---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: john reed <reed2link@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 13, 2010 at 12:57 PM
Subject: [** MAOIST_REVOLUTION **] An interview with the General Secretary Ganapathy, Communist Party of India (Maoist)
To:
In conversation with Ganapathy, General Secretary of CPI(Maoist)
By Jan Myrdal and Gautam Navlakha
[Jan Myrdal is a Swedish author, political writer, journalist, and
lifelong supporter of anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist and popular
liberation movements; Gautam Navlakha is the editorial consultant of
EPW (Economic and Political Weekly) and also a leading democratic
rights activist (attached to People's Union for Democratic Rights
(PUDR), Delhi].
JANUARY 2010
[Note from the authors : Far inside the jungles of the Eastern Ghats
we met the general secretary of the CPI (Maoists) Ganapathy aka
Mupalla Laxman Rao. After welcoming us and inquiring from us whether
we, in particular Jan Myrdal, faced any problem having to travel the
rough terrain, the interview began. Following is the summary of the
interview with him. We have retained the interview in the form in
which it was given, read and approved by him with some minor language
changes. In particular we draw attention of readers to the General
Secretary laying down concisely his party's stance on the issue of
talks in light of the disinformation spread by the Union Minister of
Home P Chidambaram that CPI(Maoist) had "scoffed" at the Indian
Government's offer for talks. Indeed he told us:
"To put concisely the main demands that the party has placed in front
of the government [of India] for any kind of talks are 1) All-out war
has to be withdrawn; 2) For any kind of democratic work, the ban on
the Party and Mass Organizations have to be lifted; 3) Illegal
detention and torture of comrades had to be stopped and they be
immediately released. If these demands are met, then the same leaders
who are released from jails would lead and represent the Party in the
talks."
However, we consider the full text of the interview of importance for
all those who want to know more about the policies of the party which
the Government of India considers its main internal security threat.]
Q : How do you envisage the linking of this struggle with a general
struggle in India in terms of class ? Chairman Mao after 1935 took the
Long March to Yenan created a base for national level and part of
which was the united front with the Chiang Kai-Sheik. Thereby it
became the main national power in China. How do you envisage becoming
to a national power in India?
A : In China, in which condition Long March to Yenan took-place and
created a base and a part of it formation of a United Front with
Chiang Kai-Sheik for national level is different to our present
situation of New Democratic Revolution(NDR) of India. Chinese
revolution had took-place in first half of the 20th century. Since
then several significant changes have occurred in the world. Those
are, firstly emergence of a Socialist Camp and its subsequent down
fall, secondly downfall of colonialism and emergence of
neocolonialism, thirdly emergence of so-called parliamentary system as
the common political system throughout the world, fourthly, a long gap
emerged in the revolutionary upsurge after success of revolutions in
Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos in-spite of some upsurges and significant
struggles in several countries. If we look into the entire world
history, after emergence of working class on the globe, it is
confronting with the bourgeoisie class and all other reactionary
forces and seized power from them in Paris for a short-while and then
in Russian, China and several European countries for a long time and
shocked the entire globe. In this trajectory, there were various ups
and downs in the World Socialist Revolution but nonetheless the
struggle continuous. It is like waves at times and it slowed down, but
it never ceased. So we have to see any revolution of a country in the
light of historical context.
In relation to our revolution, first of all I would like to introduce
our history in a short account to understand the present condition
correctly. Our unified Party, the Communist Party of India (Maoist)
was formed on 21st September 2004 by merging two Maoist revolutionary
streams of India, the Communist Party of India(Marxist Leninst) [CPI
(ML)]and Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). Our great beloved fore-founder
leaders and teachers, Comrades Charu Mazumdar(CM) and Kanhai
Chatterji(KC) who led an ideological and political struggle
ceaselessly for a long time against revisionism and modern revisionism
of Communist Party of India and CPI(Marxist). Through this struggle
only backbone of the revisionist parties' had broken down which
resulted in a breakthrough in the Indian communist movement. By the
result of this great struggle in all spheres by comrade CM and other
genuine Maoists, the great Naxalbari armed peasant uprising broke-out
like a Spring-Thunder. Then a new history began. Then onwards our two
great leaders upheld the red banner of Naxalbari and lead the New
Democratic Revolution. The revolutionary movement spread like
prairie-fire to almost all parts of the country in a different scale.
During this revolutionary course in a short period two Parties,
CPI(ML) and MCC were founded on 22nd April 1969 and 20th October 1969
under the direct leadership of comrades CM and KC respectively. Due to
several historical reasons we failed to form a unified Maoist Party at
that juncture itself. But our basic ideological and political line,
path and strategy of the revolution, and several other basic positions
on important questions which we confronted at the same time were
basically same.
The Indian ruling classes unleashed a reign of terror on all
revolutionary movements starting with the Naxalbari armed agrarian
uprising. At the end of 1972, after the arrest and martyrdom of
comrade CM and even prior to it we lost a large number of leaders and
cadres in the hands of the enemy. Due to these loses we suffered a
countrywide setback. Prior to the martyrdom of comrade CM, intensive
internal political and ideological struggle started against right
arch-opportunist clique SNS and others in 1971 itself. Party had
disintegrated into several groupings due to our serious tactical
mistakes, state terror, severe losses, lack of proper leadership and
negative effect of two line struggle within the Communist Party of
China. Since 1972 July to 1980 our Party, the CPI(ML) was dominated by
several splinters most of them lead by right and left-adventurist
leadership and disarray spread over. But on the other side, under the
leadership of MCC armed agrarian revolutionary peasant struggle in
Kanksha took-place and it suffered a setback in a short period due to
state terror but steadily expanded to Bihar, and to some extent to
Assam and Tripura.
We uphold basic ideological and political line of a genuine Maoist
Party, learned lessons from practice, seriously engaged in the class
struggle and firmly stood for correct positions on several ideological
and political questions which confronted in the country and
international arena. Due to these positions only from CPI(ML) Stream,
on 1978 the CPI(ML)-Party Unity(PU) and on 22nd April 1980
CPI(People's War)(PW) emerged. Due to this only once again we, MCC, PW
and PU Parties build armed agrarian revolutionary movement in
different parts of the country, particularly Andhra Pradesh and Bihar.
We strengthened our Party, revolutionary mass movement and armed
struggle considerably in 1980s and 1990s which culminated in the great
unity and formation of our new party in September 2004. Since 1977 a
large number of genuine Maoist forces had merged and consolidated in
the CPI(ML)[PW], MCCI and CPI(ML)-PU and also still this process is
continuing to some extent after the formation of the new Party. But in
this period most of the right and left Maoist groups had been
gradually disintegrated and disappeared and some of the right groups
still exist even though they are weak. Still a tiny section of Maoist
forces exist but they are suffering from sectarianism for a long time.
We opine that our struggle within the CPI and CPM is an integral part
of the great struggle conducted in the International Communist
Movement headed by the Communist Party of China under the direct
leadership of comrade Mao. We also opine that the internal struggle
with in the CPI(ML) which took-place for several years is connected
directly or indirectly with the internal struggle of the CPC even
before and after Mao's demise. Modern revisionist Deng clique which
usurped power in China damaged much not only to our Party and
revolution but also to the world revolution. We firmly stick to Mao
Though and opposed Deng clique and Lin Piao clique. Our experience
clearly shows that Indian revolution had influenced a lot with the
positive and negative developments of International Communist
Movement(ICM).
We, the Indian Maoist Party has traverse through a tortuous path for a
long period. After formation of Unified Party, most favorable
situation emerged for the advancement of revolution. We lost this good
chance between 1969 and 1972. The biggest boon of this merger has been
the result of synthesis of over 35 years of experience of Indian
revolution. It has given us enriched basic documents in terms of
strategy, tactics and policies. Our merger brought about a significant
change from two different parties working in distant separate areas or
small pockets to a Party with an all India character. Before merger,
in-spite of both Parties having CC, there was a serious limitation to
them in functioning as Central Bodies with all India perspective. But
after merger, our understanding further enriched about the uneven
development of the country and uneven development of the revolutionary
movement. Now we can plan at an all India level in a better way. It is
not at complete but atleast the disadvantages have been done away
with. A clearer and enriched line has emerged in terms of both India
and world context. And other aspect in this advantage, is that it had
its effect internationally too. Before this, mostly we could not see
this much of international support. But, still it is nascent,
nonetheless it had developed. In recent years, we suffered several
loses. Despite which we have to think how to avoid this much of
losses. But our CC has said that we should avoid mistakes to avoid
losses and boldly face the enemy and go ahead.
At present in our country other Maoist Parties are not in a position
to provide leadership to the masses due to their right deviationist
line and limited strength. The progressive and democratic forces are
lacking any revolutionary basic program of action and also at present
they are having a limited area of influence. Besides all these
limitations no party has people's armed force to defend. I reiterate
that at present no one Party or Organization is capable enough to be a
rallying centre for all revolutionary, democratic, progressive and
patriotic forces and people. Hence, at present juncture our Party can
play a significant role in rallying all revolutionary, democratic,
progressive and patriotic forces and people. Because our party has an
all India character, good political militant mass base in several
States, a People's Liberation Guerilla Army(PLGA) fighting enemy in
several States and emerging New Democratic People's power in
Dandkaranya [an area in central India which comprises predominately
tribal districts of five states of India namely Andhra Pradesh,
Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa], Jharkhand and
some other parts of India. We have a clear-cut understanding to unify
all revolutionary, democratic, progressive, patriotic forces and all
oppressed social communities including oppressed nationalities against
imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. Our New
Democratic United Front(UF) consists of four democratic classes, i.e.
workers, peasants, urban petty-bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie.
If we wish to form a strong United Front then it must be under the
leadership of proletariat, basing on worker and peasant alliance. If
we wish to form a strong United Front then it must be supported and
defended by the People's Army. Without People's Army people have
nothing to achieve or to defend. Hence enemy is seriously trying to
eliminate our Party leadership with the aim of destroying a
revolutionary and democratic centre of Indian people. So the condition
has matured further to rally around one centre and revolution could go
ahead under the leadership of the CPI(Maoist).
At the same time, the world economic crisis, the anti-people and
pro-imperialist policies of the Indian ruling classes and the rising
state repression, infuriated the masses in the country increasing the
revolutionary scope now that there is a single revolutionary party.
For a long time, since Comrade CM's martyrdom, India was lacking a
single revolutionary platform. Even in the international scenario,
there were many cleavages in the Maoist movements. In this particular
juncture the emergence of our Party provides new hope to the people.
I want to say that the Party has no illusion about the so called
parliamentary system and knows well Indian state's might as well as we
clearly know our limitations and shortcomings, even after unity
[formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist)]and the weaknesses of
Maoist forces in the country and other countries.
The favorable revolutionary conditions, the widespread bitter class
struggle rising in Indian society and the development of the armed
struggle are being keenly observed by the enemy who is taking it most
seriously. So, no opportunity is being given to these struggles by the
Indian ruling classes who are also compradors of imperialism. So
immediately in the context of world revolution also putting together
the experiences of Philippines, Peru, Nepal, and India, imperialism is
most concerned about the development of a bitter class struggle
emerging in India. In the present situation of world, if the Maoist
revolution in India can advance to a new stage, it will become a grave
threat to world capitalist system. That is why imperialism,
particularly America has taken these developments seriously.
So, on the one side, there are more favorable conditions for
revolution, and on the other side there is enemy's full onslaught to
suppress the revolution. In this situation, our entire plan is to
fully utilize the favorable conditions while resisting the enemy which
will determine our plan.
