], around two thousand mango trees located above one to ten gradient slope which were owned by the Wadaka lineage, were recorded in favour of the State Government. The value of these trees was estimated to be around Rs 40 lakhs.
In Bondo Hills, less than one per cent land owned by the tribals belonging to the Bondo tribe who are also categorised as primitive, were recorded in their favour. In a recent communication Prof L.K. Mahapatra, a former Vice-Chancellor of Utkal University, informed me that in the Upper Bondo Hill only around 0.25 per cent land owned by the Bondo people was recorded in their favour.
In Keonjhar district, the data supplied by the Survey and Settlement Officer in respect of another officially listed primitive tribe, the Juang, show that 2.48 per cent to 23.50 per cent land owned by them in different villages were recorded in their favour.
Massive dispossession of the tribal peoples from their life support resource base had taken place because of the government policy of treating tribal possessions beyond 10 per cent slope in the hills since time immemorial, as encroachment.
It should not cause any surprise that today some of these areas are hotbeds of political extremism.
¨
As regards the effect of these measures and attitude of the tribals, the Commissioner reported as follows:
No attempt has been made to obtain the consent of the population concerned for undertaking the scheme and for ensuring their active partici-pation. There has not also been any follow-up programme and maintenance of the contour bunds has posed a difficult problem.
Thus what the Commissioner revealed was that land structure and land use of about eight lakh acres of land under occupation of the tribal people were changed without obtaining their consent.
But the Commissioner did not end here. What he further revealed was unthinkable in any democratic polity. As mentioned by the Commissioner,
At present an attempt is being made to obtain the consent from the families concerned to the effect that these will be maintained and repaired by the Government and the cost will be realised from the families concerned.
As maintenance is a continuous affair the people were required to pay all through their life, for what the functionaries of the state had imposed on them without obtaining their consent.
But the story does not end there. There were more shocking things to come. As the human drama unfolds in the Commissioner's report:
There are several other clauses in the bond. Some of the more important ones are (i) the assessment on land where contour bunding work has been executed shall not be reduced merely on the ground that the unprofitable area has increased as a result of any work; (ii) the "beneficiary" shall give up cultivation above 10 per cent slope; (iii) the beneficiary agrees that in view of the benefit accrued and accruing to him because of contour bunding, he shall transfer a portion of his land as may be decided by the Collector to the government free of consideration for giving the same to other persons who may be losing cultivation above 10 per cent slope.
While the Commissioner's report gives the key to the mystery of non-recording the land rights of the tribal people beyond 10 per cent slope, they were expected to part with such quantum of land as the Collector might decide, because of the so-called benefit accrued to them through the action of the minions of the state, without their consent.
Naturally, as reported by the Commissioner,
the people concerned did not agree to sign the bond and the revenue personnel have now been entrusted with the task of getting the bonds signed by tribals concerned.
While the mix of cynicism and environmental fundamentalism in the actions of the Orissa Government, as revealed by the Commissioner of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as early as in 1960-61, and the continuation of which was confirmed by the Study Group on Land Holding Systems in Tribal Areas in 1986, is unfortunate, the presentation of a sanitised version of the same in the statement submitted on behalf of the Planning Commission in Parliament would certainly cause doubt about the nature of India's democracy.
I visited Sundargarh district in 1991 at the invitation of an NGO. I learnt that the tribal people had successfully resisted the coercive measures unleashed by the state to sign a bond to relinquish their right in full on lands located above 10 per cent slope, and in part below 10 per cent slope. I was also told that their right above 10 per cent slope was not recorded as a confiscatory action on the part of the state. This is a serious charge, but as it targets the subjective attitude of the policy-makers, I would like to keep my judgment in suspense till I get more clinching evidence.
In 1989, I paid a short visit to Orissa as the Chairman of the Sub-Committee on Indigenous Systems of Conservation in the Tribal and Hill Areas, set up by the Committee on National Strategy of Conservation, Ministry of Environment and Forest. The Committee and Sub-Committee were set up as preparatory to the Earth Summit held in Rio in 1992. On this occasion I enquired about the functioning of the Watershed Management Units and contour bunds. I was told that in many areas the tribal people had damaged the contour bunds, as these had been constructed without taking care about the flow of water. I could sense that tension was mounting up.
The Secretary of the Harijan and Tribal Welfare Department gave me an interesting information. The Government of Orissa had approached the International Fund for Agricultural Development (IFAD) for assistance to take remedial measures against drought in the Kalahandi district where it had become endemic for years. At the insistence of the IFAD, the Orissa Government had agreed to allow cultivation up to 30 per cent slope. It was good news and bad news. It was good news in that the right of the tribal people was at least partially restored; it was bad news as the government, which ignored the report of the Commissioner of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and the report of a Study Group of which a retired judge of the High Court was a member, yielded readily to the pressure of an international funding agency. However, later I learnt that the government agreed to make relaxation only in the Kalahandi district, where the funds provided by the IFAD were used.
Official sources have tried to justify the government approach by telling me that the real intention of the government in derecognising the rights of the tribal people beyond 10 per cent slope was to discourage shifting cultivation. I enquired whether there were any scientific data in Orissa on the extent of soil erosion caused by shifting cultivation. I was told that no scientific data had been collected in Orissa. It is unfortunate that without scientific data non-stop campaigns against shifting cultivation had been carried on and are being carried on in the name of scientific land use. This is like a modern-day witch-hunt.
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The ICAR Regional Research Complex in Shillong collects data from time to time by fixing a measurement gauge in the experimental field at a place called Barpani near Shillong. The data show that depending on the degree of slope of all farming technologies next to bamboo shifting cultivation, if carried on below 40 per cent slope, has the lowest soil erosion. But if carried out on 60 to 70 per cent slope it has the highest soil erosion. Unfortunately to persuade the people to give up shifting cultivation the National Committee on Development of Backward Areas in the report on the North-Eastern Region has published data on soil erosion in case of shifting cultivation carried out on 60 degree to 70 degree slope only. And for comparison it has included corresponding data in respect of the natural bamboo forest.
At a seminar held in the North-East Hill University the tribal students accused a member of the National Committee, who was attending the seminar, of presenting the data in a perfunctory manner. They pointed out that less than one per cent of the farmers could have practised shifting cultivation on 60 degree to 70 degree slope. Shifting cultivation was normally carried out on lands below 45 degree slope. They asked why data relating to normal practice in shifting cultivation were not given. They pointed out another bias in the report. While in most tribal areas individual ownership of land is subsumed within community rights, the report under reference suggested that district and village councils should be persuaded to adopt a "progressive policy" of individualisation of their lands. This, they alleged, was interference with their system and that this would accelerate alienation of their land. In protest they would not allow the gentleman to speak. I was present at the meeting. With great difficulty the students could be persuaded to allow the gentleman to speak. I mention this incident to highlight the point that while bias against shifting cultivation per se is contributing to the alienation of tribal land, this in its turn is alienating the administration from the tribal people. In fact the report of the Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, already referred to, has given an example of the same. It is reproduced here:
Cashew nut plantation has been taken up by the Soil Conservation Organisation of the Orissa State Government on hillocks, some of which were used by the tribals for grazing their cattle or collecting dry shrubs for use as fuel. Some of the tribals even used to cultivate some of these highlands and had title deeds and paid rents for the lands utilised by them; but the Soil Conservation Department did not give them any share of the amount realised by the sale of cashew nut plant on eight hillocks.
During the visit of the Study Group, this matter was further examined. We were told that in great frustration the tribal people had burnt cashew nut land on one hillock in the early 1960s. Prof Mahapatra, the former Vice-Chancellor of Utkal University, provided us more information. In Koraput district, cashew nut plantation had been carried out on around one thousand acres of hill slope lands, out of which only 56 acres were passed on to the tribal people. He was not aware of any justification given by the government for appropriating more than 900 acres of land, which were under possession of the tribal people from time aeon. After it became clear that the government had no intention of giving them just share of the plants grown on their land, the tribal people uprooted the cashew nut plants on one hillock. Even then the government action of dispossessing the tribal people of their land by carrying on cashew nut plantation on hill slopes under the shifting cultivation control scheme was extended to other areas also. But the tribal people did not acquiesce passively. In 1984, they uprooted cashew nut plants on 95 acres on land at Jiljira at Kashipur Block. During a subsequent visit to Koraput district in mid-1990s I enquired from a senior official of the Orissa Government about the Kashipur episode. He confirmed the correctness of the information given by Prof Mahapatra and added that in addition to uprooting cashew nut plants, the tribal people had also burnt some plants. I was told by a social activist that most of the cashew nut plants grown over tribal land had been handed over to a corporate body, and that the tribal people were extremely sore about it. I, however, could not verify this information.
Already mention has been made of the concern of the tribal students of the North-East Hill University, Shillong about their community land. In Orissa we found that not only the tribal people, even some conscientious social activists and government officers were deeply concerned about it.
It was Gopinath Mohanty, the great humanist of Orissa, who pointed out that Kondh villages were sacred space to them. They occupied the villages after getting divine omens. The tribals considered that not only did they own the village, but also the village owned them.
This is a very significant observation. In this perspective the attempt made in some quarters to equate the World Bank-sponsored entity "common property resource", community land and resources is denial of tribal heritage.
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In my keynote address at a seminar on "Communal Land System", organised by the Indian Social Institute on August 28-29, 2002, I had spelt out the differences between the communal land holding system and common property resources system as follows:
1. Communal Land Holding System (CLHS) versus Common Property Resources System (CPR)
A. Modality of delineation of territorial jurisdiction:
CLHS: Belief in supernatural bestowal or sanctification by long historical association with or without concurrence of any centre of power including State CPR—assigned/endorsed by the state or ancillary centre of power.
B. Sustenance of relationship with delineated territory:
CLHS: Conviviality orientation encompassing animate and non-animate phenomenal world.
CPR: Power orientation underpinned by the ego-centric need satisfaction as in village commons in rural India.
C. (a) Nature of right of community in CLHS
CLHS: (i) Jurisdictional right as well as undifferentiated economic right of the community as a whole. Individuals have the right to a fair share but not the right to a specific area or plot within the jurisdictional right of the community.
(ii) Within jurisdictional rights of the community economic rights of clans or lineage and of functionaries serving different needs of the community or enjoying special prerogatives derived from some events supposed to have taken place in the past.
(iii) Jurisdictional right of the community exercised by special functionaries belonging to particular clans or lineage in mundane aspects together or separately and individual rights of different types being conferred/recognised by the special functionaries as in modified Khuntkatti system of the Mundas, Bhuihari system of the Oraons.
(iv) Jurisdictional right of the community exercised by special functionaries belonging to a particular lineage who secures assistance of different lineage or clan elders and balances power equation among them according to his own prudence and assigns fair share to the members of the community with the assistance of the lineage or clan elders (Kuki-Mizo system).
(v) Access right of specific community to specific resource for sustaining a specific livelihood pattern within the territorial jurisdictional right of a larger community with primarily a different livelihood pattern (Birhor's right to siyari plant for rope making within the territorial jurisdiction of the Santal, Kheria and other tribes).
(vi) Access right of different communities to the same territory in different hours of the day.
