Aarakshan ko dilli gherenge Jat
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- Two Hundred Eighty One
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
Bhai Tugania, I am a die-hard supporter of chaudhary saahab. He was a pioneer in Indian politics for farmers and labourers and was a mass leader. but this guy seems to have a personal envy of chaudhary saahab. What a big deal if he did not take care of pathetic roads of Baghpat and did not set up some institutions , health centers. Is "Zamindara Abolition Act" not large enough to prove his greatness? but this guy is so adamant that he is completely neglecting all his deeds, humiliating whole farmer class of Baghpat. He even transcends all the barriers and keeping chaudhary saahab beside Lalu. Now what do you expect from me after all this ugly mess? "Dhed" ne "dhed" hi beendhya kare..issne nu na byara ek main isstai bhi bada "dhed" huin........
http://www.jatland.com/forums/showthread.php?29269-Remembering-Ch-Charan-Singh&p=236911&viewfull=1
Aarakshan ko dilli gherenge Jat
Rahul kaun hey bhai tu..keheney se peheley kuch soch to liya kar.."JAT AARAKSHAN SANGARSH SAMITI - JASS" is a non political organisation supported by Jat community non of the political leader is a worker of JASS.Mr. Yashpal Malik is the all India President of JASS. If People like Yashpal Malik working for community, I think we should support this social movement,but these baseless allegation does nt make any sense.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IIgy9cnYgfc
JAT OBC RESERVATION
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IIgy9cnYgfc<object width="425" height="344"><param name="movie" value="http://www.youtube.com/v/IIgy9cnYgfc&hl=en_US&fs=1&"></param><param name="allowFullScreen" value="true"></param><param name="allowscriptaccess" value="always"></param><embed src="http://www.youtube.com/v/IIgy9cnYgfc&hl=en_US&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="425" height="344"></embed></object>
Dara Singh demanding reservation for Jats
Old warrier :-Dara Singh,Noted Film Actor,Politcian address a press confrence in support of Reservation for Jats,at Press Club in New Delhi on Thursday. Video by RAJEEV TYAGIhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hFxmkdVy6OE
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jat aarakshan 1
this is a video on jat aarakshan from akhil bhartiye JAT mahasabhahttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=S7bqWcTgJN8
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INDIA -An early morning with the Jat
The Jat are one of the last nomadic tribes in India. They breed camels and travel hither and thither fertilising the land with camel dung in return for grazing rights.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=legaRzM3p5E
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NOMADIC TRIBES, Rajastha, India
NOMADIC TRIBE OF RAJASTHAN WANDERING IN NAGPUR, MAHARASHTRA, INDIAhttp://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xQN66M9X35o
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LIFE OF NOMADIC TRIBES OF INDIA
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http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g9khHXNsugo
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A day in life of a Himalayan Shepard- GADDI TRIBE OF HIMACHAL PRADESH
THE Gaddis of Himachal Pradesh, a nomadic tribe of shepherds have zealously guarded their rich cultural heritage over the years. The life of trials and tribulations that these sentinels of the hill.What is India's population of other backward classes?
Author: Arun Anand
Publication: NewKerala.com
Date: May 24, 2006
URL: http://www.newkerala.com/news2.php?action=fullnews&id=64466
Even as the government has decided to extend 27 percent reservation in institutions of higher education to other backward classes (OBCs) from June 2007, it is yet to ascertain the precise population of this community.
According to government sources, there are several figures floating around that seek to ascertain what percentage of India's 1.17 billion population belongs to this section of the society.
The latest census, conducted in 2001, did not collect information on OBCs.
When the question on the size of OBC population was placed before Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh recently, he did not have the precise figures.
"I think, that should be decided by people who are more knowledgeable. But the point is the OBCs form a fairly sizeable percentage of our population," the minister said.
"There is no final, conclusive empirical evidence of the size of OBCs in India. That could have come only from the census," said Yogendra Yadav, noted social scientist and professor at the Centre for the Study of Developing Studies here.
"But the urban, upper and middle class Indians had opposed the idea of counting the OBC population through census. And they are the same ones who are opposing reservation for OBCs," Yadav told IANS.
"In my opinion, the OBC population of our country is between 40-44 percent. I am basing this on the national election studies conducted over the past two decades by our centre."
But B.P. Mandal Commission - whose recommendations on reservation for members of the scheduled castes and tribes in government jobs had stirred the hornet's nest in 1990 - has estimated the OBC population in the country at 52 percent.
The pro-reservation lobby uses this data to push for 27 percent reservation for OBCs in institutions of higher education, while others say after the new system is implemented, the total quantum of quota for socially backward groups will rise to 50 percent.
Scheduled castes and scheduled tribes form an estimated 25 percent of India's population, though the veracity of this figure has also been challenged. Together, these groups form a formidable vote bank for the political class which explains the bipartisan support for quotas.
But another estimate drawn from the data compiled by the National Sample Survey Organisation - which functions under the ministry of statistics and programme implementation - places their number at 36 percent of the population.
If Muslims and are excluded from the estimate, the proportion falls further to 32 percent.
This apart, the National Family Health Statistics - a survey conducted in 1998 by the Directorate of Health Services - has also estimated the non-Muslim OBCs in the country. As per its statistics, India has 29.8 percent OBCs.
"The various data is in the official domain do not present the true picture of India's OBC population. The National Sample Survey had a methodological problem where people were asked if they were OBCs," Yadav said.
"Many of the respondents were not aware of their status in terms of caste. That is why the National Sample Survey data under-reports the population of OBCs in India," he added.
Sections of the student community, especially upper caste students in major cities, have been protesting the proposal, with medical students and resident doctors of the government-run hospitals going on a strike in the capital.
http://www.hvk.org/articles/0506/222.html
OBC Census and Reservation for the Jats without State Barrier Demanded. Rally in New Delhi on 8th February amidst WWF Shivsena Versus Rahul Gandhi!
I have discussions with Jat Maha Panchayat Convener Mr. Godara today. I had also Discussions with the Convener of Jat AARAKSHAN SANGHARSH SAMITI Convener Yash Pal Malik last day. Both the OBC leaders are engaged in Hectic Activities as they are all set to seize the Capital of Government of India Incs Brhamainical, Zionist, while they would be meeting in New Delhi to press their demands on 8th February. Both the leaders clarified that the Mass Mobilisation is Social in Nature and has nothing to do with Politics. Both Opined that without a national Liberation Movement by SC, ST, OBC and Converted Minority jointly, the Brahamins would Sustain the Manusmriti Rule. Both the Leaders welcomed the Constitution of Bharat Mukti Morcha but they have FOCUSED on the Delhi rally on 8th, in which they claim that no less than 150 thousand Jats would gather to demand OBC Counting in Census and Reservation for Jats in central Jobs and Reservation without state Barrier.
Meanwhile , our dear friend DILIP Mandal wrote and EXPOSED the status of SC, ST, OBC and converted Communities in his article `SHIKHAR PAR SANNATA', published in the Edit page of Jansatta, 5th february. Dilip has presented a horrible data about the ABSENCE of Black Untouchables in Higher Posts as only 28 SC Lower Secretaries have been recruited by the Zionist Dynasty. Godara informed me that recently a Tribal Lower Secretary in the Central has been appointed recently, the first one. Mandal has written about the Govt. Clarification that Reservation in IAS IFS cadres may not reflect in Highest level as only MERITED Officials may be Promoted to SACRED Cow status and it has a distinguished Recruiting system. Mind you, the Reservation quota is Twenty Percent excluding Muslims and Converted Communities plus OBCs! Total Posts are more than Four Hundred at secretary and lower secretary Level while the quota has Never been Implemented in SECRETARY Level. In Bengal, OBC communities have only Seven Percent Reservation against Forty Two Percent population and they never get the Caste certificate to claim the quota.Hari Narca, a member of Planning Commission says that only 37 seven percent per head Budget allocation is Granted for the OBC Communities as they are NEVER NEVER Counted.
Meanwhile, WWF between SHIVSENA and Rahul Gandhi, the Crown Prince got Momentum with Live Coverage from the advocates of Economic and Home reforms to make the Grounds for Economic Ethnic Cleansing as Discarding security considerations as well as a waiting helicopter, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hopped into a local train Friday to travel from Andheri to Dadar, much to the delight of his co-passengers in the second class compartment.Maximising the massive public response to his sudden Mumbai trip in the wake of Shiv Sena threats to "keep off Maharashtra", the Congress general secretary made a last minute change in his itinerary to travel from Vile Parle in western suburbs to his second engagement at Ghatkopar in the eastern suburbs.
From Bhaidas Auditorium at Juhu (in Vile Parle), Rahul Gandhi's motorcade zoomed towards the Andheri railway station, about two kilometres away, taking most people by surprise. As per the original plans, he was scheduled to fly in a helicopter.
En route, he was seen standing on the footboard of his SUV and waving to the people lined going about their routine and even shaking hands with some.
Within minutes, he reached Andheri to board a Western Railway (WR) suburban train to Dadar station in the southern direction. He travelled on the Virar-Dadar fast train in a second class compartment along with the general public, and got off 15 minutes later around 1.15 p.m. at Dadar.
He was also scheduled to catch a suburban Central Railway (CR) local train to reach Ramabai Ambedkar Nagar.
All the three stations - Andheri, Dadar and Ghatkopar - are among the most congested railway stations in the Mumbai suburban network. It is usually a nightmare even for the most diehard Mumbaikars to alight or board from trains at these stations "conquered" by Rahul Gandhi, who is in Mumbai for a short four-hour visit after which he leaves for Pondicherry.
Officials of both the WR and CR claimed ignorance of the Congress leader's travel plans and said they were not informed about it by his security personnel.
CPI(M) to turn heat on UPA in Monsoon session
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Posted: Tuesday, Jul 10, 2007 at 0000 hrs IST
Updated: Tuesday, Jul 10, 2007 at 0445 hrs IST
Hinting that the Monsoon session would be a tough one for the Manmohan Singh-led UPA government, the CPI(M) central committee has resolved to take a "more assertive" stand on policy issues within and outside Parliament.
However, the party has made it clear that it is not ready to withdraw its support to the government, as it would be "counter productive."
The party has also decided to suggest the name of a non-Congress person for the post of Vice-President.
Citing the CPI's demand for a "review of support," a document approved by the CPI(M) central committee in its meeting held recently, said the party should also take a "firm and independent position" to express unhappiness with the government's policies.
It has also threatened the government that the party would venture into "mass campaigns and movements" unless the "anti-working class" policies were changed.
Stating that there is "an erosion of support for the Congress and the UPA," it said, "this reflects the discontent among the people against the policies of the UPA government in the background of the steep price rise of essential commodities."
Can't have OBC headcount says Registrar General
Posted: Wednesday, Apr 18, 2007 at 0000 hrs ISTUpdated: Wednesday, Apr 18, 2007 at 0000 hrs IST
New Delhi, Apr 17: Buttressing the Centre's case on the contentious issue of 27% quota for OBCs in elite educational institutions, the Registrar General of India (RGI), which is the sole body responsible for conducting census in the country, has pointedly expressed its inability to carry out separate enumeration of backward classes.
In a detailed note to the HRD ministry sent on April 6, the RGI had spelt out elaborate reasons for its negative response to OBC census, some of them coinciding with the grounds that became the basis for discontinuing head count of backwards in 1951.
"Caste-based census has been officially discontinued since 1951. Its reintroduction will not be advisable," the RGI opined.
The UPA government, which has already secured support of its allies, including Left parties on introducing quota regime for OBCs in elite institutions, on Monday submitted a detailed affidavit to the Supreme court in which it stated that the 1931 census was only used for the limited purpose of deriving the proportion of OBCs in the total population of the country. The RGI note, which is understood to be a part of the Centre's affidavit, gives five key reasons for its inability to try and find the exact number of OBCs in the country.
Firstly, it states that an accurate count was not possible as there was inadequate knowledge on sub-castes of OBCs. "Many a sub-caste and clan/gotra names are common among different castes. The knowledge on sub-castes is inadequate and thus, it would be difficult to meaningfully tabulate and classify OBC returns".
The note points out that during the 2001 census, more than 18,748 entries of SCs and STs was returned by enumerators who were not able to make their classification.
"As per the central list, the total number of OBCs in the country is nearly 6,000, including sub-castes and sub-groups.
In case a question on OBCs is canvassed, it will return names of hundreds of thousands of castes, sub-castes as people use their clan/gotra interchangeably." it said.
Secondly, the RGI felt that efforts to project higher motivated returns could not be ruled out through organised or surreptitious means. Such motivated returns by caste groups can seriously influence census results and may put the census process in jeopardy.
Thirdly, it said that neutrality of the 20 lakh enumerators on the sensitive issue could not be guaranteed.
Personal predilections and biases might play a spoilsport, it said in its reply.