In this context, at present, main hurdle in the way of Indian
Revolution is the all-out war unleashed by the enemy. This war is
principally against Maoist movement but not limited to this movement
and aimed enough against all revolutionary, democratic, progressive
and patriotic movements and the movements of oppressed communities of
our society including oppressed nationalities. At this juncture, all
these forces have to think together how to face this mighty enemy and
for this how to unite to go ahead.
How can we resolve the problem of all-out war? For resolution of any
problem, we have to analyze it deeply to identify the root cause of
the problem. Firstly, why this war? Who's imposing it? On whom it is
imposing? What is the nature of this war? How long it continues? Can
we accept this war or not? Who should counter it? How to counter it?
What is the aim of resistance to war?, etc.
This war is meant for destroying the revolution which is gradually
emerging as an alternative political power to the existing reactionary
political power in the country and plundering massive minerals and
other rich natural resources of the vast areas of Adivasi people and
other local people from Lalgarh to Surjagarh. They are imposing this
war on those who are against this war, i.e. Maoist revolutionaries,
Adivasi and local people of the vast forest areas, workers, peasants,
urban middle class, small and medium bourgeoisie, Dalit, women,
religious minorities and oppressed nationalities, democratic
organizations, progressive and patriotic forces who comprise more than
95% of the population. It is completely an unjust war. This war is
imposed by the Comprador Bureaucratic Bourgeoisie, Feudal forces of
this country and imperialists, particularly America. These are real
looters, plunderers, corrupters, blackmailers, hoarders, scamsters,
murders, conspirators, oppressors, suppressers, autocrats, fascists,
most reactionaries and number one traitors. These reactionaries plan
to continue this war for a long time till they achieve their goal.
Any Maoist, democrat, progressive, patriot, and people will not accept
this unjust war imposed by the rulers. People will completely oppose
this unjust, most cruel, inhumane and treacherous war. It will be
defied by all people of our country and people of world. This unjust
war is totally against the interest of the people and the interest of
the country. People will unite and counter this unjust war by waging a
just war. People will never tolerate any kind of unjust war. In the
history of entire class society people never tolerated any kind of
unjust war for ever but they fought back every unjust war by paying
price of their own blood and ultimately won it. Immediate aim of this
just war is to defeat the unjust war completely and then advance
towards changing present social conditions which are giving scope to
unjust wars. If we look at the political developments of the country,
this inhumane all-out war is giving a tremendous scope to unite vast
masses of people and certainly it will become counter productive to
the ruling classes.
After 15th August 1947 we never saw such integration of Indian
economy, defense, internal security, polity, culture and entire state
with the imperialists, particularly with the US imperialists. Nuclear
Deal and several defense deals, glaring interference after terrorist
attacks in Mumbai on 26th November 2008 and Union Home Minister
Chidambaram's visit to US and crucial agreements related to internal
security are some glaring instances. Due to this significant change
the Indian expansionists are playing a crucial role in the South-Asia.
The fundamental contradiction between imperialism and Indian people
has further sharpened. It will give great scope to unite people
against imperialists and fight back imperialism.
From several decades entire Kashmir and North East are under military
and paramilitary domination. On the other hand drastic change has been
seen in internal security due to role of military in the internal
security. Indian army was deployed at the time of historic Telangana
armed agrarian revolution (1946-52) and for a short-while [in 1971] in
some pockets of West Bengal after great Naxalbari peasant armed
uprising of 1966. But today in long term perspective, the Indian army
is being reorganized. Under the dictates of global war against terror,
three years back Indian army has declared its new policy [Doctrine of
Sub-conventional Warfare] to deal with internal security and needs of
the modern war with other countries. Under this restructured plan
Indian army is training a large number of its forces according to
needs of wide-spread counter-insurgency operations. Now onwards Indian
army is being used in a vast area of our country against its own
people in the name of internal security. If it [Indian Government] is
really a people's government, how can it use its own army against its
own people? The Indian state is functioning as an autocratic and
fascist rule in the garb of democracy. All the gains that were made by
revolutionary and democratic people's struggles are being challenged
by the fascists. But this will also force the vast masses of the
people to unite and resist with whatever means to defend and
ultimately it will also become counter-productive to the ruling
classes.
We must also talk about the current world economic crisis,
particularly crisis of US imperialists and other imperialist
countries. This crisis is in certain aspects even deeper than the
great depression of 1930s. But capitalism does not die on its own
without a revolution. Now to come out of this crisis imperialist will
try to increase exploitation of working class and middle class of its
own countries and increase plunder of third world countries. Multi
National Corporations (MNCs) and Comprador Bureaucratic Bourgeoise
(CBB), the collaborators of imperialists concentrated on the large
tracts extended from Lalgarh in Bengal to Surjagarh in Maharashtra. To
exploit this rich region, primarily Adivasi (tribal) region, state and
central governments have signed 100s of MOUs (Memorandum of
Understanding). Indiscriminate loot of this region will destroy
environment and bring long term ecological changes. The most oppressed
community of Indian society, the Adivasis and local people have come
under a great threat. Probably for the first time in the world, such
huge populations of indigenous people are being threatened. A new
situation is being created and with a concrete program these oppressed
sections must advance. It is evident that without the emancipation of
these people, we cannot advance nor the Indian revolution succeed. Our
Party is working on this problem and more and more people will unite
and fight back the arch enemies of the Indian people, namely the
imperialists, CBB, feudals and fascist state.
People of North Eastern oppressed nationalities and Kashmiri are
fighting for their liberation from decades. They have advanced to some
extent and faced unprecedented sufferings. But they did not succeed
and still they are continuing their fight. While we have had some
successes in guerilla warfare, they (oppressed nationalities) see some
hope in the Maoists. There is a new hope that if the Maoist revolution
advances, it will hasten the national liberation struggles also. In
this context, in accordance with MLM (Marxism Leninism and Maoism) the
Party had always maintained the position of the right to
self-determination including secession of all oppressed nationalities.
They (oppressed nationalities) understand this policy and their fight
need to be strengthened. This has to be utilized to unite with them
and try for a united front. For instance, when the Naga forces were
deployed in Chhatisgarh or when the Mizo battalions were placed here,
there were some protests in Nagaland and Mizoram respectively by
soldiers own family members as well as by the democratic people. They
said that they oppose the war on people; they don't want to send their
children for suppressing other people. Strategically it is creating a
better condition to unite people of all nationalities, workers,
peasants, middle class and national capitalists and the suppression
going on everywhere on the people is gradually becoming
counter-productive to the rulers itself.
Overall, enemy has declared all-out war on the people in the name of
internal security, and in the name of danger from Maoists. We are
relatively strong in several rural areas of the country. But at
present our forces are weak, we are weak in urban areas, and we are
also weak in workers and among petty-bourgeois. People's army too is
weak and its weapons are inferior to the enemy. These are our
weaknesses in general. To strengthen the people's army and work in
urban areas are some of most important urgent tasks. The Unity
Congress of our Party has clearly announced a strategic plan and has
given enriched documents for improving in these fields. On the other
hand, social contradictions are sharpening very fast. Along with above
urgent tasks, our Party is concentrating to unite more and more
people. If we succeed in this, we can make a leap in the revolution.
We are hopeful about the emergence of a united front. In this new
situation, it is one of the foremost tasks of Indian revolution. We
strongly feel that it is not only ours task but the task of all
revolutionary, democratic, progressive forces. Along with this
contradiction within the enemy classes are sharpening. It can be seen
in Nandigram and to some extent in the Lalgarh struggles. We are
utilizing this contradiction and it is necessary to utilize everywhere
to advance the class struggle. We are also working with other
democratic organizations and people and some individuals belonging to
ruling classes on different issues of the masses by forming tactical
fronts. We and all fighting Parties, Organizations and people have to
understand the importance of unity between them and formation of a
united front. We are providing impetus to unity of the people and
building a strategic united front and tactical fronts. This strategic
united front will be between the oppressed people against imperialism,
feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. In-spite of
intensification of the contradiction between imperialism and Indian
people our country is not attacked by any imperialist country or has
not become a direct colony by any other means. So, at present our
condition is different from that of China in mid 1930s in which CPC
formed an anti-imperialist united front against Japan imperialism.
Q : How would the Party deal with the difficulties in the formation of
the united front and along with the objective conditions, what does
the party think about the subjective conditions in today's scenario ?
A : Comrades, firstly, as the first aspect, Maoist party would like
becoming a centre for the people of the country and their development,
represent their aspirations. We are representing above 95% of
population. There is more favorable objective condition for uniting
people and people also want a party that will serve their interests.
We are not working for partial reform within the bourgeois and
exploitative system. We are fighting for the socio-economic demands of
the people as well as for the qualitative change of the very basic
structure of the society. If we succeed in clearly explaining it to
the people, we will succeed to mobilize and organize them in the war
and will win.
Whenever protracted people's war, as well as national liberation war
had been fought, experience shows that without mass base, army,
liberated area, people did not succeed in forming a strong united
front. In course of revolutionary struggle, forming army and
establishing base areas we can form several tactical united fronts and
even fragile strategic united front. We have to strive hard to
mobilize masses in the war against their enemies and build own army
and establish stable base areas and march forward to build a strong
united front.
Q. What are the ways and methods to win-over friends?
A. For broadest possible unity, we cannot have sectarian approach
towards friends of NDR. At present several forces are lined up against
the enemy. We have to let them develop too. In the united front on
some issues, there would also be representatives of oppressive
classes. We can not expect them join our ranks, which is a long way
ahead. Right now we need to firmly stick to our strategic goal, and
for that tactically we need to remain flexible.
More clearly, there are two different kinds of United Fronts. One,
between people, and the other between people and enemy (a
section/group/persons from enemy classes) using the contradictions
among the enemy. Party has to do that. This scope is there to some
extent on some issues. We call it the indirect reserves of the
revolution which can be used carefully. If we have clear understanding
that they are not our class allies, then we would not have right
opportunist deviations. We need united fronts of this kind for the
success of the revolution. The Indian Left largely, like CPI and CPM,
had trailed behind the bourgeoisie and degenerated.
Last aspect is each class has a separate class interest and a world
view. The united front in this sense is also a struggle front. But
overall if the struggle is against the main enemy, then this struggle
becomes secondary, while unity becomes primary. The real issue is how
this struggle and unity can be balanced and used effectively. The
enemy classes will never side with the people. Even after the seizure
of power, struggle will continue within the society for a long time.
So, united front and class struggle should continue simultaneously.
For that it is an utmost important task is to concentrate on the
ideological and political education of the masses. If we can do this
successfully, then we can win-over those sections too and allow them
to join our ranks. These parties also have people under a corrupt
leadership. If we can win-over the people through political and
ideological struggle, we can win-over large number of their primary
membership. Revolutionary breakthrough is linked to this process. The
Chinese and Nepalese Party have developed through leaps and bounds by
doing the same. Both the cadre force as well as the army can expand
through this politically and ideologically also. If this dialectical
relationship between the united front and the political and
ideological struggle can be handled carefully, we will succeed in
forming a strong united front and isolate the main enemy.
Ideologically the bourgeois class influence can be removed on the
basis of the historical lessons of Marxism as a scientific theory. By
doing this, we can wingover people and even change their world outlook
and transform them with Marxist outlook.
We have talked about our basic understanding of a united front. About
the subjective conditions the revolutionary intellectuals and
democratic people are aligned in a favorable position for people. But
this has to be made practically beneficial. The second question being
the fierce repression, how can all this be achieved?