(a) Fishing right of the Keot in early morning and of the Kandra during other hours of the day in shallow water near the coast of Chilka Lake.
(b) Nature of right of community in CPR
Usufruct right according to rule framed by the authority/recognising the right.
2. Change in case of Non-traditional Use of Traditional Right
The Rongmei Naga people of Manipur have the traditional right of barter by individuals of the forest produce grown in nature in their respective shifting cultivation (Jhum) fields during the inter-Jhum period. When some of the Rongmei villages were connected by the national highway, some people in a village started to extract large quantity of forest produce and transport the same by trucks. This was a non-traditional use of resources. If large numbers of individuals transport forest products in this manner, there will be ecological degradation. The village council decided not to allow the individuals to make this non-traditional use of traditional resources. Instead it decided that truckloads of forest products from inter-Jhum fields would be marketed in a planned manner to ensure that environmental degradation did not take place. Further, the council decided that the money thus earned would be used to appoint an additional teacher in the local school. Thus it endorsed the view that a living traditional system itself has within its ambit the provision for change.
3. Viability of Communal Land System
A recent report from Panama indicates a trend of revival of the communal land system to provide a frame for collective resistance to encroachment as ancestral domain by unscru-pulous operators who mercilessly exhaust the land resources leading to environmental degradation. Besides, with appropriate institutional arrangement the communal land right has been found to provide collective security to productive investment.
With growing awareness unbridled consumerism of the West has created a condition that unless massive environmental retrieval is brought about within a short time, continuation of life on planet earth by the end of the century may become problematic; the whole of humanity is tending to become a moral community at the global level. At the same time there is a parallel development. Of late scientific resources' appraisal at the surface and sub-surface levels has generated a realisation that there is a concentration of major resources of the earth in the ancestral domains and current habitats of the tribal and analogous peoples (known as indigenous peoples in the United Nations parlance). Though defined in a manner which is not wholly satisfactory, global networking of the indigenous peoples has already taken place. With the creation of a Permanent Forum under the aegis of the United Nations, the indigenous existence as a part of an emerging global connectivity is becoming politically and legally surcharged, though currently on a low key. The significance of the presence of communal land and resource management systems of the tribal people is to be understood with a mix of ethical-cum-politico-juristic matrix as the backdrop.
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In a general way the Study Group on Land Holding System of the Tribals was sensitive to the foregoing emerging reality. Perhaps this has scared the policy-makers at the mid-level. It is a pity that we were not allowed to complete our task. In the report itself it was indicated that it was an exploratory one. The nation deserves a complete report.
Though our report was presented to Parliament in 1987, the then Commissioner, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes did not make any mention of it in his annual report. I personally handed over a copy of the report to him and drew his attention to the fact that to a large extent the core finding of our report was tied up with what one of his predecessors had reported a quarter century ago. I thought that he would like to inform the nation through his report that the serious malaise of the system that one of his predecessors had revealed a quarter century ago had remained to be redressed. Instead of referring to the concrete dereliction which had become public knowledge, he published a political manifesto-type write-up of a hypothetical problematic about tribal command over resources. It was an act of magnificent evasion and this was not the first and last act of such evasion.
We were, however, impressed by the sense of commitment of the local officers in general in Orissa. The note submitted by the Collector of Keonjhar categorically mentioned that traditionally the Juangs and Bhuriyans residing in the respective pirs (village clusters) considered that the lands of the village belonged to the village community and they were free to use the same in any manner they liked. The pirs were not subjected to any land survey and settlement operation till the operation was taken up in the year 1970 and completed recently. It was further mentioned in the note that shifting cultivation was indirectly recognised. The village headman had the power to distribute land for cultivation and to apportion the produce rent. Even then in the survey and settlement operation the land subjected to shifting cultivation had not been recognised, although the practice was still in vogue.
It was brought to the notice of the Study Group that in many tribal areas legal recognition of possession of individual and raiyati holdings did not cover all possessions. In fact the State Tribal Research Institute had already reported that among some tribes, individual rights were subsumed within community control, management and ownership. But no heed was paid to this. The survey and settlement rule was not adjusted to this contingency. It is obvious that as a sequel to non-recognition of communal rights, the embedded rights of the tribal individuals also failed to be recognised. The operation for preparation of record of rights turned out to be operation denial of tribal rights in respect of their land resources.
While formulating the recommendation the Survey Group observed that where individual rights are embedded in communal rights, removal of the community as the intermediary removes the necessary condition for the concerned individuals to enjoy their rights. The Study Group recommended that keeping the foregoing fact in view, the land reform policy and programme in the tribal areas should be subjected to most thorough re-examination.
The statement, placed in the Lok Sabha on behalf of the Planning Commission, mentioned that the Department of Rural Development agreed with our recommendation about the need for an intensive study of the communal land system, their persistence, change, decay and reinvigoration with a view to identifying measures which might lead to the formulation of policy guideline regarding the communal land system.
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Two decades have lapsed since the commitment made to Parliament that intensive studies would be made based on which the land reforms policy focusing on communal land ownership, management and control among the tribal people, could be formulated. It is not known whether studies as promised have been done and whether any policy formulation in the near future is under consideration. In the meantime two developments are taking place.
First, there is more awareness about the importance of the communal land holding system among the tribal people. Second, in the absence of a clearly formulated policy, dispossession of the tribal people from their life support resource base is going on and there is reason to believe that this will further roll up in the future.
As regards the first, it is encouraging to note that the Expert Group on Prevention of Alienation of Tribal Land and its Restoration, set up by the Ministry of Rural Development, in its report (2004-06) has acknowledged that community ownership of land continues to be the dominant mode in the tribal societies and takes precedence over that of individual ownership. (p.iii) At page 157 of the report it has been recommended that in addition to individual land rights, the rights of the communities are also identified and recorded. On page 158 the recommendation is that the entire land traditionally used for shifting cultivation on rotational basis shall be recorded in the name of the tribal community and individuals who cultivate particular patches of land on rotational basis, rather than being recorded in the name of the government or any agency.
As regards the second, I would like to present here processes through which dispossession of the tribal people from the resources under their command is currently taking place.
Dispossession through Neo-feudalisation
The neo-feudalisation process was started by the colonial rulers. Faced with resistance against encroachment in tribal areas, in strategically located places they adopted a policy of co-opting local warlords as subsidiary allies by declaring them as owners of the lands under their political-military control. But due to underdevelopment of communication and administrative infra-structure this policy could be implemented only in some areas. In other areas these remained paper laws. In the post-independence period rather than renegotiating on the paper laws, these were treated as the framework of administration. In those areas the tribal people felt that they were being dispossessed of their rights in independent India.
The neo-feudalisation process is currently taking place in other forms also, frequently under the cover of the economic development programme. A case study relating to a Munda village in Khunti district of Jharkhand will highlight some aspects of the process.
Sutilong is a Khuntkatti village, which is in existence since the pre-colonial period. There are 84 households in the village (ST 40, SC seven and OBC 37). While 488.46 acres of land are held by the 84 households, there are 129.06 acres of gairmazurwa khas land (non-revenue paying wasteland) and gairmazurwa aam land (state owned common land).
Mundas of Kamal lineage are considered to be the original settlers of the village. Currently in Sutilong there are 15 Munda households belonging to Kamal lineage and as such traditionally they are considered to be joint owners of all land of the village. The post of the headman is hereditary in a family. The house-holds belonging to Kamal lineage individually do not make any payment to the government other than what the headman pays on behalf of the entire brotherhood. But the headman appropriates to himself the entire amount received from the non-Khuntkattidar households. While gairmazurwa aam is mostly used as grazing land and cannot be converted into korkar or land which can be leased out by the headman, gairmazurwa khas is exclusively at his disposal. He generally leases out portions of the khas land to non-tribals of a different village. When asked about the reason for doing like this, the headman and his lawyer explained that if a resident raiyat, particularly a tribal of the village, was allowed to carry on cultivation on any part of gairmazurwa khas land, he might later on claim occupancy right on it. Traditionally the headman did not enjoy this prerogative. The households other than those belonging to the Khuntkatti lineage were regarded as tenants of the entire Khuntkatti lineage. Since 1977 the Revisional Land Survey and Settlement Operation is being carried on in this region. It has been suspended several times because of strong opposition from the people. One of the reasons centres on the issue of the nature of entry in the record-of-rights. In the previous survey operation the name of the Raja of Chotanagpur was entered in Khewat No. 1. As since then zamindari has been abolished the Mundas demanded that instead of the Raja of Chotanagpur, the names Khuntkattidars should be entered in Khewat No. 1. But the government had decided that the 'Government of Bihar' should be entered in Khewat No. 1. As there was no agreement on this issue, the survey and settlement operation was suspended in some areas. However, the government could win over the headmen of some Khuntkatti villages by showing them separately from the other Khuntkattidar members, and conferring special prerogative on them. Sutilong was one such village the collaboration of whose headman could be obtained by conferring on him the special prerogative indicated. It was a development veering towards the neo-feudalisation process.
State-sponsored feudalisation came out very sharply in some parts of North-East India, particularly in the Kuki area of Manipur. During the colonial period, the Kuki-Mizo chiefs were projected almost as landlords. After independence at the initiative of the Mizoram Autonomous District Council the Chiefship Abolition Act was passed.
It is significant that at the time of abolition of chiefship in the early 1950s, in Mizoram the Autonomous District Council decided to pay compensation to the chiefs for the number of households under them and not for the quantum of land within their jurisdiction. The chiefs had control over the labour of the persons, not over land. For instance, when a person hunted a game the chief had a share of it. Even if the animal ran away to the area in the jurisdiction of another chief and the hunter bagged it there, he gave to his own chief a part of the animal as his share.
In Manipur in Naga areas the village council as a whole controls and manages the resources of the village; the headman does not enjoy any special prerogative. In Kuki areas the chief has the political right of management of community resources. He has the right to determine which plot of land to be allotted to which person for cultivation. But he has to exercise this right in consultation with the clan elders. Ordinarily the chief-in-council cannot deny altogether the right to fair share of a resident member and cannot reduce the aggregate share of the members of the community. The Kuki chief is entitled to some payment from the members of the village community. This is considered as tribute for the responsibility he bears. Though in some quarters there is a tendency to project the payment as rent, on a holistic analysis it becomes clear that it is not so.
The Manipur State Assembly enacted the Manipur Land Reform Act 1960. It recognised only individual rights on land, not community right. Originally it was confined to the valley, but in the early 1970s the State Assembly decided to extend its operation in the hills. The tribal people offered resistance. The Governor informally sought my view in this matter. I suggested that appropriate sections should be inserted in the Act covering the systems prevailing in the hills and with such modifications as may be agreed to. Accordingly the Governor withheld his consent. But in the early 1980s the new Governor gave his consent. The Directorate of Land Survey and Settlement issued a circular that land survey would be carried out with the cooperation of the chiefs. It was interpreted to mean that the chiefs would be paid compensation as owners of land and with their collaboration survey and settlement would take place. This attempt to take over tribal land by arbitrarily abrogating the collective right of the village community and by vesting feudal right on the chiefs, did not, however, meet with much success.