The census body, however, contended that in the event of OBC headcount, it would be necessary to include in the census schedule at least two or more questions as it would not be sufficient to enquire only about the OBC status of the respondent, but it would also be necessary to enquire her/his caste name to arrive at the actual number of OBCs and that of individual OBCs.
Jat community slams Congress over reservation, to hold rally on Feb. 8 in Delhi
osted On: 02-Feb-2010 04:06:14 By: Vijay Tomar Font Size:
New Delhi: Realising an inevitable power show of JAT community under the leadership of Mr. Yashpal Malik on forthcoming 8th February 2010, Congress have come out of long slumber and its UP In-charge Shri Digvijay Singh has released a statement in favour of considering OBC reservation for JATs at central level.
Besides this congress has also organized 'Kisan- Mazdoor' rally in Muzaffarnagar on 5th February 2010 to mislead the JAT community wherein Shri Digvijay Singh and Shri Rahul Gandhi are also expected to participate.
In the news published in some news papers Shri Digvijay Singh has advocated OBC Reservation for JATs of UP admitting that JATs of UP are already included in OBC Category at state level and hence should be considered for inclusion in OBC Category for Jobs and admissions in education institutions at the central level.
Shri Yeshpal Malik the National president of Akhil Bhartiya Jat Arakshan Sangharsh Samiti launched a scathing attack on Shri Digvijay Singh the congress leader In-charge for UP for misleading the community by saying that the matter has been referred to Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment.
Shri Yespal Malik has asked when Congress is in power at center where is the need of following an unnecessary long process in taking such an administrative decision.
Shri Malik said, "The State Governments of Congress party had announced OBC reservation for JATs of Delhi and Rajasthan earlier at state level and now our demand is to extend the OBC reservation to JATs at central level so that our rural and poor peasantry class can benefit in JOBs and admissions in educational institutions. Shri Malik alleged that Congress is still indulged in divide and rule policy and is discriminating amongst the JATs on the state basis. "
For example the JATs of Rajasthan (excluding Bharatpur and Dholpur) are included in OBC category at the central level whereas they are not even included in state OBC list in Haryana.
Mr. Malik said that ABJAAS is not only in favour of reservation for the Jats in Uttar Pradesh but also demand the same in Haryana, Delhi, Himachal Pradesh, Rajasthan and Uttarakhand.
In the news released from Shri Digvijay Singh of Congress party they have also hinted at Shri Rahul Gandhi's plans for 2012 assembly election of UP.
Shri Malik told that the forthcoming "JAT Delhi March" on 8th Feb. 2010 would be historical when JATs of UP, Haryana, Delhi, Punjab and Rajasthan would show their strength in Delhi.
Jat Mahasabha
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Jat Mahasabha (Hindi: जाट महासभा) or All India Jat Mahasabha (Hindi: अखिल भारतीय जाट महासभा) is the premier organization of Jats in India. Its aim is to raise awareness about the social and economic problems faced by Jats. Many of its officers are politically active and are influential. The Jat Mahasabha spearheaded the community's struggle for reservation in the run-up to the Lok Sabha elections in 1999. Chaudhary Dara Singh is the currently president of the organization. The Mahasabha became a forum for demanding employment and airing Jat grievances over what their poor representation in government service. Leaders like Sir Chhotu Ram were closely associated with the Jat Mahasabha and it remained the leading vehicle for advancing the Jat interests, even after the formation of the Unionist Party, which was concerned with agriculturists' interests in Punjab.
[edit] The objectives of formation
The All India Jat Mahasabha was founded in Muzaffarnagar in western Uttar Pradesh, India in 1907, as an offshoot of the Arya Samaj. The Mahasabha, a supra-provincial organization, was perceived in southeast Punjab as a symbol of unity in Jat society and as the main catalyst of reform and change. The Jat Mahasabha is a non political organization in nature. It is a social organisation. It is organised by a community for its uplift, for social reconstruction. The Jat Mahasabha has been functioning from 1993 for social causes. But it is not a registered body, not even as an NGO or social organisation. [1]
Sir Chhotu Ram explained its objectives as under:
".... slowly the Jat Kshatriya Sabha in Jamna-par (western UP) came into existence which had its impact in Haryana. This was followed by the formation of panchayats. It breathed a new spirit into the Jat community. In this period, only the Arya Samaj propagated its rules in Haryana and the Jats were greatly influenced by it. This movement was consolidated through its leaders. It led to an awakening among the Jats. The Jat school was opened, the Jat (Maha) Sabha was created and the Jat Gazette was started. .... Earlier the Jats were all fragmented, but now they were brought together. They began to perceive all their institutions as exclusively Jat. The Jats became conscious of their sense of unity."The Jat Mahasabha was initially founded as All India Jat Kshatriya Mahasabha. The founder members were Chaudhary Mamraj Singh Shamli (Muzaffarnagar), Kunwar Kalyan Singh Varkatpur (Bulandshahr), Thakur Tej Singh Vahpur (Bulandshahr), Chaudhary Hari Singh Kurmali (Muzaffarnagar), Shri Ram Lal Hala Raghunathpur (Badayun), Shri Nathu Singh Pardeshi, Kunwar Hukum Singh Angai (Mathura), Shri Lal Singh and Shri Vahal Singh (Saidpur), Chaudhary Gulab Singh Yadnagar, Chaudhary Nanu Singh Delhi, Shri Shadi Ram editor 'Kshatriya' and Sir Chhotu Ram (Rohtak). Kunwar Hukum Singh Angai (Mathura) took pains to bring all the elite people of the society such as Jagirdars, Thikanedars, Raos, Rais, Rai Bahadurs at one platform. Later large number of common people from society joined it. Branches were started at Agra, Aligarh, Bijnor, Muradabad, Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Mathura etc. in Uttar Pradesh and Sikar, Ajmer, Jhunjhunu, Jodhpur etc. places in Rajasthan. Kunwar Hukum Singh Angai (Mathura) expanded its scope from Brij area to All India in character. The first Executive Committee of All India Jat Mahasabha was constituted on 14 March 1907 in Meerut on the occasion of Nauchandi fair. [2]
[edit] Annual adhiveshanas from 1908 to 1924
The All India Jat Mahasabha held its annual adhiveshan (Conference) at Delhi in 1908, Meerut in 1909, Garhmukteshwar in 1910, Delhi in 1911, Gwalior in 1912, Rohtak in 1913, Bharatpur in 1914, Pushkar in 1915, Meerut in 1916, Dhaulpur in 1917, Gwalior in 1918. Rana Udaybhanu Singh, the ruler of Dholpur, was the Chairman of the 1918 adhiveshan. Earlier Sir Chhotu Ram had started a news paper named Jat Gazette in 1916 which became very popular among the farmers of northern India. Sir Chhotu Ram was awarded the title of 'Rao Bahadur' and he founded 'Zamindar Association' to protect the interests of farmers. [3]
From 1918 to 1924, the annual adhiveshans were held at various places. Various decisions were taken regarding the social upliftment, avoiding extravaganza, opening new schools and hostels to spread education amongst masses. Sir Chhotu Ram was appointed Agricultural Minister in Punjab Government in 1924. He had also started the freedom movement against British Rule in India.
[edit] Pushkar adhiveshan in November 1925
The Pushkar adhiveshan in November 1925, organized by All India Jat Mahasabha, was presided over by Maharaja Kishan Singh of Bharatpur and proved to be a turning point in mobilization of Jats in India. Sir Chhotu Ram, Madan Mohan Malviya, Chhajju Ram etc. farmer leaders had also attended. This function was organized with the initiative of Master Bhajan Lal Bijarnia of Ajmer-Merwara. The farmers from all parts of Shekhawati had come namely, Chaudhary Govind Ram, Kunwar Panne Singh Deorod, Ram Singh Bakhtawarpura, Chetram Bhadarwasi, Bhuda Ram Sangasi, and Moti Ram Kotri. 24-year young boy Har Lal Singh also attended it. The Shekhawati farmers took two oaths in Pushkar namely,
- They would work for the development of the society through elimination of social evils and spreading of education.
- 'Do or Die' in the matters of exploitation of farmers by the Jagirdars.
- Resolution was passed to remove the British rule from India.
The importance of this Institution as a pressure group can be realized from the fact that Britishers were highly concerned for the maintenance and protection of traditions of Jats. Between 1930 and 1932, when the civil disobedience movement spread over the country, it is incredible but true that Governor Malcom Haily had to address the Jat Mahasabha in 1930.[4] The 1930 adhiveshan was the 20th and a historical one and was held at Tishazari ground in Delhi. It was presided over by Rai Bahadur Chaudhary Lalchand Advocate. This was attended by Rana Udaybhanu Singh, the ruler of Dholpur and Chaudhary Sahabuddin, the president of Punjab Legislative Assembly (historical). Sir Chhotu Ram was the coordinator. This was attended by all communities Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs which was the cause of worry for the British Rule. This was also attended by Kunwar Net Ram Singh, Ladu Ram Jakhar, Kunwar Panne Singh, Chaudhary Ram Singh and Swami Baldas from Jaipur. [5]
[edit] Jhunjhunu adhiveshan 1932
There was a grand gathering of farmers under the banner of Jat Mahasabha in Jhunjhunu on 11-13 February 1932. 60000 Jat farmers attended it. Thakur Deshraj camped at Jhunjhunu for 15 days to make it a success. The farmers from all parts of India attended it. It was presided by Rao Sahib Chaudhary Rishal Singh Rayees, who was escorted from station to the place of meeting on elephant accompanied by a caravan of camels. This program was of Jats but all the communities cooperated and welcomed. Kunwar Panne Singh Deorod welcomed this rally where as Vidyadhar Singh Sangasi did the welcome of 'Jaipur Prantiya Jat Kshatriya Sabha' rallies. Though the Jagirdars did all attempts to make it a failure, but it proved a success. On the appeal of fund collection the participant farmers donated their gold ornaments, which they were wearing. This was the first opportunity of awakening the Shekhawati farmers and proved a grand success. Sardar Harlal Singh and Chaudhary Ghasi Ram had traveled a lot for its publicity and spread its message. Some of the competent people were awarded Kshatriya titles. For example Chaudhary Har Lal Singh was awarded as 'Sardar', Ratan Singh of Bharatpur as 'Kunwar' and Chaudhary Ram Singh as 'Thakur'. Thus the Rajput monopoly over these titles vanished.
As the tenth guru of Sikhs Guru Gobind Singh made Sikhs as 'Singh', Thakur Deshraj made the farmers of Shekhawati as 'Singh'. Thakur Deshraj floated three slogans in this function namely,
- Keep your aims high
- Leave the social evils
- Change your dress and put Singh after your name.
The Jhunjhunu adhiveshan brought wonderful changes in the life and culture of the farmers of Shekhawati. Their morals were boosted up and other classes accepted the Jats as noble Aryans and Kshatriyas. The success of Jhunjhunu adhiveshan not only changed the life of Shekhawati farmers but those of Jaipur and Bikaner princely states also. After this there were programmes started to improve the social life of the Jat community.
[edit] The Jat Prajapati Maha-Yagya 1934
In 1934, to spread the principles of Arya Samaj and create awakening in Shekhawati, it was decided to hold the Prajapati Yagya (Prayer ceremony for the Lord of Universe). The Jat Prajapati Maha-Yagya took place at Sikar from 20 - 29 January 1934. Kunwar Hukam Singh Rahees Angai (Mathura) was made Yagyapati or Chairman of the Yagya. Chaudhary Kaluram of village Kudan was the Yagyaman. Acharya Shri Jagdev Sidhanthi received an invitation for this Yagya at his Gurukul at Kirttal, In that invitation was he requested to attend the Yagya and bring twenty Bhramcharis and disciples with him. Volunteers went to all the households in all the villages in the region and collected material that would be needed. They collected Ghee, Flour, Gur, and invited all the householders to participate. Hundreds of cans of Ghee and hundreds of sacks of flour were collected.
During the Yagya 3000 men and women adopted the Yogyopavit, which was a symbol of "Kisan sangathan"(farmers' organization). Sheetal Kumari daughter of Kunwar Netram Singh adopted yagyopavit. Chaudhary Chimana Ram of Sangasi brought his wife wearing salwar-kurta. The unity of Jat farmers in this Yagya had terrified the Jagirdars of Sikar. The role played by Sardar Har Lal Singh and Thakur Deshraj was unparallel which made this yagya a grand success.
In December 1934, 'All India Jat Students Federation Conference' was organized at Pilani; the coordinator of it was Master Ratan Singh. Sir Chhotu Ram, Kunwar Netram Singh, Chaudhary Ram Singh, Thakur Jhumman Singh, Thakur Deshraj and Sardar Har Lal Singh, along with large number of farmers from various states, attended it. This conference gave a great strength to the Jat youth.