We recognize that we are a small Party still. But our real strength
lies in Marxist ideology, the classes it represent, its line and
policies. And to achieve united front what are the methods? CBB,
landlords and imperialists are the enemy against whom vast masses need
to be united on the basis of mass line and class line. If we keep to
the interests of the masses and use both the mass line and class line
correctly, we will definitely succeed and develop from a small force
to a big national force.
Q. But practically how do you do it ?
A. I talked about our strength even while we are physically small. I
described where our main strength lies. But physical strength is also
needed to fight. We need powerful army and strong mass base along with
strong Party. This is practically a must. If this is not there, no
matter how strong we are ideologically, it would lead to failure. So,
we have to grow. For this, while facing the enemy repression, we have
to use the correct tactics. In our assessment, enemy is going for
all-out war. But it is creating its own trap. If we can understand
that and effectively handle our guerilla war, we will succeed.
In practical terms there are two issues. One, Ruling class
contradictions : There exist old contradictions in the society and new
contradictions that will emerge among the ruling classes that must and
should be utilized for the advantage of the people. Not only to defeat
enemy and for immediate gains, but for a longer revolutionary purpose,
this is required. We should strengthen our mass base and fronts which
are the main shields of our power. Comrade Mao said that for
developing army and war people are the decisive. We must mobilize the
vast masses against the enemy and utilize the contradictions of the
enemy to smash them one after another.
Second, while waging guerilla war in Andhra we had a setback; but we
have not completely abandoned; nonetheless it is a setback. From
Godavari valley (in Andhra Pradesh) to Maharashtra, Orissa, Bihar,
Jharkhand to West Bengal border, we have to intensify and expand
guerilla war. Enemy must be resisted by our forces but it must be
according to our advantage basing on the concrete situation. At
present we have to utilize cleverly the tactics of hit and run
basically. We have to develop guerilla war into mobile war and
guerilla army into a regular army. We need active involvement of
people. Our strength lies in the people. The enemy will strive to
limits us to armed confrontation only. And they want to limit us to a
limited area. They are dividing our areas into various sections and
encircle us. But we can also chase their base camps like honey bees by
mobilizing the people. In areas where the enemy camps are located,
even in those villages, we have Revolutionary People's Committees
where work is still going on. Hundreds of people built up ponds in
complete knowledge of the security forces in the camps. So as the
enemy is splitting our masses, we are also trying to expand our base,
and trying to encircle the enemy camps/bases. We have to keep in mind
the strategic importance of guerilla war. They are bringing 1 lakh
(100,000) soldiers. They have decided to bring and deploy Rashtriya
Rifles (A special contingent of Indian army's counter-insurgency
force) from Jammu and Kashmir. But still Lalgarh to Surjagarh means
crores (one crore equals ten million) of people. If we succeed in
actively mobilizing the masses to fight back the enemy forces, then we
can make this very war a basis for revolutionary change. It is
definitely a challenge before us but we are confident that there is an
advantage in the long run which cannot be achieved in a short period.
But unlike what the enemy wants, to finish this in a short period, we
want to stretch this war and transform the situation to our advantage
favorable to the revolution.
They are trying to limit our area, while we are attempting to expand.
They are building Gram Suraksha Samithis to fight so-called
anti-socials and thereby doing their best to contain us. But people
are inviting us. Even new, less experienced cadres who are meagerly
armed are being asked to visit these areas by the people. For example,
Sonebhadra in the Orissa, the villages invited us themselves. Then
again our plans to expand from Raigad to Nayagad in the form of
Operation Ropeway under which the Nayagad Raid was orchestrated
enabled us to expand into this area in as little as 8-10 months. So,
the Nayagad raid not only had military significance but also political
significance as there was strategic reasons behind the raid. Then
again Operation Vikas was undertaken to expand into the Manpur
(Chattisgarh) area in the plains. And people are inviting us and their
confidence is on the high. If we expand in this way, we will grow
definitely and expand the guerilla war. If we proceed like this and
successfully stretch the war, then in the longer run the political and
economic situations are bound to change and under pressure the state
will crumble. Presently, the state is willfully spending in military
expenses, but as the war stretches and expand in to newer and newer
areas, the more it will spend in the longer run it would lead to
failure. We are waging our war with this strategic plan.
I already explained the second aspect of this question in my answer to
your first question.
Q : Is it possible at this juncture for the Party to be at the centre
of United Front? For instance, while working in Delhi where the Party
is weak, how does it envisage an united front?
A : It is an utmost important task to keep the Party in the centre of
united front.
I already answered first aspect of your question in my answer to your
first question.
About my second aspect for your question, in Delhi if you could do
that it would be easier to work. But that is not the condition today.
So, the party after analyzing the situation, decided to keep the party
in centre through various other means possible. There are other means
– through other Maoist forces, democratic and other progressive
forces. And therefore, in places like Delhi, where there is limited
scope for the Party directly, we have to work in other ways. Our
forces must rise to the occasion, deploy capable forces for united
front, identify the most reliable forces and organize a joint
understanding at any important place. Different arrangements need to
be made. Other democratic, progressive and Maoist forces need to be
brought together and in the interim they should be made to lead.
Q : The situation in the early days of the Lalgarh movement was such
that intellectuals in large numbers came out in support of the Lalgarh
movement. But of late, the intellectuals have had differences in terms
of the later stages of the movement, and the focus has been shifted to
such issues as opposition to laws like Unlawful Activities Prevention
Act (UAPA). How do you perceive the situation?
A : If I had the latest state committee report, it would have been
easier for me to answer this question. But still I would like to say
that initially there was lot of support among urban intelligentsia.
Now depending upon the enemy's onslaught and the nature of struggle,
it will also lead to changes in reaction to the support base. Some
people may also go over to the opposition side of the Lalgarh
movement. In Bengal, our influence in the Civil liberty groups and in
urban areas is not much strong. We need to do more to develop this. We
need to strengthen our work in urban areas. A lot would depend on our
work there and the development of Lalgarh movement to a higher stage.
There is a lot of difference between working among the basic masses
and working among intellectuals. As the latter involves several
complex factors. In this context, if the intellectuals are united
around any issue, even being UAPA, considering that it is not in
contradiction to the larger struggle, it would be positive for us.
Those who cannot come to directly support the violent phases of the
movement can come together in other issues like that. So, demands may
change but these must be slogans of the people. And both, Lalgarh and
new slogans need to be balanced. I would say that the Party will
definitely take positive criticisms from any quarter of people even
those who may not agree with our basic line but stood up for people.
We welcome criticism from people to rectify our mistakes and
strengthen our Party. The movement against UAPA is bound to be used in
immediate and long term interest of the people. And in general terms,
as such any mobilization in this field in the longer run is not
contradictory to the interests of the Party.
Q : Where do you place democracy in the working of the Party ? Meaning
the right to strike, the right to dissent, and the right to freedom of
expression.
A : This is a very important question; however there is no confusion
in our Party. We need a new democratic state in which other than CBB,
the landlords and imperialists all others will have real or genuine
freedom. Other than enemies of the people, for everybody there would
be real or genuine democracy. In addition, I may say that while
preparing Policy Program of Revolutionary people's Committees
(RPCs)/Jantana Sarkars, we have studied the experience of Graam
Raajyaas of historic Telangana armed agrarian revolution, Policy
Program of Chinese Soviets, People's Barrio committees of Philippine,
Revolutionary People's Committees of Peru, United Revolutionary
People's Councils of Nepal and also studied the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. In accordance with above we have all the
fundamental rights including that every voter has the right to recall
any elected person. Even has the right to bring any one in position of
authority, who works against interest of the people, to court in order
to prosecute them. In terms of the four great freedoms declared by
Chairman Mao during the Cultural Revolution, other than the character
posters on the wall, all the rest freedoms have been ensured by the
policy Program of the RPC/Janathan Sarkar. As the level of development
in the Janatana Sarkar advances we would also follow the freedom for
character posters. According to the constitution no physical
punishment for political opposition will be allowed, anybody had right
to politically differ and even unionize. The Indian state is trying to
control dissent and therefore people want revolution. We would not
repeat the same mistake. Besides, for any mistakes in prosecution, the
person has the right to appeal to the village Revolutionary People's
Committee, to higher levels and even to the Party. For instance, in
one of the extension areas, there was an incident where in collusion
with the Inspector General of Police, 33 members belonging to two
villages became agents of the enemy. In this context our comrades went
and handled the issue. While villagers wanted to give capital
punishment to the main agent of the police, party interceded to give a
chance to that person to realize his mistake.
Q : In an united front, everybody might not join. Some Maoist outfits
and democratic organizations can even remain outside. How will you
handle that?
A : Those in opposition are people's enemies and more than 95% of the
oppressed people would be against them. But even 5% is a big number in
the Indian context. Our Party believes that over the course of the
protracted peoples' war it gives scope to destroy the enemy's
political power both directly as well as culturally as many followers
are helped to transform. In China, Madam Sun Yet Sen till the last day
was in power, although never a member of the Party. They can stay only
as long as they serve people and have support of the people. When
socially and politically they will become irrelevant, they will
automatically vanish. It is possible for them win in elections if such
parties have support of the people. This provision is there in our
policy Program of RPCs too even other persons belonging to other
Parties/organizations can join RPCs if they are voters and they have
right to be elected to RPCs. This being our understanding, it has to
be practically practiced on ground too. We have to develop this
sphere. Nepal had made some advances in this respect.
We give scope to small and medium bourgeoisie to grow with some
restrictions so that they may not become anti-people, and black
marketing, stock piling and speculating can be controlled. We only
restrict big capital of CBB and foreign, for instance in 1998-99 the
government had stopped small traders to deal in forest products, so as
the Khirjas (local traders) protested we fought for them in a
movement, though we stopped usury and have controlled indiscriminate
exploitation, we are not stopping products from out side to come in.
This is capitalist development of one kind, but we are controlling it.
It is needed to develop the people's economy. If traders did not
cooperate, how would we have survived? Under the Janatana Circar, the
trade and industry department is handling the small traders so that
the bourgeois outside cannot take advantage. So full freedom continues
even if there are collaborators attempting to win them over. It is
only in life and death context, that physical punishment is allowed.
However right now, while facing repression and war, we are in a
complex situation which has to be acknowledged.
Q. What is your party's stance on Talks?
A. In general people and Maoist revolutionaries do not want violence
or armed confrontation with anybody. In unavoidable condition only
they take-up arms and resist their enemies and they are waging
liberation war by learning from the history. So, we see this as a war
of self-defense. In this context of all-out war, we must recognize
that the state of Andhra Pradesh has 130 thousand forces, there are 45
thousand forces in Chattisgarh (to soon increase this by more than 20
thousand forces), 160 thousand forces in Maharashtra. Thus each state
has a police force which is more than the national level forces of
many European countries. The most cruel and dangerous special forces
have been trained by the state along with various anti-people
draconian laws. Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisghad,
Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh along with Uttar Pradesh and Madhya
Pradesh have between them more than 700 to 800 thousand of police
forces. Out of this, 250 to 300 thousand police forces are directly
engaged against the people. And alongside 100 thousand central
paramilitary forces have been deployed in these areas. Here people are
combating against a stronger force than the movements in North East
and Jammu-Kashmir. This is a brutal and violent repression campaign
aimed at the suppression of the political movement of the people, and
for exploitation of the minerals.
In this context, if possible we can hope for some respite. Longer the
respite better for people. Democratic work needs this context. But
while government is holding automatic gun on one hand, one cannot talk
about this. People will keep fighting. While pumping bullets people
never drop weapons and people never surrender. All democratic,
progressive, patriotic forces need to unite and fight against the
all-out war on the people by the central and state governments. To put
concisely the main demands that the party has placed in front of the
government for any kind of talks are 1. All-out war has to be
withdrawn; 2) For any kind of democratic work, the ban on the Party
and Mass Organizations have to be lifted; 3) Illegal detention and
torture of comrades had to be stopped and immediately released. If
these demands are met, then the same leaders who are released from
jails would lead and represent the Party in the talks.