It is to be noted that till the 1980s though there were inter-tribal conflicts and organised violence, there were not much violent anti-India activities in the hills, except for Ukhrul district to some extent. It is only since the early 1980s that the anti-India insurgent activities have gained momentum in the West and South districts. Some ascribe it to the attempt on the part of the government to usurp the collectively owned resources of the people by promoting the neo-feudalisation process in the hills and thereby dispossessing the hill dwelling tribals from their traditional land rights.
Dispossession through Primitivisation
Since the Fourth Five Year Plan within the category Scheduled Tribe, a sub-category, primitive tribe, is recognised for being provided special assistance for coming up at the same level as the rest of the population. Certainly among the Scheduled Tribes, the people categorised as primitive tribes constitute in general the most disadvantaged and vulnerable segment of the population. But some of us opposed the use of the term primitive, primarily for three reasons; (a) The term primitive is a pejorative term. Historically it means that they are having lower level of mental capacity. Researches have established the fact that the average intelligence quotient of different human groups does not differ much from one another. Their behaviour patterns differ from one another through adaptation to different ecological niche including human ecology and due to differences in historical experiences. (b) When some people are called primitive, the onus for not being able to take advantage of development inputs provided by the state and other agencies lies with them. (c) Categorising the people as primitive provides rationale for intervention in the affairs of the people thus categorised by the politico-administrative establishment of the state. As early as 1784 the German philosopher, Herder, observed that by stigmatising a people as primitive invasion and conquest of lands across the oceans were legitimised.
Apart from the primary objection, we had a secondary objection. One of the main criteria for identification of primitive tribes is that they are in the pre-agricultural stage of the economy. We hold that some of them may be non-agricultural, but it need not necessarily mean that they are in the pre-agricultural stage. In contemporary world there is no economy which is not in direct or indirect symbiotic relation with agricultural economy. Besides, there is no consensus about what is agricultural economy. There are many people, particularly among the policy-makers, who do not consider shifting cultivation as agriculture. They consider it as a rudimentary form of cultivation which has to be carried through to the level of agriculture "proper".
Currently many of the so-called primitive tribal people are engaged in gathering forest products and trapping wild life for bartering the same with agricultural and village industrial products. Some of them process the forest products and dispose of them in local markets. Some of the goods collected by them have even an international market. Pulses, oil seeds, spice, cotton grown by the shifting cultivators are on record to have had demand in the regional and national markets even in the 19th century. Harvey Feit [Politics and History of Band Societies, (ed.) Eleanor Peacock and Richard Lee, Oxford University Press, 1982] suggests that the societies of this category should be helped to specialise in their respective fields by providing them appropriate technologies, linkages and networkings. But as the stereotype in respect of them is that they are pre-agricultural people, the action agenda for state intervention in respect of them is to transform them into agricultural people. The experience so far is that this has a disastrous effect.
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One such so-called primitive tribe is the Toto in West Bengal. They live in only one village—Totopara, located at the meeting point of West Bengal and Bhutan. In 1951, their number was 319; currently it is more than 600. In the Survey and Settlement Report of 1907-14, the entire land of Totopara was recorded in the name of the headman "on behalf of the community". This was the only case in West Bengal of a community being recognised as owner of the entire village land. They were engaged in shifting cultivation, with barter in horticultural and forest products as subsidiary occupations. After independence the welfare state decided to develop their economy as settled agriculture economy. To facilitate this, it was further decided to parcel out the community land into individual holdings. A survey and settlement operation was undertaken in 1958. The lands, which were under shifting cultivation of different households that year, were recorded in their favour. The Totos were told that in future they would have to practice settled agriculture on those very lands. As the Totos did not have plough and cattle for settled agriculture and were not adept at adjusting the operations with the climatic conditions, they entered into share-cropping arrangement with Nepali farmers of the area. During this very period I visited Totopara in connection with my research and came to know of the development. I immediately got in touch with the Survey and Settlement Officer and impressed upon him the inappropriateness of parcelling out community land to individuals without the consent of the legal owner—the community. Besides by doing this, the government's objective of transforming the shifting cultivators into settled agriculturists would not be served, as the lands would pass out of their hand. B. Raghavan, the Settlement Officer, was a sensible person. With the permission of the Secretary, Revenue Department, the operation was cancelled.
Two decades after the episode of 1958, when the Totos were officially declared as a primitive tribe, prodded by the Centre, the State Government decided to implement a big programme in Totopara. For 74 Toto families a Junior Secondary School, a Grameen Bank, a large Agricultural Multipurpose Corporative Society, and a Maternity and Child Welfare Centre were sanctioned. The Totos were persuaded to spare land not only for the offices but also for the staff quarters of these institutions. But after settling down in Totopara, the Grameen Bank threw a bombshell. They argued that, as without having separately delineated lands in their favour the individual Toto households were not in a position to offer any collateral, it would not be possible for the Bank to advance any money to them for productive and other purposes. To meet the requirements of the Grameen Bank, the government took a quick decision to get a survey and settlement operation done. Because of their experience of 1958, this time the Totos were more cautious. They got only their homestead and adjoining kitchen garden land recorded in their favour. In this way out of around 2100 acres of land, only around 300 acres could be covered. The survey staff did not know what do with the remaining 1800 acres. The then Land Reforms Commissioner was approached for advice. As normally a community is not recognised as a legal person, he advised the remaining 1800 acres to be provisionally recorded in a single entry as government land. On these lands there were thousands of catechu trees, worth several million rupees. The district level revenue officers quickly got these auctioned and felled. The landscape of Totopara completely changed. The vacant lands, however, did not remain vacant. Large numbers of immigrant population were settled on them. The Totos became completely marginalised. Not only did they lose their land, they lost their home. Mandarins of welfare decided that the stilt houses in which they were living for generations were not good for them; they were "persuaded" to change their house type. Though the homes with the social and cultural functions bequeathed to them by their ancestors had gone, mercifully they still had shelters where they could continue to "exist". I have got a pathetic letter from the son of the last Toto chief describing the calamity that had befallen them. Even before I got this letter I was informed of the catastrophe by a visiting anthropologist on phone, and I had taken up the cause of the Totos with the then Revenue Minister of West Bengal. He was a very sincere person. After due inquiry he told me that while he shared my agony about the tragedy of Totopara, the thing had gone completely out of his hand. At that stage it was politically impossible for him to intervene. It was decided in the Advisory Committee of the State Tribal Research Institute that the Minister of Tribal Welfare, an MP who was an eminent economist, and myself would visit Totopara to ascertain what could be salvaged, but it never materialised due to bureaucratic intransigence.
Not only the Totos, it appears to me that as a rule the so-called primitive tribes are destined to be victims of welfare.
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In 2004 accompanied by activists of an NGO, the Orissa Development Action Forum (ODAF), I visited a hamlet of Birhors—a traditional hunting and gathering tribe of Orissa, West Bengal and Bihar. As a part of the Primitive Tribe Development Programme, a good number of them were removed from their forest abodes and made to stay in small hamlets in the outskirts of settled agricultural villages. I was surprised to see that all the houses they were sheltered in were ramshackle leaf structures. I have seen them living in similar hut-like structures in the forests of West Bengal, Bihar and Orissa. But while in the forest environment they harmoniously fitted into the rhythm of life—the whisper of the silence, the muse of the cosmos, in the backdrop of the mud houses of the farmers, they tell the story of distant approximation, of condescend accommodation of homeless shelters.
Some farmers in the main village were having houses constructed under the Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) scheme. I asked a Birhor elder why they could not have at least a few houses under the IAY. Without batting an eyelid the elder replied: "We cannot have it, because we are a primitive tribe." One of the officers accompanying me, however, explained that they could not have the benefit of the scheme from the local panchayat or the integrated Tribal Development Agency, as there was a separate Primitive Tribes Development Officer and specially earmarked fund for the primitive tribes. As the Special Officer's headquarters was located at a distance of around 30 km from the Birhor colony I visited, it was not possible for the Birhors to visit the Special Officer's headquarters too often. They could, therefore, hardly derive any benefit from being categorised as a primitive tribe.
Prof N.K. Behura of Utkal University in a paper contributed to a seminar jointly organised by the Kolkata University and Indian Council of Social Science Research in 2004 has pointed out that though a good number of the tribal communities have been categorised as primitive tribes in Orissa and though a number of administrative establishments have been set up to take care of them, actually they have not derived commensurate benefit from being put in a special category. Further, he suggested that rather than being called primitive tribe, they should be called vulnerable tribe.
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The vulnerability of this category of people came out sharply in case of the Sauria Paharias who were settled on the Rajmahal Hill in the Santal Parganas by the British as early as in 1778.
In 1990 along with several members of the Committee on Indigenous Systems of Environmental Management and accompanied by several officers of the undivided Bihar Government, I visited Dumka, the headquarters of the Santal Parganas district. We were told by the district officials that for protecting the environment and improving their quality of life the Sauria Paharias, who had been categorised as a primitive tribe, were being brought down from their habitats on the hills and settled in a colony constructed for them in the outskirts of Dumka itself.
The background of the Sauria Paharias is as follows:
In the third quarter of the 18th century, in the wake of colonial expansion, large scale influx of migrants took place in the areas of traditional jurisdiction of the Sauria Paharias. They considered this as encroachment. They did not fight the British in the open, but from time to time swooped down on the highway located close to the foothills and then retreated deep inside the helps. This disrupted trade. The British ultimately adopted a practice of pacifying the Pahariyas by making periodical stipendiary payments to the chiefs and headmen. This was initially started by Captain Robert Brook in 1772 and was successfully implemented by Cleveland in 1780. The essence of this system, called "indirect rule", was to co-opt the leaders of the community in a system of sharing power. Earlier, this system was tried in Africa also.
In 1782 the Rajmahal Hill Tract was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of ordinary courts and the hereditary leaders (called sardars) constituted a sessions court, which used to meet twice a year and try offences. Besides, the lands under the occupation of the Paharias were pooled together to constitute a government estate. Legally the Paharias were dispossessed; but it seems that they were not aware of it. The government allowed them to continue where they were, free of rent. In lieu of this concession made to them, the Saurias accepted the overlordship of the British.
It seems that in and around 1990, the Bihar Government decided to end the façade of Saurias occupation of land, which the British manipulated to be government land under law two centuries ago. Environmental protection and concern for the welfare of primitive tribes provided a good alibi for bidding farewell of the Saurias from what they knew to be their ancestral home.
Some officers of the Bihar Government, who accompanied us, told us informally that Saurias were maintaining the environment at the hill-top quite well; the real purpose of the government was to get the hill slopes vacated, so that commercial forestry could be undertaken thereon. However, we could not visit the traditional Sauria habitat to check the correctness of the allegation.
We visited the colony established by the government. We were shocked to find that a barrack-like structure had been constructed to lodge a people who had been living in spacious, though kachcha, houses for centuries. Then we found that the government could not reclaim the barren land in the proximity of Dumka which was planned to be allotted to the Sauria Paharias, because of the opposition of the Santal villagers in whose jurisdiction the barren lands were located. In the alternative the government had given them hand-pulled rickshaws for eking out their livelihood. No wonder they fled back to the hills. We were told that thrice they went back to the hills and thrice they were brought back to the colony. During our visit we found that many of the apartments were unoccupied.