[edit] Centenery Celebrations 2007
The All-India Jat Mahasabha held a convention at Talkatora Stadium in Delhi on 9 March 2007 under the chairmanship of its president, Chaudhary Dara Singh. One of the main issues taken up at the convention, which was attended by several Central and State Ministers and MPs, was reservation for the Jats in State and Central Government jobs. The convention also discussed social evils like female foeticide, dowry and drug abuse. The year 2007 is being celebrated as the Jat Mahasabha Centenary Year. [6][7]
[edit] See also
[edit] References
- ^ Gyan Prakash Pilania as head of the Jat Mahasabha
- ^ Dr Mahendra Singh Arya, Dharmpal Singh Dudee, Kishan Singh Faujdar & Vijendra Singh Narwar: Ādhunik Jat Itihasa (The modern history of Jats), Agra 1998, p. 100
- ^ Dr Mahendra Singh Arya, Dharmpal Singh Dudee, Kishan Singh Faujdar & Vijendra Singh Narwar: Ādhunik Jat Itihasa (The modern history of Jats), Agra 1998, pp. 101-102
- ^ N Panigrahi, India's Partition: The Story Of Imperialism In Retreat
- ^ Dr Mahendra Singh Arya, Dharmpal Singh Dudee, Kishan Singh Faujdar & Vijendra Singh Narwar: Ādhunik Jat Itihasa (The modern history of Jats), Agra 1998, p. 105
- ^ Jat Mahasabha convention on 9 March 2007
- ^ Yahoo Hindi News
[edit] External links
| Mr Srimat Kokate speaking on the topic said that the panel of member of Parliament from Maharashtra comprising of Deepa Patil, Karmveer Janardan Patil and Shyam Mahtre came to meet Delhi Government under the guidance of the leader of Kunbi society, Vijay Patil. They also met Mr Advani, Mrs Sonia Gandhi & Mr Shrad Pawar on the said topic. In the parliament session of December 20, 2001, a question was raised by Mr. Sharad Pawar regarding the census of OBC and counting them as a separate identity. In this session, the representative of all parties were present and none of them opposed the question raised regarding the statistics of OBC�s Population. It means that everyone was in favour of that. Why this was not opposed in parliament? There is a simple reason. Parties opposing the basic question did not wanted them to be in limelight. Without being recorded their statement they wanted to oppose. Those OBC�s, who have not understood the thinking of Phule-Ambedkar, are unable to identify their enemies and this is a very serious issue for OBC�s. But, when matter was not resolved among the member of Parliaments I, as a president of one of the OBC community had taken up the issue and filed a petition in high court. MP Deepa Patil also filed one application, which was submitted to high court at Nagpur by advocate Bhagvan Patil Bhandarkar and other two from Chandrapur dist. of Maharashtra state. At the time of hearing of the matter in Mumbai high Court, in the court of Magistrate Mr. Singh and Mrs. Ranjana Desai, the Govt Prosecutor said that The matter is regarding the reservation of OBC community�. But our Advocate Suresh Pakale cleared out that matter is not for reservation but it is only for counting of population of OBC community, so that every individual should know how much is the strength of 52% OBC? We do not have a right to know this? There were some advocates who denied that the petition was on the ground that the application was in favour of common people. Then a case was filed with the help of our OBC lawyer's and a notice was sent to Central Government, State Government and Election Commissioner. The Govt. advocate was asking for a date of 14 February but as the counting of population was suppose to start on 8 February, our adv. asked for a date prior to 8 February. Finally Hon. Magistrate has given the date of 7 February after the request was made from both the side. But again on 7 February, the govt advocate said that there were a lot many figure to manipulate, so the work is uncomplete. Then again Magistrate has given a date of 14 February. But as the counting process was suppose to start on 8th Feb, date of 14th was not having any importance. Other important development was that, in Nagpur high court, in the court of J N Patel, they have given an interim order for counting of the OBC community and also said that, in the population table, the column for SC should be amended as SC/OBC. Along with this they also issued an order for counting of DNT community. But these orders were not implemented. On the other hand the petition, which, was there in Mumbai high court, was clubbed together with petition in Nagpur high court and nothing was settled, as the Magistrate was transferred to Delhi on Promotion. Few days back there was news regarding the counting of animals, trees and birds. But it is not possible to count, how much is the strength of OBC'S? There are some parties who do not want to happen this, intentionally? Saint Tulsi Das (Maharashtra) said that the animal and the Shudras are equal, but these days our condition is even worst than the animals. Before independence, the British government has done the counting of OBC and also there was a act for them. In 1847, there was a counting of OBC caste wise but after 1950 there is not any record of counting of population on the basis of caste. So many time a request had been made but it is an unsuccessful attempt. Every time they said that, by dong this it will give rise to a casteism, it may also lead to caste-conflicts etc. Even after giving a full report on the above subject by Kakasaheb Kalelkar, he made a final remark stating that such counting may give rise to casteism or caste-conflicts. Until 1980, there was act for OBC, but after 1980 Government of India removed the OBC�s act. The 1982 act has been implemented for OBC�s reservation. Inspite all these developments, why counting has not been done for OBC's? is the serious question. There was always been a conflict regarding the constitutional Act 340. Many people say that it is not required, but Dr. Ambedkar explained its importance and the act was been written in constitution. This has emphasis on basically to improve the socially, economically and educationally backward class. And after the report of of Kakasaheb Kalelkar commission and Mandal commission it is world wide clear that there is a educationally backward, socially backward, economically backward and culturally backward class in the country. They referred this as extremely backward class and now there is no doubt for this. As per the thinking of BAMCEF, they, referred this backward class as OBC. As per Hindu Society, they referred this class, as Shudra. This Shudra is only known as OBC. For your information I will tell you, when Kakasaheb Kalelkar has made a questionnaire for recognition of OBC�s. In act these question was totally different. The were something of this kind, If somebody is having faith in Goddess or God Shiva, then they are called OBC. Also those who do not have right to study Veda etc. and this way there are sixteen criteria to decide OBC. Mandal commission has made some criteria for OBC�s identification and they are: - Whether or not the women of family has to go five km away for water? - Whether children of these houses are literate and if so how much? - Whether they have to work in other�s farm? Etc. were the criteria for this community. There real work was to provide services but as they were Shudra they remains backward. If we analyse, why they are backward? Then only answer to this is Hindu Varna Vavstha (Brahminical Social structure) In our country we have the Constitution and it says about freedom, equality and brotherly hood. As per the Constitution there shall be equality but when it comes to OBC there we find unequality. For e.g. when it comes it says there are only so many literate people? And Kunbi also. And there we came to know about the backwardness. In population counting column they write everything like, What kind of accommodation you are living? How many children are there in you family and what they are doing? From this we get exact data and in the same way the could have been done for OBC but they had not done it deliberately. The countries like USA also have provision in their population chart to know origin whether African, Russian and it is a 60 to 70 column long. Thus they have all minute information. The statistical information has some definite meaning and is useful planning future infrastructure/development etc. so same thing could have been happened in our country it would have been definitely useful in improving for backward class. Some of the things may be confidential but at least people will know these data are available with Government. Inspite of all this benefits they do have not made any provision, as they do not want the people of backward class, know their exact strength and stand against the arya-brahminical supremacy. I am working for OBC society from last four to five years. Once I went to one of my OBC friend to discuss the matter regarding the working of group. But at that time my friend was having a talk with one of his Brahmin friend Mr Deshpande. When I told him that I had come to discuss the OBC�s group working he asked me to keep mum and asked his Brahmin friend to leave. Thereafter he came to me for discussion. So from this it is clear that the OBC�s are going to a difficult phase. OBC�s feel inferiority to discuss anything with others. In process of counting they always say it is confidential and data will also be kept confidential. As per the Government procedure/process the govt officer goes to every house ask details to every individual family that which caste you belongs? So you will know you are OBC�s. In Maharashtra OBC�s are going to a difficult situation. When people come to Delhi for election tickets they says their are Maratha, give them a tickets and they will win. But when they get the ticket and return to Maharashtara, they says they are OBC/Kunbi, give them a vote. When OBC�s goes for marriages for their daughter/son they face more troubles. When person does not know himself he also does not know about his enemies. If OBC�s were identified as SC�s the similar plan could have been there for OBC. After 1961 all facilities to OBC were stopped. Our great persons recognise themselves first like Jotiba Phule and Babasaheb Ambedkar. Jotiba Phule understood himself first and accepted that we are Shudra. Until one can�t recognise himself, he can�t make any move. As Jotiba Phule, Babasaeb Ambedkar also has same thought and so they becomes the great persons. Babasaheb say he will represent for Dalit/Shudra. In round table conferencce of 1931/1932, he becames the representative of Dalit�s. Similarly, when OBC will recognise themselves they will never say they will built temple first rather they will say school for children first and then temple. Brahmin�s wants to finish our identity, they know, if OBC will identify themselves they will form unity. So Brahmins always had a effort to finish the identity of OBC by saying there will be a caste conflicts. Gandhiji also says, �Babasaheb, you ask for a seat, we are ready to give it. But do not ask by saying you are representative of Dalit�. Do not go with your identity otherwise there will be pieces of Hindu religion. And as to save Hindu religion he works for 14% of population. That�s way in round table conference Babasaheb Ambedkar proved Hindu religion is a humanitarian. This achieved only because there were Britisher�s ruler/officers. There is also a class of OBC as per the acceptance given by Supreme Court for creamy layer. Inspite of all these things counting has not done and always said there will be caste conflicts. But I will definitely say there is Hindu-Muslim riots because in a counting chart there is a column for religion. But only truth behind thids is to hide the data of OBC. Handicap people also demanded for their counting, so govt has done this and there is a column for handicapped people in counting chart now. Small strength people like Jain/Parsi, their counting has also been done but not for OBC. In Maharashtra there are many different caste of OBC, which are still in a bad shape even worst than SC�s. By a way counting it has been open to all regarding the condition of these caste. If we had a faith in these two great persons, Phule and Babasaheb instead of worship in a different God, then there was a scope of development for us. Today also SC�s are fighting for our rights. Due to their struggle we get the benefit of mandal commission. But we are fighting for temple and the benefits of these are gong to Brahmins. If we look in the matter the Brahmins are trying to invoke the peoples from OBC and SC. And finally, they say, if data is open to all the confilcts could have been finished and everyone came to know about the real enemy. They could have been indicated the OBC�s column. Different castes are still working as per their caste. Barber is doing the work of hair cutting and Dhobi is washing a cloth etc. if we look this way, you will find Hindu religion is inclined towards racial discrimination and the is a concept of superiority and inferiority amongst the people/caste. Every caste feels themselves as a superior and others as inferior. As per as the Muslim religion is concern, the black Muslims from Sudan and Nigeria also supported OSAMA to save him. What happen due to this religion, there is no Vanshveda, but there is religion. But if you see there is a vanshveda in Hindu religion. If counting has done the situation of OBC could have been came to knew. OBC�s are suffering because of the social political parties and not due to ther religion. When Mandal commission came, BJP brought �Kamandal� and Congress brought �Bhumandlikaran�. This leads to complete downfall of our society. The topic for discussion by BAMCEF today is actually the gist of the problems that we face now. We must browse through the socio � economic issues we are faced with. Today's topic for discussion is a big issue facing us. Can the victor and the vanquished have the same religion? Can there culture and way of living be one? Can they profess the same religion or not? When the Negroes in America as well as the Red Indians accepted Christianity then both the blacks and the whites came to profess the same religion. But we are facing the situation not in America but we have to comprehend it in the Indian context. As far as India is concerned, the picture changes totally. We are divided into various castes by the traditional Varna System and the irony of the whole system is that those most affected by the Varna System do not even know about it. The fourth wing of the Varna system have the Shudras, they consider themselves Hindus and even Swarna consider themseleves as Hindus. for ex. We have RajBhar is UP they are Barbers. Sadhvi Rithanbhara of the VHP belongs to the same Caste, preaches hinduism which is actually brahminical in a whole hearted manner. Stupid women that she is, she does not know that te religion in which she is putting her heart and soul into is granting a the states of Shudra, but she thinks otherwise. There are many people who are shudras and inspite of knowing that they are the shudras, they consider themselves as upper caste. In India our people have been totally brain wash by Hinduism which is actually Brahminism. How does it happen? And Why does this happen? These are the few thing s, which we must try to understand for ex. Some Muslims boys' are brain washed but Islam and when they try to abide by the teachings of Orthodox Islam they are called terrorist. The thing is that they are constantly fed with one set of views. similarly in India our people have been subjected to the same treatment. How do we flush out such garbage from their gullible minds is something which needs to be analysed seriously. and we are doing the same in today's discussion. The actual thing is that we are brought with a set of views right from the very beginning and by the time we grow up we carry these ideas subconsciously and then we start spreading the same set of ideas, again subconsciously. Babasaheb Dr. Ambedkar in his Book who Were the Shudras? And Riddles in Hinduism has dwelt at