Introduction on the development of our Party
Since Jan Myrdal wrote the book "India Waits" in 1980s in which he
talked about the movement there have been several developments in
various aspects both political and military. It was since then, that
we saw the development of a perspective, taking into account the
concrete Indian specificity. There were only few experienced leaders
that were left from the days of Com. CM. Many had gone into right
deviation, some into left deviation and only few had come here. So,
largely it was a new generation, a new youth, and to turn them into
experienced cadre, a lot of time had to be invested. When you JAN
MYRDAL had come here IN 1980, the party was still undergoing this
problem. It was only another 6-7 years, that proper leadership would
emerge in the context of PW. When JM visited AP in 1980, that time
there was only CPI(ML) state committee along with the TN State
Committee. There was also a Central Committee but ofcourse only
confined to these two states, its scope was limited. The MCC was
working in Bengal and Bihar in that period; however in Bengal it was
very weak. In the same way PW was working in AP and Tamil Nadu, but in
TN it was very weak. It is a retrospective observation of work in
these two centers, in these two regions. Com. Kobad Gandhi and some
other comrades from Maharashtra later joined PW. In MCC Com. KC
started some work including Assam but in a very limited way. Now we
have presence in 20 states but the Party is still very weak in many of
these areas. So there is an uneven development under the protracted
people's war where according to our strength there are different
levels of the movement in different regions. In this context, we must
observe the development and the role of a revolutionary party which is
important and which I will say.
Comrades, In 1980s the Party was trying to emerge from a setback. It
was trying to reorganize and consolidate. On the one side, there was
the problem of sectarianism and on the other hand, the mass base was
largely lost. So we had to revive every thing both in terms of mass
struggle and military. Accordingly, our tactics also changed. At that
time it was mainly the anti-feudal struggles and the anti-imperialist
propaganda-agitation that had been launched to create an anti-state
opinion and open movements in the urban areas.
Previously, under Com. Charu Mazumdar the line had been to disregard
mass organizations. Later we rethought and after going through an
intense self-critical review, we acknowledged that there were some
mistakes in the earlier years and on that basis, in order to advance,
we rebuilt the movement. The Self-Critical Review was made in 1974, it
was by 1977 August that forces within the party were convinced. And in
practice it was reaffirmed by Party AP State Conference in September
1980 that marks the beginning of a new practice.
It was since then, that we saw the development of a perspective,
taking into account the concrete Indian specificity. There were only
few experienced leadership that were left from the days of Com. CM.
Many had gone into right deviation, some into left deviation and only
few had come here. So, largely it was a new generation, a new youth,
and to turn them into experienced cadre, a lot of time had to be
invested. When you had come here, the party was still undergoing this
problem. It was only another 6-7 years, that proper leadership would
emerge in the context of PW.
First a revolutionary party needs a leadership for understanding
national and international conditions, as well as the economic and
political conditions to make tactics accordingly. Some of the
perspectives that I talked of, in the post-80s period, if we add those
experience, we would see that in later years we had made some
developments in this sphere of understanding.
Secondly, a revolutionary party needs to organize people and lead
class struggle. From the strategic perspective plans were made and
spots were selected and some development was made since 1980s in terms
of people struggling under leadership of the party which came up as a
concrete development.
Thirdly, for a revolutionary party, it is important to organize armed
struggle. The CP Reddy group had the name of the CPI(ML) and was part
of the PCP under the leadership of SNS. It was only they who had some
squads in the Godavari area at that time which you had visited.
People's War had started some armed squads in the shape of peasant
squads only then, while they already had 60-70 armed cadres by that
time.
Later as we developed class struggle according to the idea of area
wise seizure of power, to build people's army, the PW here and the MCC
there started making armed guerilla squads at the levels of 5,7,9,11.
Some platoons and guerilla zones thereby emerged. In some areas just
before the 2004 merger, even companies emerged. The erstwhile PW had
People's Guerilla Army while MCC had People's Liberation Guerilla
Army. In the merger process we found the PLGA under CPI(Maoist). The
next stage is battalions moving progressively towards the formation of
PLA. Depending on the basic tenets, we have evolved the higher stages
of political and military power and the political power of the people.
The vision was there even before the 80s. MCC was also there. But
practically it was only achieved in terms of concrete development
after the merger.
There are two more developments that I would like to point out. A
party which in practice is evolving tactics or policy involving a
large mass in its rank and files has to practice involving people in
thousands and lakhs (a lakh equals one hundred thousand). In practice,
while facing the problem and while rectifying the mistakes there were
bitter internal and external struggle. It is only through the process
of this bitter ideological and political struggle that we have reached
today's position. After the rectification and review of 70s, the PW
had emerged and it had to face grave internal crisis in the form of 1.
Sectarianism and dogmatism in the mid-80s, and 2. the hurdle posed by
the leadership of Com.Kondapalli Seetharamiah in the beginning of 90s.
Then again, the clashes between MCC and PW had been a bitter and
unforgettable experience, a black chapter in history. In order to face
ideological and political challenges, the party tactically evolved two
approaches: discussion and review and struggle. All three times the
party emerged successfully from the crisis. The MCC also in the same
way emerged from its own internal crisis. A section of it intended to
continue the fight, they were also differences pertaining to Maoism
and dogmatism through which it emerged successfully. The PU too fought
against forces that opposed protracted people's war and agrarian
revolution and emerged successfully. The PW and MCC even at this stage
get smaller. While the Vinod Mishra and Satya Narain Singh groups get
stronger and influential. While VM moved to left opportunism, SNS
moved into right opportunism. And in practice, they split and finally
faced virtual liquidation with extremely nominal presence today.
Earlier, along with the fight against revisionism we faced the problem
of having a line that was only talked of seizing state power and that
other political questions like the nationality question, the women
question, the dalit (untouchables or schedule castes) question and the
question of religious minorities would automatically be addressed.
However, later we rectified this stand and merged both immediate
slogans and ultimate slogans together. This was a must for the success
of NDR and development towards it. While various other ML groups only
raised immediate slogans and thereby went into reformism, we for a
long time only gave the ultimate slogan. But now, by putting together
both immediate and ultimate slogans we move towards better
development.
For Party education, there are several Party Magazines at Central,
State and District level. Around 25 of them are Party's. Several
others are Mass Organizations' Magazines. E.g. Centrally we are
publishing People's War/Laal Pathaaka an Ideological and Political
Magazine simultaneously in English and Hindi and in other languages;
Awami Jung, a Military Magazine in different languages; Maoist
Information Bulletin in English.
In DK we are publishing following Magazines
1. Prabhath (Hindi, Party Political Magazine)
2. Viyyukka (Ideological and Political Magazine, in Gondi/Koyam)
3. Padiyora Pollo (Military Magazine, Gondi/Koyam)
4. Sangharsharath Mahila (KAMS Magazine, in Hindi)
5. Jhankar (Literary and Cultural Magazine in multi-lingual)
At Division/District level in Gondi/Koyam: South Bastar Division:
Pituri (rebellion); West Bastar Division: Midangur (fire place);
Darbha Division: Moyil Gudrum (Thunder); north and South Divisions of
Gadichiroli: Poddhu(Sun); Maad and North Bastar Joint Division:
Bhoomkal (Earth quake); East Bastar Division: Bhoomkal
Sandesh(rebellion message); Other than this the Janatana Sarkar also
has made a Magazine called Janatana Raj(People's State).
There are also study classes that are organized with study notes and
syllabus. Political classes are organized at different state levels,
some times rectification campaigns are organized for 4-6 month to one
year when the history of the Chinese, Philippines and Peru revolutions
are discussed for political and ideological training. There are
military instructor teams for military schools and Awami Jung as the
military magazine of Central Committee.
The Party in the DK area faces the problem of illiteracy and lack of
primary education and so we organized the MAS (mobile education) for
the purpose of primary academic education of party cadres. Hundreds of
cadre have been trained since its beginning. The mass organizations
also run academic programs with their own syllabus which is made in
consultation with the leadership and committee members.
Introduction on the development of People's Army (At present called
People's Liberation Guerilla Army)
I request you refer our central documents for complete picture of our
army development in specific conditions of the country and in which
international situation it is formed. I request you to give attention
on this due to its vitality in any revolution
Introduction on the development of UF
In terms of mass organizations, we over the years, developed in
several fronts including peasant, women, students, youth, civil rights
groups, literary and cultural groups, children, nationality, workers,
employees and so on. The stronger the party in a state, the larger the
organization and the fronts. In the weaker areas there are fewer mass
organizations at the state level in accordance with the strength of
the party. Right now, the party has mass organizations both at the
state and all India level, and the idea is to represent the four-class
organizations in accordance with the four-class alliance and other
sections too. With the emphasis is being to mass organizations, we
presently have 30-40 of them working in various fronts. During by the
80s MCC had few mass organizations working secretly in a limited scope
in AP the peasantry, the students and the literary-cultural sections
along with the youth had some influence but now with the development
of our understanding different mass organizations from village level
to the state level to the all India level exists. In the 9th Congress
of the PW it was decided to develop mass organizations and united
fronts which would be issue-based and tactical. At some issues even
enemy classes and local leaders could come together in immediate and
medium terms. These developed further after the merger. So the class
struggle needs to be waged at sectional, underground as well as open
levels. Legal opportunities needs to be utilized, there are some mass
organizations working with MLM general guideline, while there are some
that are working under complete cover even with others.
On International Relations
In the 1980s beginning both MCC and PW had been regional in scope,
because of which we failed to a large extent in connecting at the
larger international movements. However mid-1990s onwards, both
Parties and particularly after the formation of the CPI(Maoist), is
now playing a role in the internationally too. We are participating in
international debates and sending delegations to international forums
though much progress needs to be made in this front. It is nonetheless
better than in the 1980s and 1990s. In terms of RIM, MCC had joined it
in 2002. The PW however opposed to join in RIM as it believed that it
is only after thorough deliberations, understandings and discussions
that such an international platform could be evolved in order to avoid
a sectarian approach. Therefore the PW did not join the RIM, while MCC
went ahead. After merger, though it was decided that whatever the new
Party decide would be put to practice. And since then as per the
decision of the whole Party, it kept itself out of RIM. We kept
outside RIM which by now has become virtually defunct. It is important
for the success of the Indian revolution as an inseparable part of
great world socialist revolution, actively defend MLM, fighting
imperialism and supports the class struggle throughout the world and
also take the support of the international Maoist
Parties/Organizations/Forces, proletariat and people. For this
purpose, maintain fraternal relations with Maoist and anti-imperialist
forces. We believe that it is both important to extend help as well as
take international help for the success of any revolution but because
of the ongoing repression. Overall, I once again say that we stuck to
basics of MLM. We invite critical suggestions from any Maoist
Party/Organization..
We believe that CPI (Maoist) is a detachment of world proletariat
revolution. If it succeeds, we would say one part of the world would
succeed - it is not independent. It would work as a part of the world
socialist revolution and it is strictly related to the success or
failure of the world socialist revolution. More working class
struggles in the imperialist/capitalist countries will have a
favorable impact on Indian revolution.
http://sanhati.com/articles/2138/
From: john reed <reed2link@gmail.com>
Date: Sat, Feb 13, 2010 at 12:57 PM
Subject: [** MAOIST_REVOLUTION **] An interview with the General Secretary Ganapathy, Communist Party of India (Maoist)
To:
In conversation with Ganapathy, General Secretary of CPI(Maoist)
By Jan Myrdal and Gautam Navlakha
[Jan Myrdal is a Swedish author, political writer, journalist, and
lifelong supporter of anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist and popular
liberation movements; Gautam Navlakha is the editorial consultant of
EPW (Economic and Political Weekly) and also a leading democratic
rights activist (attached to People's Union for Democratic Rights
(PUDR), Delhi].