Years afterwards during a short visit to Dumka I learnt that in the long run the government had succeeded to dislodge the bulk of the Saurias from the hill-top and cover their erstwhile habitat with commercial plantation. I could not personally verify it, but there is no reason to think that the information was not correct.
Primitive development planning of a modern state snatched away from the so-called primitive people their home and whatever had been given was a caricature of dignified living. Nothing had been given to them so that they could at least dream about the future. Under the canopy of unpunctured emptiness they lost their capacity to dream.
By a time machine as it were they have been transported to the world of eternal nothing.
They have been primitivised.
Dispossession through Fractured Humanitarianism
At the core of humanitarianism is compassion. It is a subjective attitude of mind. It can be admired; but it cannot guide action. Humanitarianism with vision of expansion of human freedom—freedom from hunger, from threat to living and life, from submission to indignity, from being forced to action or inaction and so on—is humanism. Humanitarianism is a fractured approach to reality; humanism is an odyssey for a holistic approach to reality. In humanitarianism there is the illusion of knowing the final word; in humanism there is no final word. Humanitarian action in closed orbit may strengthen human bondage and intensify human misery. This is what happened in a specific situation in Orissa.
In the Koraput district of Orissa, the zamindar of Jeypore had a category of hereditary functionaries called mustajars. Though they were revenue collectors, they had developed feudal pretensions. In the pre-independence period they used to exact four days forced labour from all the households under their respective jurisdictions. Very rightly the mustajari system was abolished after India attained her freedom. But along with the mustajar the corporate character of the village was also abolished. Earlier through mustajar the households collectively used to make payment for the village land as a whole including the wasteland. After abolition of the mustajari system the villagers were required to pay revenue only for the lands recognised by the state to belong to respective individual households. The wasteland in the new dispensation became state land. During one of my visits to the interior of Koraput distict, the village elders told me:
When mustajari was abolished we celebrated it. But when we came to know that along with the mustajar our access right to our life support resources had also gone, we wailed in our heart both for the mustajar and for our right. We feel cheated.
But there is another side of the story. There is one more entry in the deficit column of the national account book of humanism.
Dispossession through Withholding Decision
In the hot summer of 1980, as the Chairman of the Forest and Tribal Committee, Government of India, I was in Chotanagpur. At about 11 pm there was a mild knock on my door. When I opened it, I found about half-a-dozen senior officers of the Bihar Government of the ranks of Joint Secretary, Director and so on, belonging to the Munda community, standing before me. They told me that they had arrived all the way from Patna to meet me for half-an-hour and then they will go back to Patna the same night. They requested me to keep to myself their meeting me in this manner. Now all of them must have retired. I, therefore, feel free to narrate the incident. They asked me whether I knew that next day I was scheduled to distribute pattas for 36 acres of social forestry land to six leading persons of a village. When I confirmed that I knew it, they made a request to me. They wanted me to ask the Forest Officers to show me the 300 acres of the Khuntkatti forest within the jurisdiction of the village, which the Forest Department had taken under its management control in 1948 for protection and scientific development. I wanted them to tell me some more about it. But they submitted that as they were senior government officials, they should be excused from telling me more. Within ten minutes of their arrival they left.
Next day, along with the Forest Commissioner-cum-Secretary and the Additional Chief Conservator of Forests, I reached the Forest Bungalow about 50 km away from Ranchi. As scheduled, I distributed the pattas. After that while taking tea, I casually asked in the presence of the villagers about the 300 acres of scientifically managed Khuntkatti forest. There was an embarrassed silence. Then an ill-clad tribal elder stood up. He begged tobe excused, as he did not know about scientific forestry. Then he showed me a barren land by the side of the Bungalow. It was having barbed wire fencing. He said:
This barren land was a dense forest when the Forest Department had taken it over. Now through scientific management, the forest has become invisible. But the Forest Department is there.
When I asked him what he meant by what he said, he replied:
If through breaches in barbed wire our goats stray into the barren land, they disappear. This is a clear proof of the presence of the Forest Department.
The Secretary of Forest was an IAS officer. It seems that he was not aware of all these. He asked the Additional Chief Conservator of Forests to explain what all these meant. The latter explained that on the eve of independence and immediately after independence the zamindars and other private forest owners, under apprehension that in independent India forests would be completely nationalised, started cutting down trees on a large scale and then selling the same to timber merchants. To protect the forests, the Bihar Private Forest Act was passed in 1946. The Khuntkatti forest was also treated as a private forest. Under the 1948 Act the Khuntkatti forest, along with other private forests, was taken over. For scientific management the forest in this village was clear felled around 15 years ago. The felled trees were auctioned and sold out. The sale proceeds were deposited in the treasury. As no rules had been framed as to how to disburse the money to the owners of the forests, no disbursal could be made. Similarly as no rules had been framed about how to invest money for afforestation of private land after clear felling, no afforestation was done and the erstwhile forestland was remaining barren all these years.
I wrote to the Chief Secretary narrating what I had learnt in the village. He did not send me any reply, but I understand that the Forest Secretary was transferred to another department and that the Forest Officers were unhappy for his inviting me to visit the area. Had I not visited the area the embarrassing facts would not have become public.
In November 1980 Dr K.S. Singh, who was for the some time the Commissioner of South Bihar, published more details about the State takeover of the Khuntkatti forest.
Under the Bihar Private Forest Act, the management and control of Mundari, Khuntkatti Forest vested in the Forest Department, but the Khuntkattidars remained legal owners and proprietors. In 253 villages 53,000 acres of forests have been demarcated. An unknown quantum of the Khuntkatti forest still remained to be demarcated. The Mundas were to be paid 10 paise per acre as rent but during the 30 years after the Khuntkatti forest was taken over, payment had been made only in seven cases. For many years no Forest Settlement Officer had been posted, and the Mundas also did not press their demand—of late, however, they were agitating on this issue. They were also angry that while clear felling of forests had been done in some areas, the owners had not been paid anything. Also they were angry that some forest land had been used for non-forest purpose.
¨
During a later visit to Ranchi I enquired about the matter. I was told that feudal rights of the former zamindars and members of the erstwhile royal family had been raked up by vested interests to complicate the problem. I shall not be surprised if the bureaucratic-feudal nexus is still continuing to be able to deny the tribal people their rightful dues.
A senior Forest Officer, who himself belonged to a tribal community, confided to me that apart from the 53,000 acres of the Khuntkatti forests, there were several thousand more Khuntkatti forests, which the government could not take over due to lack of communication infrastructure. Later those forests were also connected by good roads and the government made a bid to takeover the forests. But the Mundas offered stiff resistance. They themselves took up the management of the forests and these were managed much better than even the reserved forests. But even then the convetous eyes of the Forest Department were there. He, however, felt that if necessary the people might go to the extreme to prevent any further takeover of their forests. Since then I have not heard anything about further development on this tricky issue. I presume that no news is good news.
Dispossession not through Amnesia
When formats for preparation of records-of-rights of Jharkhand and Orissa are compared, it is found that in Chotanagpur community rights are also recorded; in Orissa this is not done. It seems to be a deliberate omission. A comparison of the records-of-rights of all States will perhaps bring out many such cases, which are not the result of amnesia.
Dispossession through State-centric Command Law sidetracking Living Law of Life
In 1960, the Judicial Commissioner of Manipur, who had the status of a High Court Judge, in his judgement on a civil writ petition filed by Luitang Khullakpa and others decided that in the hills of the State the village communities were the ultimate owners of the land and land related resources. [AIR 1961 Manipur 31 (V48C10)] In making this judicial pronouncement the Judicial Commissioner took the following facts into consideration.
In the absence of other records the Judicial Commissioner had mainly depended on information available in T.C. Hodson's book, The Naga Tribes of Manipur, published in 1911. As described by Hodson:
(a) Each village possesses a well-defined area within which the villages possess paramount rights of hunting or fishing and of development of cultivation.
(b) In the case of villages which possess terraced fields, there is customary stipulation of equitable distribution of water throughout the terraces.
(c) Whild land is held in several ownerships, no alienation outside the clan is permitted.
(d) The Manipur State Hill People Regulation, 1947 indicates that each village has a Khullakpa or Chief and other officers like the Luklakpa, who collect from each household or family house tax at a fixed rate.
There is no system of assessment of lands in separate ownership and possession of lands among villages. But there is a provision in sections 60 to 64 of the Regulation of 1947 for settlement of disputes regarding ownership of land or the right of cultivation of land, and also regarding village boundaries. This would show that while ownership of land and right to cultivation are recognised in the hill villages, the actual enjoyment of the same appears to be a matter of internal arrangement in the villages, and the government does not interfere.
After taking note of the facts on the ground, the Judicial Commissioner concluded:
It is too late in the day for the Government to say that the villagers are in possession only during the pleasure of the Government. The Hill villagers have been dealing the lands in their possession with heritable rights and with rights of alienation at least within their own clan and within their own villages.
Such rights amount to property within the meaning of Article 31 of the Constitution.
Mandarins of the Manipur Government never concealed their unhappiness about this judgment. In Manipur more than 90 per cent of the area constitutes the hills, only around nine per cent is the valley. On the other hand three-fourths of the population live in the valley. It is extremely difficult for any government to ignore the demographic imperative, but the hill people also cannot be expected to gift away their right based on the principle of lex loci rei sitae. Thus the polity in Manipur has always been marked by an undercurrent of tension centring on this conflict of interests.
Frequently the political and administrative establishment in Manipur would take the stand that the judgment in the Luitang case related to the specific area of Luitang only, it did not cover the whole State. But except for attempts here and there by the administration, there is no general attempt to sidetrack the operation of the judgment by administrative action.
¨
In 1995, the Government of Manipur set up a Social Policy Advisory Committee with myself as the Chairman, one former Chief Minister, three Cabinet Ministers, Chairman, Hill Area Committee of the Assembly with Cabinet rank, one former Cabinet Minister, two educationists and one former MP as members. Along with other matters, we examined the issues of communal land system in the hills. We found that in some cases the concerned village communities had proportionately very large areas within their jurisdiction. We suggested that the State should not interfere with their ownership rights. But like the Maori incorporations of New Zealand, the State can regulate their resource use pattern, and appropriation pattern. Out of the income generated through regulated use of the resources, income that can be accrued to a household through the extant Land Ceiling Act of the State can be equitously distributed among all the households of the village; the surplus income should be utilised to create institutions and facilities to which all citizens of Manipur, irrespective of whether hailing from the hills or from the valley, would have equal right of access. In the presence of the Chief Minister, the report was signed by all the members who represented both hills and plain and all the major ethnic entities of the State. But later, on a very different issue, some differences had surfaced. As a result, this attempt to reform the communal land resource management system did not receive the attention it deserved.
I was hoping that after the other issue was resolved, this one will be taken up and a bridge of understanding will be built between the peoples of the hills and the plain. But then came the shattering blow from an unexpected quarter. While delivering the judgment on a case lodged by the people of a different hill village claiming compensation for appropriation of the community land by a public sector undertaking, the Supreme Court not only rejected the claim of that village, but passed an order setting aside the judgment of the Judicial Commissioner four decades ago.