such topics at length. When Aryans come to India from outside they came to India from Prussia which was never a part of India and is not even a boundary of India. In Urdu discovery modern day Iran is called is called Aryan and Aryan came from this area only which was called Prussia in old days. When DNA research was done it was found that people belong to Caucasian race were fare complexion because of cold climate and hence the Aryans are foreigners. the most important thing is this that a features important to Aryan Identity are not found any where in India. For ex. We find ancient Radhminas temple in France, so that proves that the temple originally didn't belong to India and existance of an old Krishna mandir in France is proof enough that Aryans were foreigners and they came to our country from outside. They started writing scriptures here in India and then propagated braminincal teachings. These is our Country when they are asked Who are their ancestors they go dump. All the books written by them have been anaylsed for example Rahul Sanskrutayan try to analyse the Aryans in Volga to Ganga, Dr. B. N. S. Yadav who is from Illahabad he has also analysed it correctly and then the same work was done by L. P. Vidyarthi of Varanasi. All this learned fellows have proved that the Aryans came to India from outside. The gazzete of India (Vol I) edited by P. N. Chopra on page 287 says that the Aryans came to India from outside. The question is and the core issue is how come the religion of victor and vanquished be still the same? Five gods are worshiped in the Vedas for ex. Indra, Varuna, Agni where have they gone today? In Maharashtra they chant Ganpati Bappa Mauraya this brahminical religion is called hinduism by the brahmins. If this brahminical religion is thoroughly analysed then we see that like octopus inhabiting sea it changes its size according to needs so you can called this an octopus religion. The vedas were analysed by Buddist Intelectuals and they posed the question why do you killed animal in Yagna and don't you drink Somras? Those who don't drink liquor you called them you called them AShuras or Rakshasa. Dr. Ambedkar in his book Riddles in Hinduism has analysed the Smritis. Were this smritis written by man or ordained from god. The author's of smritis say that smritis are Sanatan, Dr. Ambedkar has analysed this particular issue in great detail and said that the brahminical religion called the indegeneous people's Shudras and then untouchables and along with this people the Adivasis where also ingrained that you cannot have decent standard of living, decent education, you can't go to temples, etc. etc. You are harijans or girijans. Even then this people regard themselves hindus, they must be questioned. How can these religion be yours? and then these people start talking about mythology. In Hindu mythology rishis munis didn't come out of their mother womb but they sprang from hair, skin, fish etc. All these nonsensical things needs to be analysed scientifically. in Ancient India there was no paper and banana leaves, bhoj patras and tree bark were used to write things for ex. all the literature in Nalanda University was written only on these things. It was set on fire and it contained so much of literature that the flames continued for 7 days continuously and thus our whole literature and so many other things were destroyed completely. That is why our people continued to believe what they were told by this people in ancient years. Even then the brahminical forces feared the Buddhist monks and Shankaracharya propagated hatred towards Buddhist monks that who so ever would killed a the Buddhist monk he will be rewarded in Gold coins. And thus the propagators of Buddist religion were genocide. And few of them fled to Tibet from where they established Tripitak and bring back to India. The victors always tried to inflict there religion on the vanquished for ex. in Bihar if any one from our samaj tries to talk differently he is killed instantly. If someone dresses nicely his dress is torn off. If some one sports modern hair cut then his hair is cut off, that implies that whenever the indegeneous people try to assert themselves then the brahmins inflict thier age old system on him forcefully. Even today the brahmin say that in the Ramcharitra manas Ram came to this earth only to accomplish 4 � 5 task. One is to protect the brahmins. Second to protect the cow. he did not came to protect other living beings. This way the hindu Brahmin propagates such nonsense in society and the irony of the whole situation is that the society is still believes him. In the end Dr. Subachan Ram said, that in a religion were one strata of society is constantly is looked down upon, who is constantly subjected to torture. How can they both belong to the same religion. We have to incalculate such a point of view in our selves so that we can distinguish between this. We have find ways and means and ways and social and cultural upliftment along with our economic development. this is the only solution by which the aborigines can get rid of this firm grip of the brahmins and here lies there true salvation. |
DEMOGRAPHY
Caste and the Census
Suggestions of caste-based enumeration in the 2001 Census have provoked a serious debate.
ASHA KRISHNAKUMAR
CASTE-BASED enumeration of the population has not been carried out in India since 1931. In the last 70 years, some caste names have changed, quite a few new ones have emerged, several castes have merged with others or have moved up or down the social hie rarchy, and many have become politically active.
Caste being a sensitive issue, the proposition of caste-based census naturally provoked serious debate. Social scientists such as Marc Galanter have argued that the census recording of social precedence is a device of colonial domination, designed to und ermine as well as to disprove Indian nationhood. They contend that even assuming that caste data are relevant, enumeration of the population on the basis of caste is bound to be vitiated by vote-bank and reservation politics, leading to the inflation of population figures and the suppression or distortion of vital information on employment, education and economic status, among other things (Frontline, September 25, 1998). They hail the announcement of the Registrar-General of Census, J.K. Bantia, that castes would not be enumerated in the 2001 Census. The decision, according to those opposed to caste enumeration, reflects a clear commitment to eliminate inequality of status and invidious treatment and to establish a society in which the governme nt takes minimal account of ascriptive ties.
An argument in favour of caste enumeration is that if the complexity of castes, which have a significant bearing on society and the polity, is to be understood, authentic data on castes should be available. This was the general opinion of academics, poli ticians, government officials, representatives of various Backward Classes Commissions and mediapersons who gathered in Mysore in July for a seminar on "Caste Enumeration in the Census". The seminar, organised by the Madras Institute of Development Studi es (MIDS), Chennai, in collaboration with Mysore University, the Institute for Social and Economic Change, Bangalore, and the National Institute of Advanced Studies, Bangalore, also discussed alternative systems of data collection to obtain authentic inf ormation on castes.
The need to enumerate castes was emphasised by representatives of various Backward Classes Commissions. Their argument primarily centred on the problems of identification of B.Cs and providing reservation for them.
According to the Chairman of the Karnataka Backward Classes Commission, Prof. Ravivarma Kumar, the first National Commission on Backward Classes (appointed in 1953) and also the various State Commissions have recorded the difficulty they faced in impleme nting reservation for want of caste-related Census data. The Constitution, while providing for reservation in professional institutions and State services for the Scheduled Castes (S.Cs) and the Scheduled Tribes (S.Ts), which are known to be historically disadvantaged, has provisions in Article 15(4) (reservation in professional courses) and Article 16 (4) (reservation of jobs in state services) for reservation "for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes of citizens, known as Oth er Backward Classes (OBCs), in proportion to their population". (However, the C in the OBC began to be referred to as denoting ''castes'' instead of "classes", which denotes a collection of individuals satisfying specified criteria.)
While Census enumerators continue to collect caste data of all castes and tribes listed in the Schedules to Articles 341 and 342, they do not collect data on OBCs. Hence, for want of data, the Backward Classes Commissions resort to indirect methods to ar rive at a head count of the OBCs, whose classification the judiciary most often invalidates.
On the recommendation of these commissions, the National Commission for Backward Classes Act, 1993, was enacted to revise the B.Cs list periodically for "the deletion of castes that have ceased to be backward classes or for inclusion in such lists new ba ckward classes". Again, this cannot be done without caste data.
J.K. Bantia defended the government's decision not to have caste enumeration during the head-count planned for 2001, saying: "The Census as it is is overloaded. Over five million tables are generated and analysed even without caste enumeration."
Andhra Pradesh Backward Classes Commission Chairman K.S. Puttaswamy built up a case for a well-designed, rigorous sample survey by an independent agency. He based his arguments on the path-breaking experiment of his Commission, which appointed T.V. Hanur av to conduct one of the largest independent statistical sample surveys in the country on the socio-economic and educational conditions of caste groups.
THE reasons which were laid out against enumerating castes in the Census broadly fell into three categories - moral, pragmatic and technical. A vigorous moral argument against the collection of caste data is that it would "increase casteism" , "legitimis e castes", "perpetuate castes" and "create cleavages in society". But most of the participants felt that these apprehensions were baseless as non-collection of caste data in the last 70 years had neither eliminated caste distinctions nor ended caste ineq uality.
A pragmatic argument was that there was a tendency to misreport and misrepresent data in order to garner benefits and privileges or to incite caste clashes. But then, non-collection of data has not helped reduce the frequency of caste clashes, which hav e become a reality especially in Bihar. Atrocities against Dalits occur with alarming frequency and intensity in many parts of the country. In fact, some experts argue that in order to address the issue of caste clashes there is a need for authentic data on the socio-economic and political conditions of caste groups.
In the absence of authentic caste data, either the 1931 figures are extrapolated with some modifications or estimates by caste groups themselves are relied upon. Either of these can be misleading, Puttaswamy says. For instance, the population of Andhra P radesh, according to the 1991 Census, was 6.65 crores and the Central Statistical Organisation's (CSO) estimation for 2001 is 7.69 crores. Almost all castes barring Kammas, Jains, Anglo-Indians and Buddhists have claimed B.C. status, arguing that they ar e the most backward on social, educational and economic grounds and that they are under-represented in government services and in political institutions. These castes have come out with estimations of their own numbers; the trouble is that only that they add up to 25 crores, or four times the State's actual population.
That the Census cannot enumerate castes for technical reasons, given the socio-economic complexities and political dimensions, was elaborated by Prof. K. Nagaraj of the MIDS and Prof. P.K. Misra and Suresh Patil of the Anthropological Survey of India. Ba sed on a statistical analysis of the size and spatial distribution of castes in the 1881 Census, Nagaraj argued that "there are broad dimensions to the caste structure which make it extremely difficult to capture the phenomenon of caste through a massive , one-time, quick operation like the Census." He said the complexity arose primarily because of the fragmentation, localisation, fluidity and ambiguity of castes.
Fragmentation: Of the 1,929 castes aggregated in the 1881 Census, 1,126 (58 per cent) had a population of less than 1,000; 556 (29 per cent) less than 100; and 275 (14 per cent) less than 10. There are a large number of single-member castes. At the other extreme, three caste groups - Brahmins, Kunbis and Chamars - accounted for more than a crore each. These three accounted for as many people as the bottom 1,848 (96 per cent) castes.
Localisation: Of the 1,929 caste groups, 1,432 (74 per cent) were found only in one locality (out of 17); 1,780 (92 per cent) were spread across four localities; and only two, Brahmins and the so-called Rajputs, had an all-India presence. The pattern of localisation also seemed to vary across space. For example, while the eastern and southern regions had high localisation of the big caste groups, in the northern and western regions they were spatially spread.
Thus there is a need for knowledge of the local caste systems. Even such statistical techniques as sampling would vary across space. "Decentralised data collection rather than a uniform all-India approach appears essential," Nagaraj said.
The Census, while aggregating caste groups across the country, predicates the exercise on 'varna' or on the caste-occupation nexus. This has resulted in disparate caste groups being clubbed together. If castes could not be grouped in 1881, it would be th at much more difficult to do so today because a number of changes have taken place in the caste system over the years.
Fluidity and ambiguity: Socio-economic and political changes, particularly those since Independence, have introduced a number of ambiguities in the structure and conception of castes, posing enormous problems in enumerating them through a Census-type pro cedure. For example, the changes in migration patterns and caste agglomerations, the caste-occupation nexus and the mix of sacral and secular dimensions in the nature of the caste groups vary widely across space and castes. This introduces ambiguities in the very perception of caste at various levels - legal, official, local and so on.
Misra and Suresh Patil argued that a centralised census operation was not the appropriate way to enumerate castes for several reasons, including change of nomenclature (for instance, Edagai and Balagai, two depressed communities in Karnataka, were entere d as Holeya and Madiga respectively until the 1921 Census, while they became Adi Karnataka and Adi Dravida in the 1931 Census); phonetic resemblance in names (for instance, the Gonds of Karnataka's Uttara Kannada district have nothing to do with the Gond tribals of Madhya Pradesh); religious movements and change of faith (the Veerasaiva religious movement in northern Karnataka drew many artisan castes such as the Kammara (blacksmith), Badiga (carpenter), Kumbara (potter) and Nekara (weaver) into its fol d, while not accepting some other artisan castes such as Bestha (fishermen), Machegara (cobbler) and Dhor (tanner), making it difficult to get separate figures for different artisan groups); and encroachment into another community's identity (the Nayaka community of Karnataka got into the S.T. list as there is a Nayaka tribe in Gujarat. Also its numbers swelled from 4,041 in 1931 to 1,37,410 in 1981).
There is thus the need for a decentralised, multi-disciplinary approach to caste enumeration involving all the stakeholders in the process. Thus the Census, which is centralised on several counts, is not the appropriate agency to enumerate something as complex as castes.