JANUARY 2010
[Note from the authors : Far inside the jungles of the Eastern Ghats
we met the general secretary of the CPI (Maoists) Ganapathy aka
Mupalla Laxman Rao. After welcoming us and inquiring from us whether
we, in particular Jan Myrdal, faced any problem having to travel the
rough terrain, the interview began. Following is the summary of the
interview with him. We have retained the interview in the form in
which it was given, read and approved by him with some minor language
changes. In particular we draw attention of readers to the General
Secretary laying down concisely his party's stance on the issue of
talks in light of the disinformation spread by the Union Minister of
Home P Chidambaram that CPI(Maoist) had "scoffed" at the Indian
Government's offer for talks. Indeed he told us:
"To put concisely the main demands that the party has placed in front
of the government [of India] for any kind of talks are 1) All-out war
has to be withdrawn; 2) For any kind of democratic work, the ban on
the Party and Mass Organizations have to be lifted; 3) Illegal
detention and torture of comrades had to be stopped and they be
immediately released. If these demands are met, then the same leaders
who are released from jails would lead and represent the Party in the
talks."
However, we consider the full text of the interview of importance for
all those who want to know more about the policies of the party which
the Government of India considers its main internal security threat.]
Q : How do you envisage the linking of this struggle with a general
struggle in India in terms of class ? Chairman Mao after 1935 took the
Long March to Yenan created a base for national level and part of
which was the united front with the Chiang Kai-Sheik. Thereby it
became the main national power in China. How do you envisage becoming
to a national power in India?
A : In China, in which condition Long March to Yenan took-place and
created a base and a part of it formation of a United Front with
Chiang Kai-Sheik for national level is different to our present
situation of New Democratic Revolution(NDR) of India. Chinese
revolution had took-place in first half of the 20th century. Since
then several significant changes have occurred in the world. Those
are, firstly emergence of a Socialist Camp and its subsequent down
fall, secondly downfall of colonialism and emergence of
neocolonialism, thirdly emergence of so-called parliamentary system as
the common political system throughout the world, fourthly, a long gap
emerged in the revolutionary upsurge after success of revolutions in
Vietnam, Kampuchea and Laos in-spite of some upsurges and significant
struggles in several countries. If we look into the entire world
history, after emergence of working class on the globe, it is
confronting with the bourgeoisie class and all other reactionary
forces and seized power from them in Paris for a short-while and then
in Russian, China and several European countries for a long time and
shocked the entire globe. In this trajectory, there were various ups
and downs in the World Socialist Revolution but nonetheless the
struggle continuous. It is like waves at times and it slowed down, but
it never ceased. So we have to see any revolution of a country in the
light of historical context.
In relation to our revolution, first of all I would like to introduce
our history in a short account to understand the present condition
correctly. Our unified Party, the Communist Party of India (Maoist)
was formed on 21st September 2004 by merging two Maoist revolutionary
streams of India, the Communist Party of India(Marxist Leninst) [CPI
(ML)]and Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). Our great beloved fore-founder
leaders and teachers, Comrades Charu Mazumdar(CM) and Kanhai
Chatterji(KC) who led an ideological and political struggle
ceaselessly for a long time against revisionism and modern revisionism
of Communist Party of India and CPI(Marxist). Through this struggle
only backbone of the revisionist parties' had broken down which
resulted in a breakthrough in the Indian communist movement. By the
result of this great struggle in all spheres by comrade CM and other
genuine Maoists, the great Naxalbari armed peasant uprising broke-out
like a Spring-Thunder. Then a new history began. Then onwards our two
great leaders upheld the red banner of Naxalbari and lead the New
Democratic Revolution. The revolutionary movement spread like
prairie-fire to almost all parts of the country in a different scale.
During this revolutionary course in a short period two Parties,
CPI(ML) and MCC were founded on 22nd April 1969 and 20th October 1969
under the direct leadership of comrades CM and KC respectively. Due to
several historical reasons we failed to form a unified Maoist Party at
that juncture itself. But our basic ideological and political line,
path and strategy of the revolution, and several other basic positions
on important questions which we confronted at the same time were
basically same.
The Indian ruling classes unleashed a reign of terror on all
revolutionary movements starting with the Naxalbari armed agrarian
uprising. At the end of 1972, after the arrest and martyrdom of
comrade CM and even prior to it we lost a large number of leaders and
cadres in the hands of the enemy. Due to these loses we suffered a
countrywide setback. Prior to the martyrdom of comrade CM, intensive
internal political and ideological struggle started against right
arch-opportunist clique SNS and others in 1971 itself. Party had
disintegrated into several groupings due to our serious tactical
mistakes, state terror, severe losses, lack of proper leadership and
negative effect of two line struggle within the Communist Party of
China. Since 1972 July to 1980 our Party, the CPI(ML) was dominated by
several splinters most of them lead by right and left-adventurist
leadership and disarray spread over. But on the other side, under the
leadership of MCC armed agrarian revolutionary peasant struggle in
Kanksha took-place and it suffered a setback in a short period due to
state terror but steadily expanded to Bihar, and to some extent to
Assam and Tripura.
We uphold basic ideological and political line of a genuine Maoist
Party, learned lessons from practice, seriously engaged in the class
struggle and firmly stood for correct positions on several ideological
and political questions which confronted in the country and
international arena. Due to these positions only from CPI(ML) Stream,
on 1978 the CPI(ML)-Party Unity(PU) and on 22nd April 1980
CPI(People's War)(PW) emerged. Due to this only once again we, MCC, PW
and PU Parties build armed agrarian revolutionary movement in
different parts of the country, particularly Andhra Pradesh and Bihar.
We strengthened our Party, revolutionary mass movement and armed
struggle considerably in 1980s and 1990s which culminated in the great
unity and formation of our new party in September 2004. Since 1977 a
large number of genuine Maoist forces had merged and consolidated in
the CPI(ML)[PW], MCCI and CPI(ML)-PU and also still this process is
continuing to some extent after the formation of the new Party. But in
this period most of the right and left Maoist groups had been
gradually disintegrated and disappeared and some of the right groups
still exist even though they are weak. Still a tiny section of Maoist
forces exist but they are suffering from sectarianism for a long time.
We opine that our struggle within the CPI and CPM is an integral part
of the great struggle conducted in the International Communist
Movement headed by the Communist Party of China under the direct
leadership of comrade Mao. We also opine that the internal struggle
with in the CPI(ML) which took-place for several years is connected
directly or indirectly with the internal struggle of the CPC even
before and after Mao's demise. Modern revisionist Deng clique which
usurped power in China damaged much not only to our Party and
revolution but also to the world revolution. We firmly stick to Mao
Though and opposed Deng clique and Lin Piao clique. Our experience
clearly shows that Indian revolution had influenced a lot with the
positive and negative developments of International Communist
Movement(ICM).
We, the Indian Maoist Party has traverse through a tortuous path for a
long period. After formation of Unified Party, most favorable
situation emerged for the advancement of revolution. We lost this good
chance between 1969 and 1972. The biggest boon of this merger has been
the result of synthesis of over 35 years of experience of Indian
revolution. It has given us enriched basic documents in terms of
strategy, tactics and policies. Our merger brought about a significant
change from two different parties working in distant separate areas or
small pockets to a Party with an all India character. Before merger,
in-spite of both Parties having CC, there was a serious limitation to
them in functioning as Central Bodies with all India perspective. But
after merger, our understanding further enriched about the uneven
development of the country and uneven development of the revolutionary
movement. Now we can plan at an all India level in a better way. It is
not at complete but atleast the disadvantages have been done away
with. A clearer and enriched line has emerged in terms of both India
and world context. And other aspect in this advantage, is that it had
its effect internationally too. Before this, mostly we could not see
this much of international support. But, still it is nascent,
nonetheless it had developed. In recent years, we suffered several
loses. Despite which we have to think how to avoid this much of
losses. But our CC has said that we should avoid mistakes to avoid
losses and boldly face the enemy and go ahead.
At present in our country other Maoist Parties are not in a position
to provide leadership to the masses due to their right deviationist
line and limited strength. The progressive and democratic forces are
lacking any revolutionary basic program of action and also at present
they are having a limited area of influence. Besides all these
limitations no party has people's armed force to defend. I reiterate
that at present no one Party or Organization is capable enough to be a
rallying centre for all revolutionary, democratic, progressive and
patriotic forces and people. Hence, at present juncture our Party can
play a significant role in rallying all revolutionary, democratic,
progressive and patriotic forces and people. Because our party has an
all India character, good political militant mass base in several
States, a People's Liberation Guerilla Army(PLGA) fighting enemy in
several States and emerging New Democratic People's power in
Dandkaranya [an area in central India which comprises predominately
tribal districts of five states of India namely Andhra Pradesh,
Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and Orissa], Jharkhand and
some other parts of India. We have a clear-cut understanding to unify
all revolutionary, democratic, progressive, patriotic forces and all
oppressed social communities including oppressed nationalities against
imperialism, feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. Our New
Democratic United Front(UF) consists of four democratic classes, i.e.
workers, peasants, urban petty-bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie.
If we wish to form a strong United Front then it must be under the
leadership of proletariat, basing on worker and peasant alliance. If
we wish to form a strong United Front then it must be supported and
defended by the People's Army. Without People's Army people have
nothing to achieve or to defend. Hence enemy is seriously trying to
eliminate our Party leadership with the aim of destroying a
revolutionary and democratic centre of Indian people. So the condition
has matured further to rally around one centre and revolution could go
ahead under the leadership of the CPI(Maoist).
At the same time, the world economic crisis, the anti-people and
pro-imperialist policies of the Indian ruling classes and the rising
state repression, infuriated the masses in the country increasing the
revolutionary scope now that there is a single revolutionary party.
For a long time, since Comrade CM's martyrdom, India was lacking a
single revolutionary platform. Even in the international scenario,
there were many cleavages in the Maoist movements. In this particular
juncture the emergence of our Party provides new hope to the people.
I want to say that the Party has no illusion about the so called
parliamentary system and knows well Indian state's might as well as we
clearly know our limitations and shortcomings, even after unity
[formation of Communist Party of India (Maoist)]and the weaknesses of
Maoist forces in the country and other countries.
The favorable revolutionary conditions, the widespread bitter class
struggle rising in Indian society and the development of the armed
struggle are being keenly observed by the enemy who is taking it most
seriously. So, no opportunity is being given to these struggles by the
Indian ruling classes who are also compradors of imperialism. So
immediately in the context of world revolution also putting together
the experiences of Philippines, Peru, Nepal, and India, imperialism is
most concerned about the development of a bitter class struggle
emerging in India. In the present situation of world, if the Maoist
revolution in India can advance to a new stage, it will become a grave
threat to world capitalist system. That is why imperialism,
particularly America has taken these developments seriously.
So, on the one side, there are more favorable conditions for
revolution, and on the other side there is enemy's full onslaught to
suppress the revolution. In this situation, our entire plan is to
fully utilize the favorable conditions while resisting the enemy which
will determine our plan.