In a single stroke of pen the hill tribal people of Manipur have been legally disposed of thousands of kilometres of community land. It is a different matter that politically it may not be possible for the State or any agency to physically take possession of all those lands. But the judicial time-bomb for a future explosion has been laid.
This raises the question about the source of law. With exceptions, by and large the judiciary in India seems to be informed by the Austinian orientation of state-centric command law. Today when the state is receding from many of its functions such orientation is more likely to serve the interests of the corporate sector.
An all-out discourse should be launched relating to the relative significance of Austin's command law orientation, Duguit's social solidarity orientation and Kelsen's living law orientation. If dispossession of millions are to be averted, judicial pronouncements must be required to make the underlying epistemic orientation clear.
Like any other fundamentalism judicial fundamentalism also must be subjected to social x-ray, so that dispossession of the type mentioned above does not go unchallenged.
In the early part of this paper, I referred to the statement submitted to Parliament on behalf of the Planning Commission about the main thrusts of the report of the Study Group on 'Land Holding Systems of the Tribals' and the response of the State Government of Orissa. From the details of the Study Group's report and of the State Government's action I have presented in this paper it would be obvious that the statement given on behalf of the Planning Commission was an incomplete version of what the report revealed and what the state did.
If one has to conclude what has led a large section of the tribal people to political extremism, obviously it cannot be ascribed to any particular cause in isolation. But apart from the executive and the monitoring organisation, roles of institutions like the Planning Commission and judiciary will also have to be examined and anslysed in great depth.
Prof B.K. Roy Burman is the former Chairman, Study Group on Land Holding System of Tribals, Planning Commission, Government of India (1985-86), and former Chairman, Committee on Forest and Tribals Backward Classes Unit, Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India (1980-82).
*ACTION ALERT ! ACTION ALERT ! ACTION ALERT !*
Press Release
30th October 2009
**** PEACEFULLY PROTESTING NBA ACTIVISTS ARRESTED IN KHANDWA IN AN
OUTRAGEOUS AND EXCESSIVE POLICE ACTION BY MADHYA PRADESH POLICE.*
* *
**** NBA OFFICES IN KHANDWA SEALED AND WITHOUT ANY WARRANT SEARCHED AND
INFORMATION STOLEN *
* *
**** PHONE / FAX / WRITE LETTERS TO CHIEF MINISTER, PRIME MINISTER AND KHANDWA
COLLECTORARE *
Following the demonstration by over ten thousand men and women affected by
the Indira Sagar and Omkareshwar dams on the 28th of October 2009 in
Khandwa, Khandwa police in an unprecedented action has arrested all the key
activists of Narmada Bachao Andolan from their offices and the dharna site,
in front of the Khandwa Collectorate. From 29th October more than a thousand
adivasis had been protesting infront of the Khandwa Collectorate, since the
MP government refused to live up to the Jabalpur High Court order of giving
5 acres of land to elder son of each of the oustees.
On 29th evening Chttaroopa Palit and 18 other activists were arrested and
today without any provocation police came in large numbers and locked NBA's
office alleging anti-state activities. They arrested five of the activists,
including Alok Agarwal, present at the office around 5:15 pm and then locked
the office. After some time five police people came and without any search
warrant and copied files from the computer and taken some files from the
office.
After some protest they have released 4 people but kept Alok Agarwal in
custody though have not explained the charges under which he has been kept
in custody.
It is a clear case of violation of the rights of the activists and also an
attempt at breaking the peaceful protest by police action. Yesterday they
had lathi charged the protesters but even then the protest had continued,
innervating the district administration. This is a clear cut attempt at
breaking the morale of the thousands of protesting famers, adivasis and
workers.
NBA unequivocally condemns this action and also demands that the activists
be released unconditionally and action been taken against the responsible
police officers.
*Phone / Fax / email letters of protesting police action *on peacefully
protesting people affected from Indira Sagar, Omkareshwar, Maheshwar, Upper
Beda and Maan dams. Also write letters to Chief Minister and Chief Secretary
of Madhya Pradesh Government asking them to release activists immediately,
unseal NBA office, live up to High Court order and take action against the
police officers responsible for this high handedness and unlawful action.
*Prime Minster : *
Shri Manmohan Singh
Room No. 148 B, South Ablock, New Delhi
Office Nos : 91-11-23012312 Fax : 230116857
Residence : 91-11-23011166, 23018939. Fax : 23015603
Email : manmohan@sansad.nic.in |
*Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh *
Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan
Off – Phone : 91-755- 2441581, 2441033, 2441096, *Fax*: 91-755-2441781
Res – Phone : 91-755-2440241, 2440242 Fax : 91-755-2540501
email : cm@mp.nic.in
*MP Government, Chief Secretary*
Shri Rakesh Sahni
Off Phone : 91-755-2441848. Fax 2441751
Email : cs@mp.nic.in
*Khandwa Collectorate :*
91-733-2224153, 2223333
Email : dm@mpkhandwa.mp.nic.in
*Chairperson*, National Human Rights Commission of India
Faridkot House, Copernicus Marg, New Delhi 110 001, Tel: +91 11 230 74448,
Fax: +91 11 2334 0016, Email: chairnhrc@nic.in
*Ramkuwar Rawat, Sangita, Kailash Chouhan, Rahmat, Kalu and others *
*Narmada** Bachao Andolan
*2, Sai Nagar, Mata Chowk,
Khandwa, Madhya Pradesh.
Telefax : 0733 - 2228418/2270014
E-mail : nbakhandwa@gmail.com
<mailto:nbakhandwa@gmail.com><nbakhandwa@gmail.com>
Contact : Sangita 09425928007 Madhuresh 9818905316
--
****************************
National Alliance of Peoples' Movements (NAPM)
Mobile +91 9818 905316
email :napmindia@gmail.com / kmadhuresh@gmail.com
Dalits Media Watch
News Update 28.10.09
Collector leads Dalits into Chettipulam temple - The Hindu
http://www.hindu.com/2009/10/28/stories/2009102853340100.htm
Even after death, they remain untouchable - Express Buzz
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Even+after+death,+they+remain+untouchable&artid=Op6udtmGS9A=&SectionID=vBlkz7JCFvA=&MainSectionID=XT7e3Zkr/lw=&SectionName=EL7znOtxBM3qzgMyXZKtxw==&SEO=A%20Kadir,%20M%20Duraisamipuram,%20AGAMT
Case under SC/ST Act against BSP MLA - Times Of India
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/Case-under-SC/ST-Act-against-BSP-MLA/articleshow/5158348.cms
Newspaper gives Dalit women their own voice - Irish Times
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2009/1028/1224257551906.html
The Hindu
Collector leads Dalits into Chettipulam temple
http://www.hindu.com/2009/10/28/stories/2009102853340100.htm
P.V. Srividya
Villagers other than Dalits were not present
Considerable police security at temple
Dalits promised of all administrative help
VEDARANYAM: Dalits of Chettipulam on Tuesday entered the Ekambareshwarar temple here to offer prayers, amid considerable police security. They were led by the District Collector and the District Revenue Officer (DRO).
The temple entry followed an agreement reached at peace talks on Monday between Dalits and caste Hindus.
Arrangements were made for Dalits to offer special prayers early in the day. As the police and district administration officials waited outside the temple for their arrival, about 75 Dalits from Therkku Kaadu Dalit habitations were taken to the temple in vans escorted by police personnel.
Women and men jostled with one another as they crossed the threshold of the temple and walked towards the sanctum sanctorum with flowers, garlands and coconuts as offerings to the idol. As they craned their necks to catch a glimpse of the deity, the DRO and the Collector personally collected their offerings and passed them on to the priest in the sanctum sanctorum for special prayers.
While community leaders, including Chettipulam panchayat president and vice-chairman of Vedaranyam Panchayat Union, waited at the entrance to felicitate officials including the Collector and DRO, officials stepped aside to personally usher in the Dalits into the temple.
Collector C. Munianathan and DRO A. Annadurai personally served prasadam to every Dalit inside the temple after the prayers.
Later, Mr. Munianathan expressed his unequivocal displeasure to the panchayat president and vice-chairman over the turn of affairs over the past fortnight. "Discrimination has no place," he said.
He appealed to Dalits to function normally without any fear and assured them of all administrative support. Police personnel would be stationed in the area for a few more days to ensure normalcy.
Villagers other than Dalits were absent at the temple. Most of the men were said to be on the run following a crackdown by the police after the violence of October 14.
Abhay Kumar Singh, Deputy-Inspector General of Police, Thanjavur Range; Maheshwar Dayal, Superintendent of Police, Nagapattinam; Praveen Kumar Abinabu, Superintendent of Police, Tiruvarur and Rajendran, Revenue Divisional Officer, were among those present.
Similar story on:
Times Of India - Dalits enter TN temple first time in 100 yrs
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Dalits-enter-TN-temple-first-time-in-100-yrs/articleshow/5170727.cms
NDTV - Dalits enter this temple for first time in 100 years
http://www.ndtv.com/news/india/dalits_enter_this_temple_for_first_time_in_100_years.php
Express Buzz
Even after death, they remain untouchable
http://www.expressbuzz.com/edition/story.aspx?Title=Even+after+death,+they+remain+untouchable&artid=Op6udtmGS9A=&SectionID=vBlkz7JCFvA=&MainSectionID=XT7e3Zkr/lw=&SectionName=EL7znOtxBM3qzgMyXZKtxw==&SEO=A%20Kadir,%20M%20Duraisamipuram,%20AGAMT
P Krishnaswamy
First Published : 28 Oct 2009 05:15:00 AM IST
Last Updated : 28 Oct 2009 07:31:26 AM IST
MADURAI: A shocking case of untouchability after death comes from M Duraisamipuram under Maraneri police limits in Sivakasi block of Virudhunagar district.
The burial ground in the village had been built under the Anaithu Grama Anna Marumalarchi Thittam (AGAMT). But the authorities had taken care to earmark a section of the cemetery as that of 'Parayar' while another area has been allotted for others ('Idharars').
M Duraisamipuram panchayat covers the villages of Ammapatti, Kottaimdeu and Idayankulam.
The population comprises 450 families of Yadavas, about 250 of Nayakkars while the Dalits and others number about 350 families.
About two months ago, it was decided to build a burial ground under the AGAMT and work is in progress at the cemetery. It is being built in three sections - two for caste Hindus and the other for Dalits.
What has irked the Dalits in the village is the bold lettering 'Parayar Mayanam' (the cemetery of Parayars). The section for the other communities bears the legend 'Idhara Mayanam'.
There have been many agitations against segregating a burial ground on the basis of caste.
This is also said to be an offence under the SC, ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act. But the M Duraisamipuram panchayat authorities are either ignorant of the rules or have deliberately done this to win the support of the caste Hindus, observers say.
The Dalits of the village told this correspondent that this was the height of discrimination against them by the panchayat.
They said that at least the burial ground should be common to everyone and there should be no discrimination after death.
When this was brought to the notice of the NGO Evidence, its Director A Kadir contacted the panchayat president, Ponnulakshmi and sought her explanation.
She said that this had not been brought to her notice and may be the contractors had done this. He offered to change the lettering as 'Adhi Dravidar Mayanam'. It was pointed out to her that burial grounds should be not segregated on the basis of caste.