While Ravivarma Kumar argued that the Census could collect caste data by simply introducing a few parameters in the schedule, Prof V.K. Natraj of the MIDS said that it could at best give a head count of various caste groups but would not capture the soci o-economic and political complexities of caste in the country. A head count must be supplemented by an independent, decentralised study, which should then be made transparent, he said.
Among the various alternative methods of caste enumeration discussed at the seminar, the Andhra Pradesh experience, it was felt, was worth considering and replicating in other parts of the country.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl1718/17180910.htm
| Call for first caste census | ||
| CITHARA PAUL | ||
New Delhi, Jan. 3: India may next year witness its first census since Independence that refers to caste, if the Centre accepts a social justice ministry recommendation that could be politically controversial. Officials said the ministry had asked for caste to be included as one of the criteria in the 2011 census, and recommended a differential headcount of the Other Backward Classes and reassessment of their conditions that could lead to changes in the OBC list. The ministry's move follows suggestions for a caste census from the National Commission for Backward Classes and various high courts. A note will be placed before the cabinet for a decision, sources said. The last census that cited caste took place in 1931, after which caste was dropped from the exercise on the ground that it would lead to divisiveness. The country's first home minister, Vallabhbhai Patel, had declared that a caste count would never be done in Independent India. Successive governments have since then resisted calls for such a survey, fearing controversy. Now, armed with the fresh demands, the social justice ministry argues that such a count is necessary to assess the changes that government schemes have brought about in the social, economic and educational conditions of the various castes since 1931. A ministry official acknowledged that the OBCs were at the heart of the proposed caste census. Ever since the Centre accepted the Mandal Commission's recommendations on job reservations in 1990, there have been several demands for accurate OBC population figures.The ministry wants the census directorate, which is under the home ministry, to reassess the various groups' backwardness as well. "In the eight decades since the last caste-based census, there would have been dramatic changes in caste compositions and conditions. There are opportunities for addition and deletion. But all this will be clear only if we have correct data,'' the official said. He added: "The government has a number of welfare schemes on the basis of caste. Without knowing the exact figures of the various castes, how can the government plan its schemes?'' The official said the parliamentary standing committee on the social justice ministry had in a recent report said the government did not have reliable data on the populations of the backward castes and those living below the poverty line. Several political parties such as the Janata Dal (United) and the Lok Janshakti Party have asked for caste surveys but the Centre has so far not responded, fearing controversy. "We are not asking for an exclusive caste-based survey but only for caste to be added to the list of parameters. There is no reason for any controversy,'' the official said.The 10-yearly census is normally based on socio-economic criteria such as age, sex, Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe status, literacy, religion, mother tongue or languages known, and economic and migration status. Former social justice secretary P.S. Krishnan said a caste-based census would be a step towards eliminating caste in the long run. "It is wrong to say that a caste census will re-affirm caste. Equal opportunity for all will eventually eliminate caste,'' said Krishnan, now an adviser to the human resource development ministry. He said that when B.P. Mandal, the author of the Mandal report, had been an MP, he had asked three home ministers — H.M. Patel, Y.B. Chavan and Giani Zail Singh — between 1978 and 1980 to conduct a caste-based census. The next census will be conducted from February 9 to 28, 2011, with March 1 as the reference date. |
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1100104/jsp/frontpage/story_11939668.jsp
BJP to screen My name Is Khan
|
Posted: Friday, Feb 05, 2010 at 0050 hrs IST
Updated: Friday, Feb 05, 2010 at 0050 hrs IST
New Delhi: The Shiv Sena may be threatening to stop the screening of Shahrukh Khan starrer My Name Is Khan but this has not stopped Maharashtra BJP spokesperson Shaina NC from organising an exclusive screening of the film, for selected audience, in the capital on Friday. LK Advani, with his family, and many young BJP MPs are expected to be present for the show.
When contacted, Shaina NC said that she was organising the show 'in her personal capacity' and that Shahrukh had her 'full support' in the present debate that has pitted the Bollywood star against the Thackeray clan. This is probably the first instance when party leaders would be treated to an exclusive screening of a Shahrukh Khan film.
"In a democracy, there can be a difference of opinion, but dialogue alone is the answer to resolving contentious issues," Shaina said . The Maharashtra BJP spokesperson would organise another 'exclusive screening' of the film in Mumbai on Sunday (February 7).
The film releases in theatres across the world, on February 12.
With Shahrukh Khan having come under repeated attacks from the Shiv Sena, especially in its mouthpiece Saamna , the BJP, till Wednesday had stopped short of defending the star, but on Thursday the party asserted that "Shahrukh is an eminent artiste, who has brought glory to the country".
Answering questions on the sustained attacks on Shahrukh, BJP spokesperson Prakash Javadekar had said on Wednesday: "We are against all kinds of violence… everyone has a right to live in Mumbai."
On Thursday, the BJP was unequivocal in condemning the attacks on the Bollywood star. BJP spokesperson Ravi Shankar Prasad said "his party didn't approve of the threats (by the Sena) to stop the release of Shahrukh's film". He also disagreed against the intemperate language used by a Shiv Sena spokesperson against the Bollywood star and added that "Shahrukh was an eminent star, who had brought glory to the country".
More from Politics
Thursday, April 10, 2008
No thanks...
Thanks to Jyotiba Phule, Dr.Ambedkar, Kaka Kalelkar, B.P.Mandal, and countless others who began, and still guide us in this long series of battles.
posted by obc voice @ 10:36 AM 2 comments links to this post 
Wednesday, April 04, 2007
And who were the first to ask for data?
"Before the disease of caste is destroyed all facts about it have to be noted and classified in a scientific manner as in a clinical record. To this end we suggest that the 1961 Census be remodelled and reorganised so as to secure the required information... If possible, Census should be carried out in 1957 instead of in 1961."
That was a recommendation of the Kalelkar Commission outlined in its 1955 report. Let's see what the much reviled B.P.Mandal did to acquire data:
'Advisor to the Human Resource Development ministry for this Supreme Court case, P S Krishnan, told The Indian Express today: "B P Mandal had himself written to three successive Home Ministers and had repeatedly requested them to conduct a caste-based Census. But he was refused saying that Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, independent India's first Home minister, had decided in 1950 that there will be no caste-based census from 1951 onwards, when the first census took place in Free India.[...] Krishnan said that Mandal wrote "three DO letters to three home ministers, namely H M Patel in 1978-79, Y B Chavan in 1979 and Gyani Zail Singh in 1980."'
So, who's afraid of data? And who stopped its collection in the first place? Definitely not the OBCs. Check who were the Prime Ministers when Kalelkar and Mandal made their requests - they were definitely not OBCs. Check who are the sociologists who first opposed and still oppose caste censuses? Andre Beteille and Dipankar Gupta are some of the names that strike you immediately. Aren't these the wiseheads who incidentally also happen to oppose reservations for the OBCs?
Why are you afraid of data? This is one of those umpteen accusations that are hurled at OBCs. Note the insouciance, at best, and brazen shamelessness, at worst, of those who hurl that accusation. If a caste census was carried out in 1961, reservations for OBCs would have started then - on a more comprehensive basis, even in states where they already existed. And perhaps, there wouldn't be as many OBCs now.
Did the OBCs stop the caste censuses forty/fifty years ago so that they could 'assert backwardness and then to claim that we are more backward than you' today? One would have thought the babalog fighting for 'equality' were the only denizens of Delhi who were capable of thinking up such filmi plots and (lines)- but one should've known better. There is a lesson here for the OBCs - if you think things have changed over the last forty/fifty years, you'll remain backward. Forever.
They stopped the collection of data then, because they didn't want to divide the country along lines of caste, they ask for data now because they don't want to divide the country along lines of caste.
posted by obc voice @ 6:27 AM 5 comments links to this post
Sunday, April 01, 2007
Will they close down the IITs/IIMs and JNU etc.,?
Will all admissions at all centrally run higher educational institutions be stopped? Will they close down the IITs/IIMs, Delhi University and JNU etc., until the issue of admissions of the OBC students is resolved? Because how can the government or the courts permit the functioning of institutions that cater only to a few castes in the country and exclude the great majority?
The Supreme Court hasn't ruled out the need for reservations which indicates that it recognizes the fact that many sections of the population aren't represented in these institutions. So how can the government continue to run these institutions that serve so obviously parochial needs? Do only the upper castes in the country have a right to equality and the others don't? And if the lower castes aren't to be admitted into these institutions until the issue is resolved, how can the upper castes be admitted? And how can these institutions still remain public institutions if only upper caste students would be admitted?
In this post, I'd said: 'But crudely put , the government owns them. And they were started with the objective of providing quality education to the people of India. Certain sections of the people were not represented- so they're claiming their share now. Their share, please note.' Which is their right. And these rights, whatever the reasons/pretexts, have been violated for the last sixty years in centrally-run educational institutions. And in most state-run institutions for lesser, but not less critical, periods of time. Now that the violation has been acknowledged, I repeat, should these institutions be allowed to continue to violate these rights? Shouldn't they be closed down until a fairer admissions policy, that reflects an accurate picture of the current demographic composition of the country and meets the very exacting, very objective standards of the courts, is installed?
That won't happen- no upper caste student/job applicant was ever stopped from being admitted/recruited because a new policy of reservations was being questioned in the courts. No academic years were lost, no upper caste applicant was refused a job he'd been selected for because the issue was in the courts. Their rights are important, inviolable - the rights of the lower castes on the other hand are not. Their aspirations, their disappointments can be ignored. Their efforts and their time- well, beggars can't be choosers. They can't choose the time they will be served, right?
The Supreme Court has reaffirmed the view held by the establishment, the ruling upper castes, that the lower castes shouldn't entertain any wrong notions about rights and all that rot. And be grateful for whatever crumbs, bheekh, khairat is thrown their way. Or not thrown.
posted by obc voice @ 12:36 AM 10 comments links to this post
Wednesday, March 28, 2007
It's your country
That's what I had said a few months ago. For sixty years, the Government of India refused to count the OBCs because they didn't exist. Now the Supreme Court says they don't exist because they were never counted. More than an interesting paradox, doesn't that seem like a great con job? I congratulate the smart actors, the collaborators, in this drama, the great pillars of our democracy, I mean your democracy - the government, the courts, the parliament and the press. Their true motives were always quite plain, even if at times one or more of them seemed to have developed something vaguely resembling a conscience. It was only the lower castes, because of their inherent backwardness, their lack of merit, who couldn't see through this sham exercise in democracy.
'Don't divide the country for your votebanks!' How can there be any votebanks if the voters don't exist?
A triumphant commenter on the preceding post says: satyameva jayate! It's time the OBCs learnt the bitter truth that they don't have any place in this country.
posted by obc voice @ 11:48 PM 2 comments links to this post
Rerun
The lower castes shall also decide - is it worth hanging on to this sorry 'democracy'?
posted by obc voice @ 10:51 AM 2 comments links to this post
Friday, October 20, 2006
Roots
This article goes on to say - 'this recent lawsuit marks a new departure in the battle for reparations. Rather than seek to hold the government responsible for the general historic wrongs of slavery, this litigation targets the companies that specifically profited – often illegally – from slavery. The plaintiffs are descendants of slaves upon whom these financial institutions profited.'
Among the financial institutions in the dock are : JP Morgan Chase, Bank of America, Brown Brothers Harriman.
I am reminded of another people, who underwent a similar experience of uprooting..and transplantation as the Africans the article refers to - indentured Indian labourers in the Caribbean and elsewhere. In fact, the two histories are connected. This article says - 'the origins of what came to be known as the system of indentured labor owed everything to the abolition of slavery in 1838.' and it goes on to point out that the means employed to lure Indian labourers to plantations several continents away were..as unsavoury as those employed to trick Africans into slavery.