In this context, at present, main hurdle in the way of Indian
Revolution is the all-out war unleashed by the enemy. This war is
principally against Maoist movement but not limited to this movement
and aimed enough against all revolutionary, democratic, progressive
and patriotic movements and the movements of oppressed communities of
our society including oppressed nationalities. At this juncture, all
these forces have to think together how to face this mighty enemy and
for this how to unite to go ahead.
How can we resolve the problem of all-out war? For resolution of any
problem, we have to analyze it deeply to identify the root cause of
the problem. Firstly, why this war? Who's imposing it? On whom it is
imposing? What is the nature of this war? How long it continues? Can
we accept this war or not? Who should counter it? How to counter it?
What is the aim of resistance to war?, etc.
This war is meant for destroying the revolution which is gradually
emerging as an alternative political power to the existing reactionary
political power in the country and plundering massive minerals and
other rich natural resources of the vast areas of Adivasi people and
other local people from Lalgarh to Surjagarh. They are imposing this
war on those who are against this war, i.e. Maoist revolutionaries,
Adivasi and local people of the vast forest areas, workers, peasants,
urban middle class, small and medium bourgeoisie, Dalit, women,
religious minorities and oppressed nationalities, democratic
organizations, progressive and patriotic forces who comprise more than
95% of the population. It is completely an unjust war. This war is
imposed by the Comprador Bureaucratic Bourgeoisie, Feudal forces of
this country and imperialists, particularly America. These are real
looters, plunderers, corrupters, blackmailers, hoarders, scamsters,
murders, conspirators, oppressors, suppressers, autocrats, fascists,
most reactionaries and number one traitors. These reactionaries plan
to continue this war for a long time till they achieve their goal.
Any Maoist, democrat, progressive, patriot, and people will not accept
this unjust war imposed by the rulers. People will completely oppose
this unjust, most cruel, inhumane and treacherous war. It will be
defied by all people of our country and people of world. This unjust
war is totally against the interest of the people and the interest of
the country. People will unite and counter this unjust war by waging a
just war. People will never tolerate any kind of unjust war. In the
history of entire class society people never tolerated any kind of
unjust war for ever but they fought back every unjust war by paying
price of their own blood and ultimately won it. Immediate aim of this
just war is to defeat the unjust war completely and then advance
towards changing present social conditions which are giving scope to
unjust wars. If we look at the political developments of the country,
this inhumane all-out war is giving a tremendous scope to unite vast
masses of people and certainly it will become counter productive to
the ruling classes.
After 15th August 1947 we never saw such integration of Indian
economy, defense, internal security, polity, culture and entire state
with the imperialists, particularly with the US imperialists. Nuclear
Deal and several defense deals, glaring interference after terrorist
attacks in Mumbai on 26th November 2008 and Union Home Minister
Chidambaram's visit to US and crucial agreements related to internal
security are some glaring instances. Due to this significant change
the Indian expansionists are playing a crucial role in the South-Asia.
The fundamental contradiction between imperialism and Indian people
has further sharpened. It will give great scope to unite people
against imperialists and fight back imperialism.
From several decades entire Kashmir and North East are under military
and paramilitary domination. On the other hand drastic change has been
seen in internal security due to role of military in the internal
security. Indian army was deployed at the time of historic Telangana
armed agrarian revolution (1946-52) and for a short-while [in 1971] in
some pockets of West Bengal after great Naxalbari peasant armed
uprising of 1966. But today in long term perspective, the Indian army
is being reorganized. Under the dictates of global war against terror,
three years back Indian army has declared its new policy [Doctrine of
Sub-conventional Warfare] to deal with internal security and needs of
the modern war with other countries. Under this restructured plan
Indian army is training a large number of its forces according to
needs of wide-spread counter-insurgency operations. Now onwards Indian
army is being used in a vast area of our country against its own
people in the name of internal security. If it [Indian Government] is
really a people's government, how can it use its own army against its
own people? The Indian state is functioning as an autocratic and
fascist rule in the garb of democracy. All the gains that were made by
revolutionary and democratic people's struggles are being challenged
by the fascists. But this will also force the vast masses of the
people to unite and resist with whatever means to defend and
ultimately it will also become counter-productive to the ruling
classes.
We must also talk about the current world economic crisis,
particularly crisis of US imperialists and other imperialist
countries. This crisis is in certain aspects even deeper than the
great depression of 1930s. But capitalism does not die on its own
without a revolution. Now to come out of this crisis imperialist will
try to increase exploitation of working class and middle class of its
own countries and increase plunder of third world countries. Multi
National Corporations (MNCs) and Comprador Bureaucratic Bourgeoise
(CBB), the collaborators of imperialists concentrated on the large
tracts extended from Lalgarh in Bengal to Surjagarh in Maharashtra. To
exploit this rich region, primarily Adivasi (tribal) region, state and
central governments have signed 100s of MOUs (Memorandum of
Understanding). Indiscriminate loot of this region will destroy
environment and bring long term ecological changes. The most oppressed
community of Indian society, the Adivasis and local people have come
under a great threat. Probably for the first time in the world, such
huge populations of indigenous people are being threatened. A new
situation is being created and with a concrete program these oppressed
sections must advance. It is evident that without the emancipation of
these people, we cannot advance nor the Indian revolution succeed. Our
Party is working on this problem and more and more people will unite
and fight back the arch enemies of the Indian people, namely the
imperialists, CBB, feudals and fascist state.
People of North Eastern oppressed nationalities and Kashmiri are
fighting for their liberation from decades. They have advanced to some
extent and faced unprecedented sufferings. But they did not succeed
and still they are continuing their fight. While we have had some
successes in guerilla warfare, they (oppressed nationalities) see some
hope in the Maoists. There is a new hope that if the Maoist revolution
advances, it will hasten the national liberation struggles also. In
this context, in accordance with MLM (Marxism Leninism and Maoism) the
Party had always maintained the position of the right to
self-determination including secession of all oppressed nationalities.
They (oppressed nationalities) understand this policy and their fight
need to be strengthened. This has to be utilized to unite with them
and try for a united front. For instance, when the Naga forces were
deployed in Chhatisgarh or when the Mizo battalions were placed here,
there were some protests in Nagaland and Mizoram respectively by
soldiers own family members as well as by the democratic people. They
said that they oppose the war on people; they don't want to send their
children for suppressing other people. Strategically it is creating a
better condition to unite people of all nationalities, workers,
peasants, middle class and national capitalists and the suppression
going on everywhere on the people is gradually becoming
counter-productive to the rulers itself.
Overall, enemy has declared all-out war on the people in the name of
internal security, and in the name of danger from Maoists. We are
relatively strong in several rural areas of the country. But at
present our forces are weak, we are weak in urban areas, and we are
also weak in workers and among petty-bourgeois. People's army too is
weak and its weapons are inferior to the enemy. These are our
weaknesses in general. To strengthen the people's army and work in
urban areas are some of most important urgent tasks. The Unity
Congress of our Party has clearly announced a strategic plan and has
given enriched documents for improving in these fields. On the other
hand, social contradictions are sharpening very fast. Along with above
urgent tasks, our Party is concentrating to unite more and more
people. If we succeed in this, we can make a leap in the revolution.
We are hopeful about the emergence of a united front. In this new
situation, it is one of the foremost tasks of Indian revolution. We
strongly feel that it is not only ours task but the task of all
revolutionary, democratic, progressive forces. Along with this
contradiction within the enemy classes are sharpening. It can be seen
in Nandigram and to some extent in the Lalgarh struggles. We are
utilizing this contradiction and it is necessary to utilize everywhere
to advance the class struggle. We are also working with other
democratic organizations and people and some individuals belonging to
ruling classes on different issues of the masses by forming tactical
fronts. We and all fighting Parties, Organizations and people have to
understand the importance of unity between them and formation of a
united front. We are providing impetus to unity of the people and
building a strategic united front and tactical fronts. This strategic
united front will be between the oppressed people against imperialism,
feudalism and comprador bureaucratic capitalism. In-spite of
intensification of the contradiction between imperialism and Indian
people our country is not attacked by any imperialist country or has
not become a direct colony by any other means. So, at present our
condition is different from that of China in mid 1930s in which CPC
formed an anti-imperialist united front against Japan imperialism.
Q : How would the Party deal with the difficulties in the formation of
the united front and along with the objective conditions, what does
the party think about the subjective conditions in today's scenario ?
A : Comrades, firstly, as the first aspect, Maoist party would like
becoming a centre for the people of the country and their development,
represent their aspirations. We are representing above 95% of
population. There is more favorable objective condition for uniting
people and people also want a party that will serve their interests.
We are not working for partial reform within the bourgeois and
exploitative system. We are fighting for the socio-economic demands of
the people as well as for the qualitative change of the very basic
structure of the society. If we succeed in clearly explaining it to
the people, we will succeed to mobilize and organize them in the war
and will win.
Whenever protracted people's war, as well as national liberation war
had been fought, experience shows that without mass base, army,
liberated area, people did not succeed in forming a strong united
front. In course of revolutionary struggle, forming army and
establishing base areas we can form several tactical united fronts and
even fragile strategic united front. We have to strive hard to
mobilize masses in the war against their enemies and build own army
and establish stable base areas and march forward to build a strong
united front.
Q. What are the ways and methods to win-over friends?
A. For broadest possible unity, we cannot have sectarian approach
towards friends of NDR. At present several forces are lined up against
the enemy. We have to let them develop too. In the united front on
some issues, there would also be representatives of oppressive
classes. We can not expect them join our ranks, which is a long way
ahead. Right now we need to firmly stick to our strategic goal, and
for that tactically we need to remain flexible.
More clearly, there are two different kinds of United Fronts. One,
between people, and the other between people and enemy (a
section/group/persons from enemy classes) using the contradictions
among the enemy. Party has to do that. This scope is there to some
extent on some issues. We call it the indirect reserves of the
revolution which can be used carefully. If we have clear understanding
that they are not our class allies, then we would not have right
opportunist deviations. We need united fronts of this kind for the
success of the revolution. The Indian Left largely, like CPI and CPM,
had trailed behind the bourgeoisie and degenerated.
Last aspect is each class has a separate class interest and a world
view. The united front in this sense is also a struggle front. But
overall if the struggle is against the main enemy, then this struggle
becomes secondary, while unity becomes primary. The real issue is how
this struggle and unity can be balanced and used effectively. The
enemy classes will never side with the people. Even after the seizure
of power, struggle will continue within the society for a long time.
So, united front and class struggle should continue simultaneously.
For that it is an utmost important task is to concentrate on the
ideological and political education of the masses. If we can do this
successfully, then we can win-over those sections too and allow them
to join our ranks. These parties also have people under a corrupt
leadership. If we can win-over the people through political and
ideological struggle, we can win-over large number of their primary
membership. Revolutionary breakthrough is linked to this process. The
Chinese and Nepalese Party have developed through leaps and bounds by
doing the same. Both the cadre force as well as the army can expand
through this politically and ideologically also. If this dialectical
relationship between the united front and the political and
ideological struggle can be handled carefully, we will succeed in
forming a strong united front and isolate the main enemy.
Ideologically the bourgeois class influence can be removed on the
basis of the historical lessons of Marxism as a scientific theory. By
doing this, we can wingover people and even change their world outlook
and transform them with Marxist outlook.
We have talked about our basic understanding of a united front. About
the subjective conditions the revolutionary intellectuals and
democratic people are aligned in a favorable position for people. But
this has to be made practically beneficial. The second question being
the fierce repression, how can all this be achieved?