Whether she will make amends remains to be seen.
Similar story on:
The Hindu - Discrimination extends to the burial ground
http://www.hindu.com/2009/10/28/stories/2009102854310400.htm
Times Of India
Case under SC/ST Act against BSP MLA
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/Case-under-SC/ST-Act-against-BSP-MLA/articleshow/5158348.cms
TNN 25 October 2009, 05:55am IST
LUCKNOW: Sant Kabir Nagar district police on Saturday slapped a criminal case under SC/ST Act against local Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) MLA for arson and destroying the house of a landless SC farmer.
Reports reaching the DGP headquarters here on Saturday said that BSP MLA from Khetraha Tariq Khan and his brother Iftikhar Khan own a huge farmfield on the outskirts of their constituency. The two had entered into a dispute with a landless farmer Ram Lakhan after he built a thatched hut on a plot of land situated next to the MLA's field.
The Khan brothers were reportedly unhappy with Ram Lakhan and asked him to shift his hut at a distance away from their farm. But Ram Lakhan tried to explain that the piece of land on which he has built his hut belonged to his employer and the MLA had no right to force him away. The situation was resolved when Ram Lakhan approached the local Bakahira police.
However, late on Friday night, Ram Lakhan was fast asleep when miscreants torched his hut. When, he woke up and tried to salvage his belongings from the burning hut, some miscreants thrashed him.
Allegations are that the miscreants were led by Iftikhar Khan, who was joined by his brother Tariq. Lakhan alleged that he was held hostage and forced to watch his hut being reduced to ashes. The miscreants also threw other belongings which were lying outside the hut, into the flames, leaving him with the only clothes he was wearing.
Lakhan lodged an FIR, accusing the two brothers and their associates as accused. After a preliminary inquiry into the allegations levelled against the MLA, his brother and others confirmed that the charges were not totally baseless, police registered a case against the Khan brothers and their accomplices with charges of arson, violence and unprovoked attack, resulting in loss of property. The police also slapped charges under sections of Criminal Law Amendment Act on the accused.
Irish Times
Newspaper gives Dalit women their own voice
http://www.irishtimes.com/newspaper/opinion/2009/1028/1224257551906.html
ANALYSIS: THE PEN, it's sometimes said, is mightier than the sword. For these women, it's also a ticket to respect. The Khabar Lehariya , or News Waves, is India's first newspaper written, read and run by tribal women or those from the Dalit, or so-called untouchable, caste. While most readers only know of the politics, crime, or education news in the eight-page weekly, each of the writers has a story of her own about struggling against life's harsh challenges that remains out of the publication, writes MARK MAGNIER
Many of the dozen or so women on the staff were beaten or sexually abused as children, married off young, endured abusive marriages and fought mightily for an education and a divorce. Often, the newspaper provides them with a voice on important issues for the first time in their lives along with a sense of confidence and purpose.
The paper is also a labour of love. Not only do they write the stories, which appear in a local minority language, they also edit, handle layout, proofread and solicit ads for its two editions. Staff members, paid between about €40 and €95 a month, spend several days each week lugging copies to distant villages, some only accessible by hiking trails.
"We take buses, cars, motorcycles until the road stops, then we walk," said Meera (23), who like many Indians only uses one name, while sitting beside a whiteboard with the week's stories mapped out. "It's hard enough to reach many of these remote areas. Then you have to stay and sell the papers."
While in remote communities, they pick up stories from readers or from exploited residents petitioning for justice in front of courts and government offices. Thus armed, they return to their weekly editorial meeting with a minimum of five ideas and hash out among themselves what should be published.
Recent stories included bribery at health clinics, a bureaucrat siphoning off money meant for widows and a piece on the brother of a powerful politician who built a house, blocking all water that had gone to Dalit farmers nearby, destroying their livelihood.
A few years ago, the paper did a story on a groom who refused to marry his fiancee because her family wouldn't give him an appliance he wanted. Their story – under the headline "Do you want a wife or a TV?" – got huge attention. Today, the two are happily married and joke about it.
The four-cent cover price for Khabar Lehariya may seem like a pittance. But here in rural Uttar Pradesh state, this often represents a huge sum. Sometimes the staff members barter copies of the newspaper for food or firewood. They might even give away free copies if someone is impoverished but seems particularly interested.
Those who work at the paper, which was established in 2002, estimate that each of the 4,000 weekly copies is read to or by at least 10 other people, a function of the area's limited literacy and extreme poverty.
The news-stand price covers less than 20 per cent of the operation's €45,000 annual operating budget. The difference is covered by Nirantar, a New Delhi-based civic group specialising in gender, literacy and development issues that conceived of the project and believes it can serve as a model for other communities in India. A few weeks ago, the project won a Unesco literacy prize.
Meera (38), another co-editor with the same name, said the staff faced huge resistance in 2002. Local feudal kingpins long used to subjugating their workers, landlords who didn't want their exploitative practices revealed, corrupt officials, journalists who are often part of the local boys' club, all resented their appearance on the scene.
The younger Meera said she argued extensively with her father and husband before they let her earn a master's degree in political science and take the newspaper job.
The women say the newsroom structure remains loose and titles are often trumped by a system of respect among equals.
A key point in many of the women's lives came when they realised, usually at some point in primary or middle school, that as Dalits they'd been born into a caste at the bottom of India's social pyramid.
For the younger Meera, the painful awareness came when she realised the teacher in her remote village never drank the water she offered him, accepting it only from higher caste members.
Reporter Mithlesh (44) remembers noticing that her primary school teacher segregated the "sweeper" or lower caste, children from the rest, encouraging the higher-caste kids to wash their clothes if a sweeper's child touched them.
Shanti, another staffer, said her family was so poor and of such a low status that she never attended school. At 32, she divorced an alcoholic husband who regularly beat her, left with their five children and started her education from scratch. Now 40, she's supporting the family with her newspaper job and ensuring her children are educated.
"Now I can read, and people don't cheat me any more," she said.
Caste is a social institution, and it's probably here to stay, the women said. But if you're educated and know your rights, people are more respectful. As Indian society changes, affected by migration, a more liberalised economy and political shifts, the grip of this restrictive system is weakening.
Dalit women say they can be their own worst enemies given that caste distinctions are ingrained from birth. Then there's the prevalent belief that individuals somehow deserve their fate because of good or bad karma carrying over from the last life.
Disha Mullick, a New Delhi-based Nirantar programme co-ordinator who helps train reporters, said the social pressure to "stay in your place" extends to those holding staff jobs. Despite the opportunities that come with working at the newspaper, they have a huge turnover and many women leave after a few weeks or months, uncomfortable with taking a more assertive role.
Khabar Lehariya focuses its articles on issues of importance to Dalit, tribal or other underprivileged communities not covered elsewhere. When Dalits are featured in mainstream media, reporters said, the approach is often sensational and superficial.
At core, the women seek to help their readers know their rights, understand what government programmes are available and teach them how to apply for assistance.
For many of the women, the very act of doing a job where you're asking challenging questions of high officials, rich locals and derisive politicians is empowering. Learning how to use technology is also useful, they said.
"This job has really helped me stand up and be independent, said Kavita (30), another co-editor. "A year ago, I never even imagined something like a computer or the internet existed. This Google is amazing. You can read other newspapers just like that." Readers have responded and their circulation is growing, up from 2,500 a few years ago.
"Other papers aren't printed in our language and don't write about local news we're most interested in," said Balbir Singh (36), owner of a small shop in Jauharpur. "This really feels like our own. I just wish it were more than eight pages so I'd have more to read." – (Los Angeles Times)
--
.Arun Khote
On behalf of
Dalits Media Watch Team
(An initiative of "Peoples Media Advocacy & Resource Centre-PMARC")
BRAHMIN - BANIYA PRINT MEDIA - IS NOT A MEDIA OF PROPAGATION OF INFORMATION ALONE, BUT A CONSPIRATION MEDIA OF CONTROLLING THE BRAIN AND MIND OF BAHUJAN SAMAJ
WHAT IS BRAHMIN - BANIYA PRINT MEDIA?
In a Democracy, the press media has to play a very important role . In any democracy, creating public opinion is a duty of press media. A real democracy cannot function without public opinion. Basically, Democracy is against Brahminism. Therefore, in a democratic setup, Brahminism cannot survive. The Brahmins know it very well. it is due to this fact, the Brahminism has formulated its own strategy and policy to control this fourth pillor of democracy (Press Media) with a view to establish control over it and to convert it into Brahminocracy. As a result of this strategy, today we find that the press media is under control of Brahmins & Bahiyas.
If you have a cursory look at the press-Media, we can find that the chain-papers of the country are being owned by Baniyas, whether it is a "HINDUSTAN TIMES" group of Birla, "TIMES OF INDIA" group of Jain-Dalmiya, 'EXPRESS" group of Goenka, "PIONEER" group of Thapar or "LOKMAT" group of Darda or "JAGARAN" group of Agarwal. Form this group of publication, it can be proved that these, "chain-papers" are controlled by Baniyas.
These chain-papers have very many striking features. The most important feature of these publications is that, they prepare the readers, to think the same way, as these papers ought to think and the most dangerous thing about these Chain-papers is that their influence is not limited to the readers alone, but most dominating influence of them can be seen over language and regional papers. The policy or the information-instructions, these chain papers decide, the same is being followed and repeated by language and regional papers.
The way the "FUNDS" of Baniyas are controlling the print media, the same way the "BRAIN" and "PEN" of Brahmins is controlling it. it is therefore, we call this Print Media a "BRAHMIN-BANIYA Print Media".
There are other features of Brahmin-Baniya Print Media, because of which it can be easily identified. These features are given below in brief;-
1. Opposition to fundamental rights of Bahujan Samaj.
2. To Fool the Bahujan Samaj and Educate the Ruling Castes.
3. To Create Conflict among Scheduled Caste & Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Castes.
4. To make the stooges as leaders and assassinate the character of real leaders.
5. Instead of propagating the Information, Propagate the "OPINION".
6. To protect the interest of Brahmin Baniyas.
7. To Spread and propagate hatred in SC, ST & OBC's against Muslims.
8. To create fraise issues and to supress the real issues.
9. To Defame the image of movement of Bahujan Samaj, which is actually agitating for the Cause.
To support and defend state terrorism.
As per our understanding, these are the features of Brahmin-Baniya Print Media, according to which it can be identified. When we find these features in any print media, we call it as Brahmin-Baniya Print Media.
WHO CREATED THIS BRAHMIN-BANIYA PRINT MEDIA?
Many people of Bahujan Samaj do not have requisite information. When you want to think over any issue from historical perspective, you must-know everything about it and also the roots of these issues. During Pre-independence days, the struggle of Gandhi, was being opposed and suppressed by British Print Media. To resist these attempts of British Press, Gandhi coaxed his Caste felIows, to start their own Press-Media. Birlas and Goenkas are most prominent among them. Therefore, Gandhi is the creator of Brahmin-Baniya Press-Media. And it is only this press Media, that build up the image of cunning Gandhi, as Mahatma. From this single example, we can understand, how powerful, this press-media is, which converted the image of a cunning "SOUL" into a "GREAT SOUL".(Mahatma).