And I am also reminded of the lower castes in India. And of their inability to rise above their roots. And of the people who are still profiting from their misery.
posted by obc voice @ 12:26 AM 33 comments links to this post
Sunday, October 08, 2006
Kanshi Ram ( 1934-2006)
- Kanshi Ram, the rebel who fought to overthrow the Chamcha Age. The visionary who breathed new life into the term Bahujan.
posted by obc voice @ 4:45 PM 13 comments links to this post
Friday, September 29, 2006
Pundits, I write about you
"No matter how hard they try, there's no escaping their identity. The merit list displayed on the notice board announces it. This rank is their introduction to upper-caste seniors, during friendly ragging sessions, which could later become an outlet for the frustration of general category students. Like the final-year AIIMS (All India Institute of Medical Sciences) student, who made a reserved category fresher sit on the ground while a brahmin fresher sat on a chair, next to him. The senior asked him to say, "I am from a lower caste," repeatedly, to show him his place in the premises, where he had gained an "easy" entry this year. Hostels then become ghettoes. In AIIMS, quota students chiefly occupy the top two floors of the hostel. An engraved message on the door of one quota student on another floor asked him to "get out of this wing". Final-year student Ajay Kumar Singh still recalls the day he shifted from room number 43, which had leakage problems, to number 45. The whole wing was otherwise occupied by general category students, who promptly put up a board on top of the common carrom board, "Everyone except occupant of room number 45 can play." A reserved category student, who managed to become the gym secretary of AIIMS, resigned from his post as the financial secretary (a general category student) refused to release him funds. "He was chased around and beaten up by the executive heads of the student council," says Sunil Chumber, sub-dean of AIIMS. It is believed that several professors are on the side of the anti-reservation battalion. That's why during the recent agitation, some pro-reservation students hid their faces behind their placards, so that their professors wouldn't spot them. Once their pro-reservation rally was even mistaken by newspapers as an anti-reservation demonstration. Dalit students survive through a hard skin formed after a whole life replete with insults." Times.Also at AIIMS : "The second student, who resides in Hostel 2, apparently incurred the wrath of his seniors for coming to the rescue of his friend on several occasions. "I have been subjected to mental and physical torture from my very first day in this institute...I was abused on my caste and...in the last few days my room had been locked from outside because of which I was unable to attend classes," his complaint reads. Both students are from the reserved category. Their complaints were submitted on Friday, along with a memorandum signed by 40 students recounting several cases of caste-based abuse in recent times — including the instances of a seventh-semester student "who...was forced to shift after abuses were written on his door." "
A pundit on Desipundit implies in a snide comment here that I write about 'sanskriti and parampara'. I think I write about institutions, formal and informal,..that block/censor/kill anything that questions our 'sanskriti and parampara'. Like Desipundit... which has certified, more than once, that the students (whose sankriti and parampara the newsreport describes), fighting for 'equality' are non-political, non-violent.
http://obcvoice.blogspot.com/
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Jat people
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
 | This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this article if you can. (February 2010) |
जाट جاٹ ਜੱਟ
 |
| Maharaja Churaman • Bhagat Singh • Gurdas Mann • Bobby Deol Bhagat Dhanna • Foolabai • Maharaja Kishan Singh • Simi Garewal |
| Total population |
|---|
| 33 million[1] |
| Regions with significant populations |
•  India •  Pakistan |
| Languages |
| Religion |
| Related ethnic groups |
| other Indo-Aryan peoples |
The Jat people (Hindi: जाट Jāṭ, Punjabi: ਜੱਟ Jaṭṭ) are a historical Indo-Aryan tribal group native to the Punjab region.[2][3][4][5]
The Jats rose to prominence following the 1669 Jat uprising against Mughal rule, and they ruled various princely states throughout the 18th century. After 1858, under the British Raj, the Jats were known for their service in the Indian Army, being categorized as a "martial race" by the British, specifically in the Punjab Regiment, the Jat Regiment and the Sikh Regiment.
Today, they form a social group in both India and Pakistan, organized in numerous clans, with an estimated total population of roughly 30 million.
| |
Name
The name Jat has frequently been connected to the name of the Getae and Massagetae, beginning with James Tod (1829), suggesting an ultimate origin of the Jat tribal group in the Indo-Scythian period of roughly 200 BC to AD 400.[6][7][8][9][10][11][12] Alexander Cunningham connected the name of the Xanthii[13][14][15],
The tribal name Jat is first mentioned in the Mahabharata. Jat historian Thakur Deshraj suggested that Jat is a Prakrit derivation from Sanskrit jñāta, based on Panini's mention of Aṣṭādhyāyī in the form of shloka as जट झट सङ्घाते jat jhat sanghate.[16][17]
Deshraj further supposes that the name originates with the jñātisaṃgha (ज्ञातिसंघ) that according to the Mahabharata was formed by Krishna as a federation of Vrishni and Andhaka clans. [18]
Jats are further mentioned in a 5th century grammar treatise by Chandra, in the phrase अजय जर्टो हुणान ajaya jarto huṇān", which refers to the defeat of Huns by two Jat rulers under the leadership of Yasodharman.[19]
G. C. Dwivedi writes that the Persian Majmal-ut-Tawarikh mentions Jats and Meds as the descendants of Ham (son of Noah), living in Sind on the banks of the river Bahar.[20][21] S.M. Yunus Jaffery believes that the Jat people have been mentioned in Shāhnāma, a well-known Persian epic.[22]
Origins and genetic studies
 | It has been suggested that Origin of the Jat people be merged into this article or section. (Discuss) |
The Jats have apparently formed during the centuries following the collapse of the Kushan Empire, during the early medieval period. They are assumed to be the product of admixture of Indo-Scythian elements to local Indo-Aryan groups.[23]
In 2007 a limited medical survey of haplotypes frequently found in the Jat Sikhs and Jats of Haryana, and the Romani populations resulted in no matches.[24] However, the recent discovery in 2009 of the "Jat mutation" that causes a type of glaucoma in Romani people. The press release from Leeds University states:
"An international collaboration led by Manir Ali of the Leeds Institute of Molecular Medicine, first identified the 'Jatt' mutation in one of four Pakistani families. Further study amongst Roma populations in Europe showed that the same mutation accounted for nearly half of all cases of PCG [Primary congenital glaucoma] in that community. Manir Ali's research also confirms the widely accepted view that the Roma originated from the Jatt clan of Northern India and Pakistan and not from Eastern Europe as previously believed."[25][26][27]
There is some evidence connecting the Jats and the Romani people, the descendants of Indo-Aryan groups which emigrated from India towards Central Asia during the medieval period.[28] There are serological[29] similarities shared with several populations that linked the two people in a 1992 study.[30][31]
History
Medieval period
There are very few records concerning Jats prior to the 17th century. Some Jat states in Rajasthan (the Bikaner region, then known as Jangladesh) can be established for the 15th century, and with less certainty for the medieval period from about the 10th century.
K.R. Qanungo writes that when Muhammad bin Qasim invaded Sindh, the Kaikan region in Sindh was in independent possession of the Jat people.[32] In addition to frequent interaction with Jats (who for them represented Indians), the first Arab invasions of Persia and Sindh were met by the Jat people. According to Thakur Deshraj and Cunningham, Jat people of the Panwhar clan ruled Umerkot in Sindh prior to Mughal ruler Humayun.[33][34]
Thakur Deshraj also mentions that the Susthan region in Sindh was ruled by Chandra Ram, a Jat of Hala clan. Chandra Ram lost his kingdom (known as Halakhandi) to the Muslim invaders sent by Muhammad bin Qasim.[35][36]
There is no information of any important Jat state in a period of two centuries following Kushan rule. However, in the beginning of fifth century, there is evidence of the Jat ruler Maharaja Shalinder ruling from "Shalpur" (the present-day Sialkot); his territory extended from Punjab to Malwa and Rajasthan. This is indicated by the Pali inscription obtained by James Tod from village Kanswa[37] in Kota state in year 1820 AD.[38]
Jat uprising and aftermath
ca. 1835-40
In 1699, the Jat people of the Gokula region around Mathura rebelled against the powerful Mughal rulers (see 1669 Jat uprising).[39] The rebellion resulted from political provocation aggravated by the economic discontent, and further aggravated by the religious persecution and discrimination.[40]
In the disorder following Aurangzeb's death in 1707, the Jat resistance resumed, organized under the leadership of Churaman (1695–1721). Churaman's nephew, Badan Singh (1722–1756), established a kingdom centered at Deeg, from which he extended his rule over Agra and Mathura. Badan Singh's eldest son and successor, Maharaja Suraj Mal (1707–1763), extended his kingdom to include Agra, Mathura, Dholpur, Mainpuri, Hathras, Aligarh, Etawah, Meerut, Rohtak (including Bhiwani), Farrukhnagar, Mewat, Rewari and Gurgaon. He has been described as one of the greatest Jat rulers.[41][42] Suraj Mal moved the capital from Deeg to Bharatpur in 1733. Rustam, a Jat king of the Sogariya clan, had previously laid the foundation of the modern city of Bharatpur. During the British Raj, the princely state of Bharatpur covered an area of 5,123 km2, and its rulers enjoyed a salute of 17 guns. The state acceded to the dominion of India in 1947.
Jat states of the 18th century
According to Cunningham and William Cook, the city of Gohad was founded in 1505 by the Jats of Bamraulia village, who had been forced to leave Bamraulia by a satrap of Firuz Shah Tughluq. Gohad developed into an important Jat state, and was later captured by the Marathas. The Jat people of Gohad signed a treaty with the British and helped them capture Gwalior and Gohad from the Marathas. The British kept Gwalior and handed control of Gohad to Jat people in 1804.[43] Gohad was handed over to the Marathas under a revised treaty dated 22 November 1805 between the Marathas and the British. As a compensation for Gohad, the Jat ruler Rana Kirat Singh was given Dhaulpur, Badi and Rajakheda; Kirat Singh moved to Dhaulpur in December 1805.[43]
In the 10th century, the Jat people took control of Dholpur, which had earlier been ruled by the Rajputs and the Yadavs. Dholpur was taken by Sikandar Lodhi in 1501, who transferred it to a Muslim governor in 1504. In 1527, the Dholpur fort fell to Babur and continued to be ruled by the Mughals until 1707. After the death of the Mughal emperor Aurangzeb, Raja Kalyan Singh Bhadauria obtained possession of Dholpur, and his family retained it until 1761. After that, Dholpur was taken successively by the Jat ruler Maharaja Suraj Mal of Bharatpur; by Mirza Najaf Khan in 1775; by the Scindia ruler of Gwalior in 1782; and finally, by the British East India Company in 1803. It was restored by the British to the Scindias under the Treaty of Sarji Anjangaon, but in consequence of new arrangements, was again occupied by the British. In 1806, Dholpur again came under the Jat rulers, when it was handed over to Kirat Singh of Gohad. Dholpur thus became a princely state, a vassal of the British during the Raj.
Ballabhgarh was another important princely state established by the Jat people of the Tewatia clan, who had come from Janauli village. Balram Singh, the brother-in-law of Maharaja Suraj Mal was the first powerful ruler of Ballabhgarh. Raja Nahar Singh (1823–1858) was another notable king of this princely state.
Patiala and Nabha were two important Sikh[44][45] states in Punjab, ruled by the Jat-Sikh [46] people of the Siddhu clan.[47] The Jind state in present-day Haryana was founded by the descendants of Phul Jat of Siddhu ancestry.[47] These states were formed with the Military assistance of the 6th Sikh Guru, known as Guru Har Gobind.[48] The rulers of Faridkot were Brar Jat Sikhs.[49] The princely state of Kalsia was ruled by Sandhu Jat Sikhs.[50]
Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780–1839) of the Sandhawalia[47] Jat clan of Punjab became the Sikh emperor of the sovereign country of Punjab and the Sikh Empire. He united the Sikh factions into one state, and conquered vast tracts of territory on all sides of his kingdom. From the capture of Lahore in 1799, he rapidly annexed the rest of the Punjab. To secure his empire, he invaded Afghanistan, and defeated the Pathan militias and tribes. Ranjit Singh took the title of "Maharaja" on April 12, 1801 (to coincide with Baisakhi day). Lahore served as his capital from 1799. In 1802 he took the city of Amritsar. In the year 1802, Ranjit Singh successfully invaded Kashmir.
Other Jat states of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries included Kuchesar (ruled by the Dalal Jat clan of Mandoti, Haryana), and the Mursan state (the present-day Hathras district in Uttar Pradesh) ruled by the Thenua Jats.
The Jat people also briefly ruled at Gwalior and Agra. The Jat rulers Maharaja Bhim Singh Rana (1707–1756) and Maharaja Chhatar Singh Rana (1757–1782) occupied the Gwalior fort twice, Maharaja Bhim Singh Rana from 1740 to 1756, and Maharaja Chhatra Singh Rana from 1780 to 1783. Maharaja Suraj Mal captured Agra Fort on 12 June 1761 and it remained in the possession of Bharatpur rulers till 1774.[51] After Maharaja Suraj Mal, Maharaja Jawahar Singh, Maharaja Ratan Singh and Maharaja Kehri Singh (minor) under resident ship of Maharaja Nawal Singh ruled over Agra Fort.