We recognize that we are a small Party still. But our real strength
lies in Marxist ideology, the classes it represent, its line and
policies. And to achieve united front what are the methods? CBB,
landlords and imperialists are the enemy against whom vast masses need
to be united on the basis of mass line and class line. If we keep to
the interests of the masses and use both the mass line and class line
correctly, we will definitely succeed and develop from a small force
to a big national force.
Q. But practically how do you do it ?
A. I talked about our strength even while we are physically small. I
described where our main strength lies. But physical strength is also
needed to fight. We need powerful army and strong mass base along with
strong Party. This is practically a must. If this is not there, no
matter how strong we are ideologically, it would lead to failure. So,
we have to grow. For this, while facing the enemy repression, we have
to use the correct tactics. In our assessment, enemy is going for
all-out war. But it is creating its own trap. If we can understand
that and effectively handle our guerilla war, we will succeed.
In practical terms there are two issues. One, Ruling class
contradictions : There exist old contradictions in the society and new
contradictions that will emerge among the ruling classes that must and
should be utilized for the advantage of the people. Not only to defeat
enemy and for immediate gains, but for a longer revolutionary purpose,
this is required. We should strengthen our mass base and fronts which
are the main shields of our power. Comrade Mao said that for
developing army and war people are the decisive. We must mobilize the
vast masses against the enemy and utilize the contradictions of the
enemy to smash them one after another.
Second, while waging guerilla war in Andhra we had a setback; but we
have not completely abandoned; nonetheless it is a setback. From
Godavari valley (in Andhra Pradesh) to Maharashtra, Orissa, Bihar,
Jharkhand to West Bengal border, we have to intensify and expand
guerilla war. Enemy must be resisted by our forces but it must be
according to our advantage basing on the concrete situation. At
present we have to utilize cleverly the tactics of hit and run
basically. We have to develop guerilla war into mobile war and
guerilla army into a regular army. We need active involvement of
people. Our strength lies in the people. The enemy will strive to
limits us to armed confrontation only. And they want to limit us to a
limited area. They are dividing our areas into various sections and
encircle us. But we can also chase their base camps like honey bees by
mobilizing the people. In areas where the enemy camps are located,
even in those villages, we have Revolutionary People's Committees
where work is still going on. Hundreds of people built up ponds in
complete knowledge of the security forces in the camps. So as the
enemy is splitting our masses, we are also trying to expand our base,
and trying to encircle the enemy camps/bases. We have to keep in mind
the strategic importance of guerilla war. They are bringing 1 lakh
(100,000) soldiers. They have decided to bring and deploy Rashtriya
Rifles (A special contingent of Indian army's counter-insurgency
force) from Jammu and Kashmir. But still Lalgarh to Surjagarh means
crores (one crore equals ten million) of people. If we succeed in
actively mobilizing the masses to fight back the enemy forces, then we
can make this very war a basis for revolutionary change. It is
definitely a challenge before us but we are confident that there is an
advantage in the long run which cannot be achieved in a short period.
But unlike what the enemy wants, to finish this in a short period, we
want to stretch this war and transform the situation to our advantage
favorable to the revolution.
They are trying to limit our area, while we are attempting to expand.
They are building Gram Suraksha Samithis to fight so-called
anti-socials and thereby doing their best to contain us. But people
are inviting us. Even new, less experienced cadres who are meagerly
armed are being asked to visit these areas by the people. For example,
Sonebhadra in the Orissa, the villages invited us themselves. Then
again our plans to expand from Raigad to Nayagad in the form of
Operation Ropeway under which the Nayagad Raid was orchestrated
enabled us to expand into this area in as little as 8-10 months. So,
the Nayagad raid not only had military significance but also political
significance as there was strategic reasons behind the raid. Then
again Operation Vikas was undertaken to expand into the Manpur
(Chattisgarh) area in the plains. And people are inviting us and their
confidence is on the high. If we expand in this way, we will grow
definitely and expand the guerilla war. If we proceed like this and
successfully stretch the war, then in the longer run the political and
economic situations are bound to change and under pressure the state
will crumble. Presently, the state is willfully spending in military
expenses, but as the war stretches and expand in to newer and newer
areas, the more it will spend in the longer run it would lead to
failure. We are waging our war with this strategic plan.
I already explained the second aspect of this question in my answer to
your first question.
Q : Is it possible at this juncture for the Party to be at the centre
of United Front? For instance, while working in Delhi where the Party
is weak, how does it envisage an united front?
A : It is an utmost important task to keep the Party in the centre of
united front.
I already answered first aspect of your question in my answer to your
first question.
About my second aspect for your question, in Delhi if you could do
that it would be easier to work. But that is not the condition today.
So, the party after analyzing the situation, decided to keep the party
in centre through various other means possible. There are other means
– through other Maoist forces, democratic and other progressive
forces. And therefore, in places like Delhi, where there is limited
scope for the Party directly, we have to work in other ways. Our
forces must rise to the occasion, deploy capable forces for united
front, identify the most reliable forces and organize a joint
understanding at any important place. Different arrangements need to
be made. Other democratic, progressive and Maoist forces need to be
brought together and in the interim they should be made to lead.
Q : The situation in the early days of the Lalgarh movement was such
that intellectuals in large numbers came out in support of the Lalgarh
movement. But of late, the intellectuals have had differences in terms
of the later stages of the movement, and the focus has been shifted to
such issues as opposition to laws like Unlawful Activities Prevention
Act (UAPA). How do you perceive the situation?
A : If I had the latest state committee report, it would have been
easier for me to answer this question. But still I would like to say
that initially there was lot of support among urban intelligentsia.
Now depending upon the enemy's onslaught and the nature of struggle,
it will also lead to changes in reaction to the support base. Some
people may also go over to the opposition side of the Lalgarh
movement. In Bengal, our influence in the Civil liberty groups and in
urban areas is not much strong. We need to do more to develop this. We
need to strengthen our work in urban areas. A lot would depend on our
work there and the development of Lalgarh movement to a higher stage.
There is a lot of difference between working among the basic masses
and working among intellectuals. As the latter involves several
complex factors. In this context, if the intellectuals are united
around any issue, even being UAPA, considering that it is not in
contradiction to the larger struggle, it would be positive for us.
Those who cannot come to directly support the violent phases of the
movement can come together in other issues like that. So, demands may
change but these must be slogans of the people. And both, Lalgarh and
new slogans need to be balanced. I would say that the Party will
definitely take positive criticisms from any quarter of people even
those who may not agree with our basic line but stood up for people.
We welcome criticism from people to rectify our mistakes and
strengthen our Party. The movement against UAPA is bound to be used in
immediate and long term interest of the people. And in general terms,
as such any mobilization in this field in the longer run is not
contradictory to the interests of the Party.
Q : Where do you place democracy in the working of the Party ? Meaning
the right to strike, the right to dissent, and the right to freedom of
expression.
A : This is a very important question; however there is no confusion
in our Party. We need a new democratic state in which other than CBB,
the landlords and imperialists all others will have real or genuine
freedom. Other than enemies of the people, for everybody there would
be real or genuine democracy. In addition, I may say that while
preparing Policy Program of Revolutionary people's Committees
(RPCs)/Jantana Sarkars, we have studied the experience of Graam
Raajyaas of historic Telangana armed agrarian revolution, Policy
Program of Chinese Soviets, People's Barrio committees of Philippine,
Revolutionary People's Committees of Peru, United Revolutionary
People's Councils of Nepal and also studied the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. In accordance with above we have all the
fundamental rights including that every voter has the right to recall
any elected person. Even has the right to bring any one in position of
authority, who works against interest of the people, to court in order
to prosecute them. In terms of the four great freedoms declared by
Chairman Mao during the Cultural Revolution, other than the character
posters on the wall, all the rest freedoms have been ensured by the
policy Program of the RPC/Janathan Sarkar. As the level of development
in the Janatana Sarkar advances we would also follow the freedom for
character posters. According to the constitution no physical
punishment for political opposition will be allowed, anybody had right
to politically differ and even unionize. The Indian state is trying to
control dissent and therefore people want revolution. We would not
repeat the same mistake. Besides, for any mistakes in prosecution, the
person has the right to appeal to the village Revolutionary People's
Committee, to higher levels and even to the Party. For instance, in
one of the extension areas, there was an incident where in collusion
with the Inspector General of Police, 33 members belonging to two
villages became agents of the enemy. In this context our comrades went
and handled the issue. While villagers wanted to give capital
punishment to the main agent of the police, party interceded to give a
chance to that person to realize his mistake.
Q : In an united front, everybody might not join. Some Maoist outfits
and democratic organizations can even remain outside. How will you
handle that?
A : Those in opposition are people's enemies and more than 95% of the
oppressed people would be against them. But even 5% is a big number in
the Indian context. Our Party believes that over the course of the
protracted peoples' war it gives scope to destroy the enemy's
political power both directly as well as culturally as many followers
are helped to transform. In China, Madam Sun Yet Sen till the last day
was in power, although never a member of the Party. They can stay only
as long as they serve people and have support of the people. When
socially and politically they will become irrelevant, they will
automatically vanish. It is possible for them win in elections if such
parties have support of the people. This provision is there in our
policy Program of RPCs too even other persons belonging to other
Parties/organizations can join RPCs if they are voters and they have
right to be elected to RPCs. This being our understanding, it has to
be practically practiced on ground too. We have to develop this
sphere. Nepal had made some advances in this respect.
We give scope to small and medium bourgeoisie to grow with some
restrictions so that they may not become anti-people, and black
marketing, stock piling and speculating can be controlled. We only
restrict big capital of CBB and foreign, for instance in 1998-99 the
government had stopped small traders to deal in forest products, so as
the Khirjas (local traders) protested we fought for them in a
movement, though we stopped usury and have controlled indiscriminate
exploitation, we are not stopping products from out side to come in.
This is capitalist development of one kind, but we are controlling it.
It is needed to develop the people's economy. If traders did not
cooperate, how would we have survived? Under the Janatana Circar, the
trade and industry department is handling the small traders so that
the bourgeois outside cannot take advantage. So full freedom continues
even if there are collaborators attempting to win them over. It is
only in life and death context, that physical punishment is allowed.
However right now, while facing repression and war, we are in a
complex situation which has to be acknowledged.
Q. What is your party's stance on Talks?
A. In general people and Maoist revolutionaries do not want violence
or armed confrontation with anybody. In unavoidable condition only
they take-up arms and resist their enemies and they are waging
liberation war by learning from the history. So, we see this as a war
of self-defense. In this context of all-out war, we must recognize
that the state of Andhra Pradesh has 130 thousand forces, there are 45
thousand forces in Chattisgarh (to soon increase this by more than 20
thousand forces), 160 thousand forces in Maharashtra. Thus each state
has a police force which is more than the national level forces of
many European countries. The most cruel and dangerous special forces
have been trained by the state along with various anti-people
draconian laws. Bengal, Bihar, Orissa, Jharkhand, Chattisghad,
Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh along with Uttar Pradesh and Madhya
Pradesh have between them more than 700 to 800 thousand of police
forces. Out of this, 250 to 300 thousand police forces are directly
engaged against the people. And alongside 100 thousand central
paramilitary forces have been deployed in these areas. Here people are
combating against a stronger force than the movements in North East
and Jammu-Kashmir. This is a brutal and violent repression campaign
aimed at the suppression of the political movement of the people, and
for exploitation of the minerals.