BRAHMIN-BANIYA PRINT MEDIA IS NOT A MEDIA OF PROPAGATION OF INFORMATION
The Role of Print Media is to educate the masses. In this the same way, its role is also to propagate the requisite information in the masses, so that they can form their opinion over any issue.
Is Brahmin-Baniya Print-Media propagating information in the Masses? In our opinion the Brahmin-Baniya Print Media is not propagating ,information in the masses. Actually it is suppressing such information from Masses, which may threaten the interests of Brahmin-Baniyas. From this, one can conclude that the Brahmin-Baniya Print-Media is not the Media of Propagation of Information. Infact, it is a Media of Propogating "OPINIONS" and that too, opinions, which suit their interests. This Print Media is trying to propagate and create only such "OPINIONS" which are favourable to Brahmins-Baniyas.
THE WONDER OF ADULT FRANCHISE
The Varna-Vyavastha is composed of four Varnas, out of which the first three Varnas are having all rights. Their population is only 15% and their population of those Castes, which are denied rights, is 85%. When there was no democracy in the country, this varna system, its concepts and ijs code of conduct was a means to establish domination over the majority Castes. But when democracy began, and the majority Shudra - Ati-Shudra Communities (i.e. today's Scheduled Castes, Tribes, other Backward classes and religious minorities) got the right of Adult Franchise, it became increasingly impossible to establish domination over these majority Shudra-Ati-Shudra and minority communities. Therefore it became necessary for Brahminism to invent new methods and techniques to retain their domination. Brahmin-Baniya Print-Media, is a part of these Techniques, whose main role is to build up the "opinion" of majority Shudras - Ati-Shudras, in their favour, so that in the changed situation, this domination can be retained.
WHOSE MAJORITY?
The hatred-campaign of Brahminism of last two thousand years, has made the condition of Shudras - Ati-Shudras i.e. the Scheduled Caste, Tribes, other Backward Castes and the minorities, from bad to worst. It has made them most helpless, hopeless and slaves. All these people are "EXPLOITED" and "RULED" Communities and they form the majority in the country. In a Democracy, it is only the Majority, that should rule. But instead of this majority ruling the country, what we find today is that 15% Brahmin-Baniya-and Kshatriya minority is ruling the country. Though the Bahujan Samaj is in Majority, it is not ruling the country. Why it is so?
YET TO BECOME BAHUJAN SAMAJ
If Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and religious minorities are pulled together, they form the majority. But they are divided and separated into six thousand Castes (6,000). Though they are in majority, they are yet to become one Bahujan Samaj. Unless and until these people, who are divided into 6,000 Castes, come together and form one Samaj, they cannot become Rulers, though they are in actual majority. Only because of their majority they cannot become Rulers. Unless and until, there is a common social interest and there is a realisation of this interest, they cannot become one 'Bahujan Samaj'. And unless and until they become Bahujan Samaj, this majority class cannot become Rulers. Today, it is very easy to form a political party of the majority class, but very difficult to form ore samaj of this majority class. To form one samaj is not a political task. It is a non-political task and it is a time consuming and complex task. The 3rahmin-Baniya Print-Media does not want this process of making Bahujan Samaj to succeed. Therefore this print media is actively working against this process.
BRAHMIN BANIYA - THE RULING CASTES
Varna system is such a system, which gives better planning to establish domination over Shudras - Ati-shudras. This system has not only given-rights and privileges to first Three Varnas, but it has also given them, the right of self-respect and honour. And the Shudra - Ati-Shudras have not only been denied rights and privileges but have also been denied this self respect and honour.
When the country got independence, Gandhi with the help of Nehru has re-established this Varna System. Those who were given rights, privileges, honour and self-respect previously, were given more rights now. Is it not true? Democracy stands on four pillars and the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas have control over these pillars. This is the contribution of Gandhi-Nehru to their Castes. Has this happened automatically? In this way, those who were dominating in the social setup became also dominating in the democratic setup. All these Varnas and castes are Ruling and Exploiting Castes. At the best, we can say Kshatriyas and Vaishyas are assistants of Brahmins and are functioning under Brahmin Control.
BAHUJAN SAMAJ IS AN EXPLOITED AND RULED SAMAJ
The Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and converted minorities are 85%, but are divided into 6000 Castes. Those who were denied rights and privileges in the Varna system, have also been denied rights and privileges in a system which has been developed in the modern Democracy. Even in this system, they remain Exploited and Ruled Castes.
POWER CHANGES, BUT NOT THE RULING CASTES
Many elections have been conducted in modern India, on the basis of Democratic process, and we have seen that power has changed from one party to other, but the ruling Castes have not changed. There are many reasons for this, And one of the important reasons, is "BRAHMIN-BANIYA PRINT MEDIA".
FOR A CHANGE OF SYSTEM, IT IS ESSENTIAL TO CHANGE THE RULING CASTES
Simply by change of power, there cannot be a change" of system, because, we have seen a change of power many times. By keeping control of Ruling Castes over the power structure, we cannot bring change of system. Whether it is opposition Ruling Castes or ruling-Ruling castes, there interests are not different. Those, whose interests are common, whether they are in power or not, they have consensus in maintaining the "STATUS-QUO". Therefore, to remove control of the ruling Castes from power structure, is a pre-condition to bring change of system. Not to allow this thing to happen, the Brahmins-Baniya Print media is creating a false picture of competition among the parties of ruling castes in elections, because of which, the votes of Bahujan Samaj get divided and the votes of ruling castes get consolidated and increased
ATMOSPHERE OF ACCOMPLISHMENT OF THE PRECONDITIONS
Since last 20 years or so, we are propagating the ideology of demolishing the control of ruling castes over power-structure and establishing the control of Exploited and Ruled castes. In the first Phase, when we were trying to establish the roots of this Ideology, people of Bahujan Samaj itself, were laughing at us. In the second phase, when these roots got strengthened, the interest of those people, who were laughing at us where in danger. Those who had alliances and compromises with the enemy of Bahujan Samaj, were in great difficulty. Then, they started opposing us. In the Third phase, this ideology has started showing its influence and results. The opponents were wonder-struck. They got frightened and have now lessoned their opposition. But the real enemy of Bahujan Samaj has become more aggressive. The basic reason for them to become aggressive, is that they started loosing their control over the power structure and the exploited Castes have started establishing their control over it. Even among them, the Brahmin-Baniya Print media became more aggressive. The Atmosphere of accomplishment of the pre-condition for brining change to system is developing. It can be seen today. This atmosphere is posing dangers to the Ruling Castes. There are clear indications of this. Therefore, the Ruling Castes have started using their print-media against this, to save themselves from the dangers.
WHY PRAISING MULAYAM SINGH?
Only 2-3 years back, the Brahmin-Baniya Print Media was running a persistent false campaign, to defame and damage the image of Mulayam Singh. They called him "MULLA-MULAYAM" and "MAULAVI MULAYAM". Before that, they gave the slogan that "MULAYAM GO BACK and herd the Buffalose". The same slogan was also used against Ram Naresh Yadav. What is the reason, why Brahmin-Baniya Print media is not raising these slogans today? Because, if they give this slogan today, they know that the polarisation of scheduled Caste, Tribes and other Backward classes wjtl be strengthened and Brahminism will .get weakened. In the same way, by Calling MULLA-MULAYAM" or Moulavi Mulayam, Mulayam Singh is not going to loose anything. Other Backward classes, who were opposed to Muslims at that time had to be kept way from Mulayam Singh. This was the purpose of giving this slogan. But today, it is not relevant to keep Mulayam Singh, away from backward classes. Therefore, that Brahmin-Baniya Print Media has stopped giving these slogans. On the contrary, it started praising Mulayam Singh. When Brahmins start praising somebody, we must understand that the crises have come very close. The purpose behind showering praises on Mulayam Singh is to break the polarisation of scheduled Caste, Tribes and other backward classes.
CONSPIRACY OF BRAHMINS AGAINST MULAYAM
In Uttar Pradesh, there is a rule of Mulayam Singh and contrary to this, administration of Brahmins. Brahmins do not desire that Mulayam Singh should rule. Therefore, many Brahmin Officials are conspiring to bring down the Mulayam Singh's Rule. The first part of this conspiracy has come to light, when Governor's Speech drafting I.A.S Officer, mentioned in the speech that this government will be run on the ideals of Gandhi. From this, it becomes very clear that, the officer, who prepared the speech, must be a Brahmin and he must be knowing well that the M.L.A's of Bahujan Samaj Party will not tolerate this. Due to this, there will be an ideological rift. The officer was. successful in creating this rift. The Second example is Kripa Shankar Chaturvedi, an I.P.S. Officer, who was Principal, Government Police Training College, Moradabad. He published a magazineforthe police, on Government expenses, in which he made Bahujan Samaj Party, the target of his criticism. If disciplinary action is not taken against him, the Government will collapse and if taken, it could have been said that Mulayam Singh's love for Gandhi is not genuine. The fact is that the attempts of Chaturvedi were directed against the Government to make it collapse. The Third example is of the Chief Secretary of U.P., who is a Tamilian Brahmin. He senta report to the Chief Election Commissioner, T.N. Seshan, in a wrong manner and did not even keep the Chief-Minister informed. The Chief Election Commissioner had cancelled the elections of Six Assembly seats, on the basis of this wrong information. Because of this the Stability of the Government was threatened. The Two Ministers of BSP had to get elected to the assembly or Council before completing six months. It was a constitutional obligation. If the elections were cancelled, they could not have got elected. Due to this, the Government would have collapsed, because B.S.P. could have some out of the Government. The purpose of the Chief Secretary of giving information to the Chief Election Commissioner in a wrong manner, was only to collapse the Government. The Similar type of conspiracy is being hatched by the Brahmins Baniya Print Media, which was hatched by the Executive official of Ruling Castes in U.P.
A CAMPAIGN TO CREATE CONFLICT AMONG SC'S & O. B.C.'S
No sooner, the SC/ST's and O.B.C's of Utter Pradesh, with the help of minorities, have formed their own government, the Brahminical forces have started creating conflicts among them using their organisational network, these Brahmin-Baniya parties have started creating conflicts among S.C's and O.B.C's in the villages, and the print media is giving wide publicity to these "sponsored conflicts". They have started propagating that, traditional antagonism exists among SC's and OB.C's. In the name of Agriculture and the Agricultural Labour, they have written columns and columns of literature. It is true that SC's AND B.C's are quarrelling among themselves, but its reason is not economic, but the social structure of inequality, whose root cause is Brahminism, which is an Ideology of creating conflicts. What can be the reason, when one Kurmi (Backward) man parades one SC Women naked in the village. It is not because, that lady is poor or labourer, but because the Kurmis think that to do this is their right. Certainly the thinking behind such acts is Brahminism, which has perpetuated this inequality. By demolishing this ideology only, there will be a feeling of Brother-hood among SC/STand OBC's and this feeling of brother-hood can pose dangers to Brahminism. Therefore the BrahminBaniya Print Media, instead of running Campaigns, to demolish the ideiogy of inequality, is propagating the sponsored conflicts of SC's & BC's in such a manner, so as to finish this feeling of brother-hood in them. By finishing this brother-hood among them, the followers of Brahminism will pave ways for coming back to the power. Without creating feeling of brother-hood among them the SC's and OBC's cannot take over political power. It is not possible. Because of this reason, there is a growing understanding and feeling of Brother hood in SC's & OBC's of Utter Pradesh, because of which, Brahmin Baniya Print Media has felt the necessity of creating conflicts among them.