Culture and society
The life and culture of Jats is full of diversity and approaches most closely to that ascribed to the traditional Central Asian colonists of South Asia.[52][53] The Jat lifestyle was designed to foster a martial spirit.[54] Whenever they lost their kingdoms, Jat people retired to the country-side and became landed barons and the landlords with their swords girded round their waists.[52] They would draw the sword out of the scabbard at the command of their panchayat to fight with the invaders. Jat people have a history of being brave and ready fighters.[52] They are fiercely independent in character and value their self respect more than anything, which is why they offered heavy resistance against any foreign force that treated them unjustly.[52] They are known for their pride, bravery and readyness to sacrifice their lives in battle for their people and kinsmen.[53] In the government of their villages, they appear much more democratic. They have less reverence for hereditary right and a preference for elected headmen.[52]
Military
A large number of Jatt people serve in the Indian Army, including the Jat Regiment, Sikh Regiment, Rajputana Rifles and the Grenadiers, where they have won many of the highest military awards for gallantry and bravery. Jat people also serve in the Pakistan Army especially in the Punjab Regiment, where they have also been highly decorated. The Jat Regiment is an infantry regiment of the Indian Army, it is one of the longest serving and most decorated regiments of the Indian Army[55]. The regiment has won 19 battle honours between 1839 to 1947[56] and post independence 5 battle honours, eight Mahavir Chakra, eight Kirti Chakra, 32 Shaurya Chakras, 39 Vir Chakras and 170 Sena medals[57] Major Hoshiar Singh of Rohtak won the Paramvir Chakra during Indo-Pak war of 1971. Rohtak district, which has a high density of Jat people, has the distinction of producing the highest number of Victoria Cross winners of any district in India.
The Jat people were designated by British officials as a "Martial Race". "Martial Race" was a designation created by officials of British India to describe "races" (peoples) that were thought to be naturally warlike and aggressive in battle, and to possess qualities like courage, loyalty, self sufficiency, physical strength, resilience, orderliness, hard working, fighting tenacity and military strategy. The British recruited heavily from these Martial Races for service in the colonial army.[58]
Traditionally they have dominated as the political class in Punjab.[59]
A number of Jat people belonging to the political classes have produced many political leaders, including the 6th Prime Minister of India, Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh. Moreover, there have been many Jat Kings and warriors throughout history.[60]
The Jat people are one of the most prosperous groups in India on a per-capita basis (Punjab, Haryana, and Gujarat are the wealthiest of Indian states).[61]
Social customs
All Jats, irrespective of their official or financial positions in life, have equal social status .
The only criterion of superiority is age. The Jat people are ethnically and culturally required to marry within their community. With the advancement of modern civilization, as people are becoming less dependent upon and more tolerant towards each other, the joint family system is going out of vogue; it is still prevalent in the less advanced areas.
Religion
Jat people are followers of many faiths. Today they mostly follow Hinduism, Islam, or Sikhism, with a minority following Christianity, especially Jats living in the in UK.
In 1925, the population of the Jat people was around nine million in South Asia, made up of followers of three major religions as shown below as per Kalika Ranjan Qanungo:[52]
| Religion | Jat Population % |
|---|---|
| Hinduism | 47% |
| Islam | 33% |
| Sikhism | 20% |
Most Jat Gotras (which also have the most population) fall under the Hindu Jat Gotra list according to various books on Jat History. During the early 1900s four million Jats of present-day Pakistan were mainly Muslim by faith and the nearly six million Jats of present-day India were mostly divided into two large groups: Sikhs, concentrated in Punjab, and Hindu; in accordance with the Hindu varna system the Jats belong to Kshatriya varna. The alternate view is that Jats belonged to the Sudra[62][63] Varna of the Hindu caste system, because they did not follow Brahmanic rites and rituals [64][65]. Also because they tend to be mostly farmers in Punjab and Haryana, they could be termed as Vaishya[66]. Some historians consider Jats, along with Kayasthas and Gujars, out of purview of varna system.[67]
It is speculated that Jats were Sakas (of Scythian origin) or republic kshatriyas, like the Khatris, Tarkhan people, Rajputs, Lohars, Gujjars and Kambojas, and these communities are closely (genetically) related to the Jat community.
Those of the Punjabi areas of India and Pakistan are more often landlord farmers. Numerically, Jat people form the largest percentage of the Sikh community.
The Jat Muslims in the western regions are organized in hundreds of groups tracing their descent through paternal lines.
Most Sikh Jats were converted from Hindus, so they would join forces with the Khalsa to fight against the Mughal monarchy.
Language
Jat people usually speak Punjabi Urdu, Gojri, Dogri, Sindhi, Hindi and its dialects (Rajasthani, Haryanvi, Malvi). Sikh and Muslim Jat people from the Punjab mostly speak Punjabi and its various dialects (such as Maajhi, Malwi, Doabi, Saraiki, Pothohari, and Jhangochi).
Clan system
The Jat people have always organized themselves into hundreds of patrilineage clans, Panchayat system or Khap. A clan was based on one small gotra or a number of related gotras under one elected leader whose word was law.[68] The big Jat clans now are so big that many individuals in them are only related to each other by individuals that lived typically hundreds of years ago. Mutual quarrels of any intensity could be settled by orders of Jat elders. In times of danger, the whole clan rallied under the banner of the leader. The Jat Khap or Panchayat system is territorial and highly democratic. A number of Khaps form a Sarva Khap embracing a full province or state. Negotiations were done at Sarva Khap level.
In addition to the conventional Sarva Khap Panchayat, there are regional Jat Mahasabhas affiliated to the All India Jat Mahasabha to organize and safeguard the interests of the community, which held its meeting at regional and national levels to take stock of their activities and devise practical ways and means for the amelioration of the community.[69]
The Jat people clan names are unique in South Asia. However, some of their clan names do overlap with the Rajputs and Gujjars.[70] List of Jat Clans have been compiled by many Jat historians like Ompal Singh Tugania,[71] Bhaleram Beniwal.[72][73] Mahendra Singh Arya and others,[74] Thakur Deshraj,[75] Dilip Singh Ahlawat,[76] Ram Swarup Joon[77] etc. The above lists have more than 2700 Jat gotras. Thakur Deshraj, Ram Swarup Joon and Dilip Singh Ahlawat have mentioned history of some of Jat gotras. Some websites of Jats have also prepared list of Jat Gotras with details of history and distriburion.[78]
Demographics
Today, the largest population centre is located in the Punjab region,Hariyana, Rajasthan and there are smaller distributions across the world, due to the large immigrant diaspora. In the immigrant diaspora major populations centres include the U.K., U.S., Canada, New Zealand, Singapore, Japan, Indonesia, Russia, Belgium and Australia.
Population estimates
.
The census in 1931 in India recorded population on the basis of ethnicity. In 1925, according to Qanungo[79] the population of Jatts was around nine million in South Asia and was made up of followers of three major religions as shown below.
| Religion | Jat Population % |
|---|---|
| Hinduism | 47% |
| Islam | 33% |
| Sikhism | 20% |
Dhillon (1988), states by taking population statistical analysis into consideration the Jatt population growth of both India and Pakistan since 1925, Quanungo's figure of nine million could be translated into a minimum population statistic (1988) of 30 million.[80]
According to earlier censuses, the Jati or Jat people accounted for approximately 25% of the entire Sindhi-Punjabi speaking area, making it the one of "largest single socially distinctive group" in the region.[81]
Hukum Singh Pawar (Pauria) states, adequate statistics about Jat people population are available in the Census Report of India of 1931, which is the last and the most comprehensive source of information on the Jat people, who were estimated to be approximately ten million in number at that time.[82] From 1931 to 1988 the estimated increase in the Jat people population of the Indian subcontinent including Pakistan respectively is 3.5% Hindu, 3.5% Sikh and 4.0% Muslim.[83]Sukhbir Singh estimates that the population of Hindu Jatts, numbered at 2,210,945 in the 1931 census, rose to about 7,738,308 by 1988, whereas Muslim Jatts, numbered at 3,287,875 in 1931, would have risen to about 13,151,500 in 1988. The total population of Jatts was given as 8,406,375 in 1931, and estimated to have been about 31,066,253 in 1988.
The region-wise break-up of the total Jatt people population (including the Jat Hindu, Jat Sikh and Jat Muslim) is given in the following table. The Jat people, approximately 73%, are located mainly in the Punjab region:[84]
| Name of region | Jat Population 1931 | Approx Percentage |
|---|---|---|
| Punjab region | 6,068,302 | 73 % |
| Rajasthan | 1,043,153 | 12 % |
| Uttar Pradesh | 810,114 | 9.2 % |
| Jammu & Kashmir | 148,993 | 2 % |
| Balochistan | 93,726 | 1.2 % |
| NWFP | 76,327 | 1 % |
| Bombay Presidency | 54,362 | 0.7 % |
| Delhi | 53,271 | 0.6 % |
| CP & Brar | 28,135 | 0.3 % |
| Ajmer-Marwar | 29,992 | 0.3 % |
| Total | 8,406,375 | 100 % |
Jat people in Pakistan
A large number of the Jat people live in Pakistan[85] and occupy dominant roles in public life in Pakistan Punjab and Pakistan in general.[86][87]
In addition to the Punjab, Jat communities are also found in Pakistani administered Kashmir, in Sindh, particularly the Indus delta and among Seraiki speaking communities in southern Punjab, the Kachhi region of Baluchistan and the Dera Ismail Khan District of the North West Frontier Province.
Jat people in India
Jat people are considered a forward class in all the states of India with those of Punjabi or Haryana origin. Some specific clans of Jat people are classified as OBC in some states, e.g. Jat Muslim in Gujarat[88] and Mirdha Jat people (except Jat Muslims) in Madhya Pradesh.[89] Land reforms, particularly the abolition of Jagirdari and Zamindari systems, Panchayati Raj and Green revolution, to which Jat people have been major contributors, have immensely contributed to the economic betterment of the Jat people.
Adult franchise has created enormous social and political awakening among Jat people. Consolidation of economic gains and participation in the electoral process are two visible outcomes of the post-independence situation. Through this participation they have been able to significantly influence the politics of north India. However since demise of Charan Singh and Devi Lal and rise of OBC and Bahujan Samaj Party their influence is on decline. Economic differentiation, migration and mobility could be clearly noticed amongst the Jat people.[90]
Jat diaspora
The Association of Jats of America (AJATA) is the main Jat people organization of North America.[91] It serves as the main body, forum and lobby for Jat people issues in North America.
The North American Jat Charities (NAJC) is one of the main Jat people Charities of North America. It serves as a charity for the welfare Jat people in North America.[92]
See also
- List of Jats
- Jatt Sikh
- Beniwal
- Muslim Jat
- Saini
- Yadav
- Ahir
- Indo-Scythians
- Indo-Aryan peoples
- Kshatriyas
- Ror
- Changal
References
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- ^ John Marshall, A Guide to Taxila, Cambridge University Press, London, 1960, pp. 24.
- ^ Hewitt, J.F., The Ruling Races of Prehistoric Times in India, South-Western Asia and Southern Europe, Archibald Constable & Co., London, 1894, pp. 481-487.
- ^ Latif, S.M., History of the Panjab, Reprinted by Progressive Books, Lahore, Pakistan, 1984, first published in 1891, pp. 56.
- ^ John Marshall (archaeologist), A Guide to Taxila, Cambridge University Press, London, 1960, pp. 24.
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- ^ Thakur Deshraj: Jat Ithas, Delhi, 1992, p. 30 धन्यं यशस्यम आयुष्यं सवपक्षॊथ्भावनं शुभमज्ञातीनाम अविनाशः सयाथ यदा कृष्ण तदा कुरु Mahabharata (XII.82.27)dhanyaṃ yaśasyam āyuṣyaṃ svapakṣodbhāvanaṃ śubhamjñātīnām avināśaḥ syād yathā kṛṣṇa tathā kuru Mahabharata (XII.82.27) माधवाः कुकुरा भॊजाः सर्वे चान्धकवृष्णयः (Andhaka+Vrishni)तवय्य आसक्ता महाबाहॊ लॊका लॊकेश्वराश च ये Mahabharata (XII.82.29)mādhavāḥ kukurā bhojāḥ sarve cāndhakavṛṣṇayaḥtvayy āsaktā mahābāho lokā lokeśvarāś ca ye Mahabharata (XII.82.29)
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- ^ S.M. Yunus Jaffery:The Jats - Their Role and Contribution to the Socio-Economic Life and Polity of North and North West India, Vol.I, 2004. Page 36-37, Ed. by Vir Singh, Publisher - M/S Originals (an imprint of low priced publications), A-6, Nimri commercial Centre, Near Ashok Vihar, Phase-IV, Delhi-110052
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- ^ "Jatt mutation found in Romani populations". Medicalnewstoday.com. http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/146142.php. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ http://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2009/04/090415074850.htm www.sciencedaily.com
- ^ http://www.leeds.ac.uk/media/press_releases/current09/glaucoma.htm Leeds University Press Release
- ^ "Gypsy identities, 1500–2000: from ... - Google Books". Books.google.co.uk. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=jHllbAvjX_gC&pg=PA122&lpg=PA122&dq=JAT+AND+GYPSY+CONNECTION&source=bl&ots=IcyVr9AI41&sig=wDQjHS_FMkG2YFi7yEKHWKmrdEY&hl=en&ei=r_tASp3cHtGZjAfmltyQCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=3. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ "The role of the Romanies: images and ... - Google Books". Books.google.co.uk. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=KNVhLzzIcCEC&pg=PA94&lpg=PA94&dq=JAT+AND+GYPSY+genetic&source=bl&ots=EVMH52uVF6&sig=D546esHN3VmtG-6bObsE_f7oKsU&hl=en&ei=1fxASvTLOqS8jAfYjL2QCQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=7. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ "ROMANI Project - Manchester". Romani.humanities.manchester.ac.uk. http://romani.humanities.manchester.ac.uk/db/bibliography/index.html?cat=19. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ Hancock, Ian. Ame Sam e Rromane Džene/We are the Romani people. p. 13. ISBN 1902806190
- ^ K.R.Qanungo, History of the Jats, Ed. Vir Singh, 2003, p.17
- ^ Memoirs of Humayun, p. 45
- ^ Thakur Deshraj, Jat Itihas, p.705
- ^ Thakur Deshraj, Jat Itihas (Hindi), Maharaja Suraj Mal Smarak Shiksha Sansthan, Delhi, 1934, 2nd edition 1992 page 702.