In this context, if possible we can hope for some respite. Longer the
respite better for people. Democratic work needs this context. But
while government is holding automatic gun on one hand, one cannot talk
about this. People will keep fighting. While pumping bullets people
never drop weapons and people never surrender. All democratic,
progressive, patriotic forces need to unite and fight against the
all-out war on the people by the central and state governments. To put
concisely the main demands that the party has placed in front of the
government for any kind of talks are 1. All-out war has to be
withdrawn; 2) For any kind of democratic work, the ban on the Party
and Mass Organizations have to be lifted; 3) Illegal detention and
torture of comrades had to be stopped and immediately released. If
these demands are met, then the same leaders who are released from
jails would lead and represent the Party in the talks.
Introduction on the development of our Party
Since Jan Myrdal wrote the book "India Waits" in 1980s in which he
talked about the movement there have been several developments in
various aspects both political and military. It was since then, that
we saw the development of a perspective, taking into account the
concrete Indian specificity. There were only few experienced leaders
that were left from the days of Com. CM. Many had gone into right
deviation, some into left deviation and only few had come here. So,
largely it was a new generation, a new youth, and to turn them into
experienced cadre, a lot of time had to be invested. When you JAN
MYRDAL had come here IN 1980, the party was still undergoing this
problem. It was only another 6-7 years, that proper leadership would
emerge in the context of PW. When JM visited AP in 1980, that time
there was only CPI(ML) state committee along with the TN State
Committee. There was also a Central Committee but ofcourse only
confined to these two states, its scope was limited. The MCC was
working in Bengal and Bihar in that period; however in Bengal it was
very weak. In the same way PW was working in AP and Tamil Nadu, but in
TN it was very weak. It is a retrospective observation of work in
these two centers, in these two regions. Com. Kobad Gandhi and some
other comrades from Maharashtra later joined PW. In MCC Com. KC
started some work including Assam but in a very limited way. Now we
have presence in 20 states but the Party is still very weak in many of
these areas. So there is an uneven development under the protracted
people's war where according to our strength there are different
levels of the movement in different regions. In this context, we must
observe the development and the role of a revolutionary party which is
important and which I will say.
Comrades, In 1980s the Party was trying to emerge from a setback. It
was trying to reorganize and consolidate. On the one side, there was
the problem of sectarianism and on the other hand, the mass base was
largely lost. So we had to revive every thing both in terms of mass
struggle and military. Accordingly, our tactics also changed. At that
time it was mainly the anti-feudal struggles and the anti-imperialist
propaganda-agitation that had been launched to create an anti-state
opinion and open movements in the urban areas.
Previously, under Com. Charu Mazumdar the line had been to disregard
mass organizations. Later we rethought and after going through an
intense self-critical review, we acknowledged that there were some
mistakes in the earlier years and on that basis, in order to advance,
we rebuilt the movement. The Self-Critical Review was made in 1974, it
was by 1977 August that forces within the party were convinced. And in
practice it was reaffirmed by Party AP State Conference in September
1980 that marks the beginning of a new practice.
It was since then, that we saw the development of a perspective,
taking into account the concrete Indian specificity. There were only
few experienced leadership that were left from the days of Com. CM.
Many had gone into right deviation, some into left deviation and only
few had come here. So, largely it was a new generation, a new youth,
and to turn them into experienced cadre, a lot of time had to be
invested. When you had come here, the party was still undergoing this
problem. It was only another 6-7 years, that proper leadership would
emerge in the context of PW.
First a revolutionary party needs a leadership for understanding
national and international conditions, as well as the economic and
political conditions to make tactics accordingly. Some of the
perspectives that I talked of, in the post-80s period, if we add those
experience, we would see that in later years we had made some
developments in this sphere of understanding.
Secondly, a revolutionary party needs to organize people and lead
class struggle. From the strategic perspective plans were made and
spots were selected and some development was made since 1980s in terms
of people struggling under leadership of the party which came up as a
concrete development.
Thirdly, for a revolutionary party, it is important to organize armed
struggle. The CP Reddy group had the name of the CPI(ML) and was part
of the PCP under the leadership of SNS. It was only they who had some
squads in the Godavari area at that time which you had visited.
People's War had started some armed squads in the shape of peasant
squads only then, while they already had 60-70 armed cadres by that
time.
Later as we developed class struggle according to the idea of area
wise seizure of power, to build people's army, the PW here and the MCC
there started making armed guerilla squads at the levels of 5,7,9,11.
Some platoons and guerilla zones thereby emerged. In some areas just
before the 2004 merger, even companies emerged. The erstwhile PW had
People's Guerilla Army while MCC had People's Liberation Guerilla
Army. In the merger process we found the PLGA under CPI(Maoist). The
next stage is battalions moving progressively towards the formation of
PLA. Depending on the basic tenets, we have evolved the higher stages
of political and military power and the political power of the people.
The vision was there even before the 80s. MCC was also there. But
practically it was only achieved in terms of concrete development
after the merger.
There are two more developments that I would like to point out. A
party which in practice is evolving tactics or policy involving a
large mass in its rank and files has to practice involving people in
thousands and lakhs (a lakh equals one hundred thousand). In practice,
while facing the problem and while rectifying the mistakes there were
bitter internal and external struggle. It is only through the process
of this bitter ideological and political struggle that we have reached
today's position. After the rectification and review of 70s, the PW
had emerged and it had to face grave internal crisis in the form of 1.
Sectarianism and dogmatism in the mid-80s, and 2. the hurdle posed by
the leadership of Com.Kondapalli Seetharamiah in the beginning of 90s.
Then again, the clashes between MCC and PW had been a bitter and
unforgettable experience, a black chapter in history. In order to face
ideological and political challenges, the party tactically evolved two
approaches: discussion and review and struggle. All three times the
party emerged successfully from the crisis. The MCC also in the same
way emerged from its own internal crisis. A section of it intended to
continue the fight, they were also differences pertaining to Maoism
and dogmatism through which it emerged successfully. The PU too fought
against forces that opposed protracted people's war and agrarian
revolution and emerged successfully. The PW and MCC even at this stage
get smaller. While the Vinod Mishra and Satya Narain Singh groups get
stronger and influential. While VM moved to left opportunism, SNS
moved into right opportunism. And in practice, they split and finally
faced virtual liquidation with extremely nominal presence today.
Earlier, along with the fight against revisionism we faced the problem
of having a line that was only talked of seizing state power and that
other political questions like the nationality question, the women
question, the dalit (untouchables or schedule castes) question and the
question of religious minorities would automatically be addressed.
However, later we rectified this stand and merged both immediate
slogans and ultimate slogans together. This was a must for the success
of NDR and development towards it. While various other ML groups only
raised immediate slogans and thereby went into reformism, we for a
long time only gave the ultimate slogan. But now, by putting together
both immediate and ultimate slogans we move towards better
development.
For Party education, there are several Party Magazines at Central,
State and District level. Around 25 of them are Party's. Several
others are Mass Organizations' Magazines. E.g. Centrally we are
publishing People's War/Laal Pathaaka an Ideological and Political
Magazine simultaneously in English and Hindi and in other languages;
Awami Jung, a Military Magazine in different languages; Maoist
Information Bulletin in English.
In DK we are publishing following Magazines
1. Prabhath (Hindi, Party Political Magazine)
2. Viyyukka (Ideological and Political Magazine, in Gondi/Koyam)
3. Padiyora Pollo (Military Magazine, Gondi/Koyam)
4. Sangharsharath Mahila (KAMS Magazine, in Hindi)
5. Jhankar (Literary and Cultural Magazine in multi-lingual)
At Division/District level in Gondi/Koyam: South Bastar Division:
Pituri (rebellion); West Bastar Division: Midangur (fire place);
Darbha Division: Moyil Gudrum (Thunder); north and South Divisions of
Gadichiroli: Poddhu(Sun); Maad and North Bastar Joint Division:
Bhoomkal (Earth quake); East Bastar Division: Bhoomkal
Sandesh(rebellion message); Other than this the Janatana Sarkar also
has made a Magazine called Janatana Raj(People's State).
There are also study classes that are organized with study notes and
syllabus. Political classes are organized at different state levels,
some times rectification campaigns are organized for 4-6 month to one
year when the history of the Chinese, Philippines and Peru revolutions
are discussed for political and ideological training. There are
military instructor teams for military schools and Awami Jung as the
military magazine of Central Committee.
The Party in the DK area faces the problem of illiteracy and lack of
primary education and so we organized the MAS (mobile education) for
the purpose of primary academic education of party cadres. Hundreds of
cadre have been trained since its beginning. The mass organizations
also run academic programs with their own syllabus which is made in
consultation with the leadership and committee members.
Introduction on the development of People's Army (At present called
People's Liberation Guerilla Army)
I request you refer our central documents for complete picture of our
army development in specific conditions of the country and in which
international situation it is formed. I request you to give attention
on this due to its vitality in any revolution
Introduction on the development of UF
In terms of mass organizations, we over the years, developed in
several fronts including peasant, women, students, youth, civil rights
groups, literary and cultural groups, children, nationality, workers,
employees and so on. The stronger the party in a state, the larger the
organization and the fronts. In the weaker areas there are fewer mass
organizations at the state level in accordance with the strength of
the party. Right now, the party has mass organizations both at the
state and all India level, and the idea is to represent the four-class
organizations in accordance with the four-class alliance and other
sections too. With the emphasis is being to mass organizations, we
presently have 30-40 of them working in various fronts. During by the
80s MCC had few mass organizations working secretly in a limited scope
in AP the peasantry, the students and the literary-cultural sections
along with the youth had some influence but now with the development
of our understanding different mass organizations from village level
to the state level to the all India level exists. In the 9th Congress
of the PW it was decided to develop mass organizations and united
fronts which would be issue-based and tactical. At some issues even
enemy classes and local leaders could come together in immediate and
medium terms. These developed further after the merger. So the class
struggle needs to be waged at sectional, underground as well as open
levels. Legal opportunities needs to be utilized, there are some mass
organizations working with MLM general guideline, while there are some
that are working under complete cover even with others.
On International Relations
In the 1980s beginning both MCC and PW had been regional in scope,
because of which we failed to a large extent in connecting at the
larger international movements. However mid-1990s onwards, both
Parties and particularly after the formation of the CPI(Maoist), is
now playing a role in the internationally too. We are participating in
international debates and sending delegations to international forums
though much progress needs to be made in this front. It is nonetheless
better than in the 1980s and 1990s. In terms of RIM, MCC had joined it
in 2002. The PW however opposed to join in RIM as it believed that it
is only after thorough deliberations, understandings and discussions
that such an international platform could be evolved in order to avoid
a sectarian approach. Therefore the PW did not join the RIM, while MCC
went ahead. After merger, though it was decided that whatever the new
Party decide would be put to practice. And since then as per the
decision of the whole Party, it kept itself out of RIM. We kept
outside RIM which by now has become virtually defunct. It is important
for the success of the Indian revolution as an inseparable part of
great world socialist revolution, actively defend MLM, fighting
imperialism and supports the class struggle throughout the world and
also take the support of the international Maoist
Parties/Organizations/Forces, proletariat and people. For this
purpose, maintain fraternal relations with Maoist and anti-imperialist
forces. We believe that it is both important to extend help as well as
take international help for the success of any revolution but because
of the ongoing repression. Overall, I once again say that we stuck to
basics of MLM. We invite critical suggestions from any Maoist
Party/Organization..
We believe that CPI (Maoist) is a detachment of world proletariat
revolution. If it succeeds, we would say one part of the world would
succeed - it is not independent. It would work as a part of the world
socialist revolution and it is strictly related to the success or
failure of the world socialist revolution. More working class
struggles in the imperialist/capitalist countries will have a
favorable impact on Indian revolution.
http://sanhati.com/articles/2138/
--
Palash Biswas
Pl Read:
http://nandigramunited-banga.blogspot.com/
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