INSTIGATING BACKWARDS AGAINST MUSLMIS
The Brahmin-Baniya Print Media is not creating conflicts among SC, BC's alone but also creating conflicts among BC's and Muslims. When it was time to implement the report of Mandal Commission, which give justice to backward classes, they opposed it tooth and nail. They opposed the rights of backward classes, but at the same time for instigating them against Muslims, they call them their Hindus Brothers when it was time to give them, their rights as backwards, they made them Hindus and used them against Muslims.
BRAHMAN-BANIYA PRINT MEDIA-BIGGEST PARTY
in a democratic setup, political party is essential. Without Political party, the Democracy cannot be successful. There are various recognised political parties in our country and majority of them, belong to Ruling Castes. But amongst all of them, the Brahmin-Baniya Print Media is the biggest party. It never takes part in election, but at the same time propagates the interests of the Ruling Castes.
BRAHMIN-BANIYA PRINT-MEDIA No.1 ENEMY
That way, there are many enemies of Bahujan Samaj. Some are internal and some are external. Brahmins are No.1 enemy of Bahujan Samaj. Therefore the Print Media created by Brahmins is also No. 1 enemy of Bahujan Samaj. Because, the print Media is a Biggest party, therefore it is biggest enemy
KSHATRIYAS & VAISHYAS ARE ASSISTANT ENEMY
When the Kshatriyas and Vaishyas are helping the Brahmins, to maintain the dominations, they make them partners in the power structure. But when Kshatriyas make this partnership as the basis for creating their own domination, the Brahmin Baniya Print Media launches' campaign against them. When Arjun Singh has tried to create his own influence against Narasimha Rao, the Brahmin-Baniya Print Media started pulling his legs. They adopted similar tacties in case of Sharad Pawar, a Shudra.
BRAHMIN BANIYA & KSHATRIYAS ARE IN MINORITY, BUT HOW ARE THEY CONTROLLING POWER?
In fact, this question cannot go out of the minds of those people, who believe in democracy that Brahmtn-Baniyas and Kshatriyas are in minority. But how are they controlling the power? This question is before us also. When we pondered over this question and gave serious thought to it, something has appeared before us. The minority rulings castes are making use of money, mafia and print media, to create its own majority.
By booth capturing and riggings, this minority Ruling castes are becoming majority. They create rifts among scheduled castes, scheduled tribes and other backward classes. They purchase leaders and also purchase voters. You must have heard about every type of thefts, but thefts of votes takes place only in India. This is the wonder of our Ruling Castes. To keep all these things secret, and to cover up them is the job of print Media.
The vote-bank policy is also made by the minority Ruling Castes. They only make the appeasement policy (Muslim appeasement) and also create noise over it. The Ruling Castes are in minority and therefore they have to make vote-bank policies. But creating public opinion is the biggest job of print media and to collect the votes by creating public opinion, is also done by print media, through which, the minority ruling castes, establish their control over power structure.
MULAYAM DOES NOT KNOW HIS FORE-FATHERS
Muiayam Singh is not knowing his real fore-fathers. It is very essential to know them, if you have*to create ever lasting influence and impact. Certainly, Phooley, Shahu Maharaj, Ambedkar, Periyar and similar great men can only be his fore-fathers and this is natural also. To break this chain of history, can also become cause of division. Therefore, it is necessary to know and understand this.
MUSLIMS - THE MAIN TARGET
The Babri-Masjid-Ramjanma Bhoomi Agitation, being run for the past decade or so, has proved many things. The most important of these, is that in the name of Religion, the SC's & OBC's are being instigated against Muslims by the Print Media and Muslims are being made their target. The untouchables and the Shudras have been made the victims of campaign of hatred by Brahminism. Now same Brahminism is making Muslims as target. The print Media is leading all, in this campaign. Muslims must become terrorists, so that a movement to suppress them can be launched. This is a current conspiracy. The first experiment of this was conducted in North -East, then in Punjab and now it is the turn of Muslims. These things prove that Muslims are being made target, but their real target is OBC's.
TERRORISM - THE RESULT OF BRAHMINISM
Whatever has happened in North-East, Punjab, Kashmir, or Bombay, is the resultant effect of Brahminism. Brahminism tried to establish their domination and when people refused to accept this domination, they adopted many wrong methods. As a reaction to this, the terrorism is created. All those, who are having some understanding, know it very well. Instead of propagating the basic reasons of terrorism, the Brahmins-Baniya Print-Media is launching campaign to defame them and assassinate their characters. Even now it is going on. By doing this, the print media has threatened the unity of the country
BRAHMINS HAVE DIS-INTEGRATED THE COUNTRY BUT DEFAMED MUSLIMS
It is now slowly spreading among the masses, that brahmins are responsible for the partition of the country. Had the muslims remained in India, it would have been difficult for the Brahmins to establish their domination over the country. And therefore to establish their control, the brahmins made partition of the country. But they defamed only Muslims for this. The Brahmin Beniya Print Media has played an important role in this affair
STATE TERRORISM-A RESULTANT FACTOR OF BRAHMIN BANIYA PRINT MEDIA
Those who form the Government, gain access to the resources of the State. But these resources are the wealth of the people. Then how these resources are being used deliberately against people. It is dangerous and also violative of human rights. If the Print media decides to expose such a government, which is using state resources against people, The State terrorism can be checked. Always, the state terrorism is most dangerous than people's Terrorism. But instead of opposing it, the press is defending it. Not only that it advices the states, to do it. Therefore, state terrorism is a creation of print media.
THE ROLE OF PRESS IN THE DESTRUCTION OF BABRI MASJID
Many people do not know many things. Normally, B.J.P. & CONGRESS are being blamed for the destruction of Babri Masjid. But the Role of press in this affair is also equally important. In fact, the press has instigated people for doing this. This fact cannot be denied.
THE WORRY OF UNITY OF THE COUNTRY - A FARCE
The press always makes noise that the unity and integrity of the country is in danger. And on other hand it tries to create conflicts among SC's and OBC's. Infact there is no danger to the unity of the country. Such unity of SC's & OBC's may pose danger to the domination of the Brahmins. And this, they call danger to the country. This is their point of view. From this, it is clear that, they are not worried about the unity of the country, but only about their domination. The rest is a farce.
BRAHMIN-BANIA PRINT MEDIA SUPPORTING CONGRESS AND B.J.P
In 1984, if the print media had not propagated Khalistan, it would not have been possible for Rajiv Gandhi to get 415 M.Ps elected. And if the Print Media could not have helped RSS and BJP in the destruction of Babri Masjid, it would not have been possible for them to get 116 M.P.s in 1991, when they could get only two M.P.'s elected in 1984. This proves that print media is supporting Congress and B.J.P
BRAHMINS PARTY-NATIONAL PARTY, THE REST ARE CASTE PARTIES
The party of Gandhi-Nehru is called a national party, the party of ail sections of people. But Charan Singh's party is called Jat-party, Mulayams's is called Ahirs' Party, Laloo Prasad Yadav's is called Yadav party, Dr. Ambedkar's is called Mahar Party and Kanshi Ram's party is called Chamar party. Is press not propagating this view point? If it is doing so, does it not prove that Press media is posing threat to the unity of the country.
ONLY TO MAKE PROPOGANDA, BUT IMPLEMENTING NOTHING
There is a democracy in the country and the majority people are scheduled caste, tribes, other backward classes and religious minorities. In a democracy it is not possible to rule, unless these sections are made helpless and hopeless. Therefore the ruling Castes are always propagating about the protection of their interests, but do nothing to implement. Instead of exposing this, the Press media is a part of this conspiracy
PRINT MEDIA-A LEADER IN THE CAMPAIGN OF OPPOSITION TO MANDAL COMMISSION
When V.P.Singh made Mandal Commission applicable no party could pick up courage to oppose it. At that time, the press came forward. It conducted a false campaign. This is well known. But when Supreme Court recognised, they accepted ft They have not accepted it, because it does not damage their interests, but because the Mandal Commission has been sabotaged. The press was successful in this Sabotage and therefore is now supporting it
NOT SOCIAL JUSTICE, BUT CHANGE OF SYSTEMS
It was not too late, before the ruling castes were exposed and people came to know in large numbers that "Social Justice" is a mere toy. Therefore, no separate Machinery or law is made to deliver social justice. Therefore social justice can influence people and without its implementation, they can save themselves. This is what the ruling castes think. But now the exploited Castes have started realising this. Therefore, these castes gave the slogan of "VYAVASTHA PARIVARTAN". Such a situation is being created in the country. Therefore the press has launched a campaign against this.
THEY WANT TO CONTROL THE BRAIN AND MIND
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar has emphasised upon, a very important concept that if any community desires to extent its political base, it must liberate the minds and brains of people. This is a pre-condition. And according to this concept, if the brains and minds of people are liberated, the base of political power can be spread. If the Ruling castes do not want this to happen, then they must control the minds and brains of people, so that their direction can be changed in the interest of ruling castes.
The journalists are not only managing information alone, but are also managing the Brains and minds of people. Who are "these Journalist? Brahmins and Baniyas. Therefore these Journalists know very well that information is a source of strength and it can be used to manage the brains and minds of people.
WHY IT IS A CONSPIRATORY MEDIA?
Brahmtn-Baniya Print Media is called a conspiratory Media, Why? There must be some definite reasons. In our opinion, the ruling castes hatch some conspiracy at highest level and to execute it, is the role of the print Media. This can be only reason. Therefore, we call it a conspiratory media
WHAT WE SHOULD DO?
A:-
1. First of all, we must serve a warning to the Brahmin-Baniya Print Media, that we know its conspiracy.
2, Second, if they do not change their attitude, we must stop reading their papers and
3. If, we cannot stop reading them, we must stop believing them, especially those matters, which spread confusion among us.
B:-
1. We must create our own Campaigners
2. We must. give them Training
3. We must build the awakening centers
4. We must start our own Publications
5. This is a task of organisation
6. We must organise the Journalist of Bahujan Samaj.
Dr. AMBEDKAR ON BRAHMIN -BANIYA PRESS
"In my opinion, this is the appropriate time, to describe the present condition of Indian Journalism, Once, the Journalism was a profession in India. Now it has become a business. There is nothing moral in that, than producing a soap. Journalism does not consider itself a responsible advisor of people. In India the first of ail and most important is that, Journalism should consider it obligatory to publish only such news which are true, also criticise Government policies from angle of the larger interest of people, without any fear, it must criticise and correct those, who are trading wrong path, whether they are big or small men. But to make somebody hero and worship him, has become the main role of journalism. Under such circumstances, the news has been replaced by sensations, logical ideas have been replaced by unwarranted anxieties. Instead of touching the hearts of responsible citizens, it is now instigating the irresponsible people" Dr. Babasaheb Ambekar.
http://www.mulnivasibamcef.org/pages/page3f.asp
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