- ^ Sindh Ka itihas, p.30
- ^ "The Department of Archaeology and Museums, Government of Rajasthan". Museumsrajasthan.gov.in. http://museumsrajasthan.gov.in/mounment_11.htm. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ Thakur Deshraj, Jat Itihas, p.208-211
- ^ Girish Chandra Dwivedi, The Jats – Their role in the Mughal empire, Ed. by Vir Singh. Delhi, 2003, p. 15
- ^ Girish Chandra Dwivedi, The Jats – Their role in the Mughal empire, Ed. by Vir Singh. Delhi, 2003, p. 25
- ^ Siyar IV, p. 28
- ^ K.R. Qanungo, History of the Jats, Ed. Vir Singh, Delhi, 2003, p. 97
- ^ a b Ajay Kumar Agnihotri (1985) : "Gohad ke Jaton ka Itihas" (Hindi), p.63-71
- ^ SINGH,BHAGAT A History of Sikh Misals Patiala,India, Punjabi University. 1993, First Edition
- ^ Patiala Heritage Society. "Reference to Sikh State". Patialaheritage.in. http://patialaheritage.in/in/history.html. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ "Reference to Sikh States". Patiala.nic.in. http://patiala.nic.in/html/history.htm. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ a b c History of the Jatt Clans - H.S. Duleh.
- ^ SINGH,BHAGAT A History of Sikh Misals Patiala,India, Punjabi University. 1993, First Edition page 130
- ^ http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=riBJH0J1FR0C&pg=PA541&dq=faridkot+brar&as_brr=3&cd=1#v=onepage&q=faridkot%20brar&f=false
- ^ http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=hIPy0LpPm9oC&pg=PA227&dq=kalsia&lr=&as_brr=3&cd=18#v=onepage&q=kalsia&f=false
- ^ Prakash Chandra Chandawat: Maharaja Suraj Mal aur unka yug, Jaypal Agencies Agra, 1982, Pages 197–200
- ^ a b c d e f Kalika Ranjan Qanungo: History of the Jats, Delhi 2003. Edited and annotated by Vir Singh
- ^ a b Mangal sen Jindal (1992): History of Origin of Some Clans in India (with special Reference to Jats), Sarup & Sons, 4378/4B, Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-110002 ISBN 81-85431-08-6, Page-17, 36.
- ^ Glossary of the tribes and castes of the Punjab and NWFP, H A Rose
- ^ http://www.india-defence.com/reports/2849.
- ^ http://www.bharat-rakshak.com/MONITOR/ISSUE3-4/bajwa.html .
- ^ http://www.india-defence.com/reports/2849.
- ^ Glossary of the tribes the Punjab and NWFP, H A Rose
- ^ History of Punjab politics: Jats do it!
- ^ History of the Jatt Clans - H.S Duleh.
- ^ Haryana Online
- ^ http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=W_nVHIDgbogC&pg=PA777&lpg=PA777&dq=jat+shudra&source=bl&ots=2B_uHeti60&sig=aRDI-v82FdP5rFchxsIBKO8kyaY&hl=en&ei=Vf44SuPSLsvRjAeP5_SmDQ&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=10
- ^ http://www.tribuneindia.com/1999/99nov21/book.htm
- ^ Tod.II.256
- ^ Historical Evidence Chapter 1:Scythic Origin of the Rajput Race by Mulchand Chauhan
- ^ http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/621678/Vaishya
- ^ Mohan Lal Gupta:Rajasthan Jñānkosh, Rajasthani Granthagar, Jodhpur, 2008, ISBN 81-86103-05-8, p.244
- ^ Maheswari Prasad:The Jats - Their role & contribution to the socio-economic life and polity of North & North-West India, Vol.I Ed. Vir Singh, ISBN 81-88629-17-0, p.27
- ^ B.K. Nagla, "Jats of Haryana: A sociplogical Analysis", The Jats, Vol. II, Ed. Vir Singh, p.308
- ^ Marshall, J., A Guide to Taxila, Cambridge University Press, London, 1960, pp. 24.
- ^ Ompal Singh Tugania: Jat samudāy ke pramukh Ādhār bindu, Jaypal Agencies, Agra 2004
- ^ Bhaleram Beniwal: Jāton kā Ādikālīn Itihāsa, Jaypal Agencies, Agra 2005.
- ^ Bhaleram Beniwal: Jāt Yodhaon ke Balidān, Jaypal Agencies, Agra 2005
- ^ Mahendra Singh Arya, Dharmpal Singh Dudi, Kishan Singh Faujdar & Vijendra Singh Narwar: Ādhunik Jat Itihasa (The modern history of Jats), Agra 1998
- ^ Thakur Deshraj: Jat Itihasa (Hindi), Maharaja Suraj Mal Smarak Shiksha Sansthan, Delhi, 1934, 2nd
- ^ Dilip Singh Ahlawat: Jat viron ka Itihasa
- ^ Ram Swarup Joon: History of the Jats, Rohtak, India (1938, 1967)
- ^ List of Jat Gotras on Jatland In Pakistan the head of Pakistan Muslim League(Q) and former prime Minister Ch. Shujaat Hussain is a jat also. His Cousin Ch. Pervaiz Ilahi who was the Chief Minister of Punjab (Pakistani) is also a jat.
- ^ Kalika Ranjan Qanungo: History of the Jats, Delhi 2003. Edited and annotated by Vir Singh
- ^ History and study of the Jats. B. S. Dhillon, year=1994, Beta Publishers, ISBN 1895603021
- ^ The People of Asia by Gordon T. Bowles. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London. 1977, p. 158.
- ^ Census of India 1931, Vol.I, Pt.2; Delhi:1933.Encl. Brit. Vol.12, 1968 Jats, p.969
- ^ Sukhbir Singh q. in "Suraj Sujan", August, September and October Issues, 1990, Maharaja Suraj Mal Sansthan, C-4, Janakpuri, New Delhi.
- ^ Hukum Singh Pawar (Pauria):The Jats - Their Origin, Antiquity and Migration. 1993, ISBN 81-85253-22-8
- ^ The Jats - Their Origin, Antiquity and Migration. 1993, ISBN 81-85253-22-8
- ^ B. S. Dhillon (1994). History and study of the Jatts. Beta Publishers. ISBN 1895603021.
- ^ K.R.Qanungo, History of the Jat people, Ed Vir Singh, Delhi, 2003
- ^ "Central List Of Other Backward Classes: Gujarat". National Commission for Backward Classes. http://ncbc.nic.in/backward-classes/gujarat.html. Retrieved 2007-06-24.
- ^ "Central List Of Other Backward Classes: Madhya Pradesh". National Commission for Backward Classes. http://ncbc.nic.in/backward-classes/mp.html. Retrieved 2007-06-24.
- ^ K L Sharma:The Jats - Their Role and Contribution to the Socio-Economic Life and Polity of North and North West India, Vol.I, 2004. Ed. by Vir Singh,p.14
- ^ "Association of Jats of America". AJATA. http://www.ajata.org/. Retrieved 2009-08-09.
- ^ [(NJAC) North American Jat Charities http://www.najatcharities.org/about.html]
Further reading
- Historical Evidence Chapter 1:Scythic Origin of the Rajput Race by Mulchand Chauhan
- Rattan Singh Bhangoo. Prachin Panth Parkash, Punjabi, Published in 1841.
- Bal Kishan Dabas. Political and Social History of the Jats". Sanjay Prakashan, 2001. ISBN 81-7453-045-2
- Dharampal Singh Dudee. Indian Army History: France to Kargil. 2001.
- Dharampal Singh Dudee. Navin Jat History. Shaheed Dham Trust, Bhiwani, Haryana, India.
- Kanungo. History of the Jats.
- Natthan Singh. Jat-Itihas. Jat Samaj Kalyan Parishad, Gwalior, 2004.
- Hukum Singh Panwar (Pauria). The Jats: Their Origin, Antiquity & Migrations. Manthan Publications, Rohtak, Haryana. ISBN 81-85235-22-8
- K. Natwar Singh. Maharaja Suraj Mal.
- Prakash Chandra Chandawat. Maharaja Suraj Mal Aur Unka Yug (1745–1763). Jaypal Agencies, Agra. 1982. (in Hindi)
- Raj Pal Singh. Rise of the Jat Power. Harman Pub. House. ISBN 81-85151-05-9
- Aadhunik Jat Itihas. Dharmpal Singh Dudee & Mahinder Singh Arya. Jaypal Agency, Agra. 1998.
- Ram Swaroop Joon. History of the Jats.
- Shashi Prabha Gupta. Demographic Differentials Among the Rajputs and the Jats: A Socio-Biological Study of Rural Haryana. Classical Pub. House. ISBN 81-7054-180-8
- Thakur Deshraj Jat Itihasa Maharaja Suraj Mal. Smarak Shiksha Sansthan, Delhi. 1936. (in Hindi)
- Girish Chandra Dwivedi The Jats - Their Role in the Mughal Empire. Surajmal Educational Society, New Delhi, India. ISBN- 81-7031-150-0.
- Atal Singh Khokkar. Jaton ki Utpati evam Vistar. Jaipal Agencies, 31-1 Subashpuram, Agra, UP, India 282007. 2002.
- Chaudhary Kabul Singh. Sarv Khap Itihasa (History of the Jat Republic). Shoram, Muzzafarnagar, U.P. India. 1976.
- Nihal Singh Arya. Sarv Khap Panchayat ka Rastriya Parakram (The National Role of the Jat Republic of Haryana). Arya mandal, B 11 Om Mandal, Nangloi, New Delhi, India. 1991
- Mangal sen Jindal. History of Origin of Some Clans in India (with special Reference to Jats). Sarup & Sons, 4378/4B, Ansari Road, Darya Ganj, New Delhi-110002. ISBN 81-85431-08-6
- Vir Singh. The Jats - Their Role and Contribution to the Socio Economic Life and Polity of North and North West India. Surajmal Educational Society, D K Publishers, New Delhi, India. 2004. ISBN 81-88629-16-2
- B. S. Dhillon History and study of the Jats, Beta Publishers. 1994. ISBN 1895603021
- Encyclopedia of Medical Anthropology By Melvin Ember, Page 777,http://books.google.com.au/books?id=W_nVHIDgbogC&pg=PA777&lpg=PA777&dq=jatts+are+shudras&source=bl&ots=2B_tLhsqd0&sig=Wq_NllPsYbt5R0j1ESxY5f2V1mI&hl=en&ei=Q0swSs2uHpOCkQW5t4T_Dg&sa=X&oi=book_result&ct=result&resnum=7#PPA777,M1
External links
 | Wikimedia Commons has media related to: Jat people |
- Jat people at the Open Directory Project
Hari Narke
Member Secretary,
Dr Ambedkar, Mahtma Phuleand Shahuji Maharaj writings and
publications committeegovernment of Maharashtra.
Email : harinarke@yahoo.co.in
The Hindu social order was based on the Four Verna system i.e. Chaturvarna Brahmins, Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra. These varnas are designed as the different floors of the building without a stair case. This is the ladder of inequality. There is no parallel in world of such a discriminatory and cruel system of human subjugation as the Indian caste system. The caste system has the sanction of all Hindu scriptures.
Manusmriti
· In the very first chapter of Manusmriti, it is clearly stated that Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaishyas and Shudras were created by Brahma (creator of this world) from his mouth, hands, thighs and feet respectively. Manu claims that the same Brahma, who created this world, also created Manusmriti and taught it to him
· The Brahmins were created for teaching, studying, performing yajnas (ceremonial sacrifices), getting yajnas performed, giving and accepting dan (gifts). The Kshatriyas were created for protecting the citizens, giving gifts, getting yajnas performed and studying. The Vaishyas were created for protecting animals, giving gifts, getting yajnas performed, studying, trading, lending money on interest and doing agricultural work. The Shudras were created by Brahma for serving Brahmins and the other two varnas without being critical of them.
· Brahmins are the masters of the entire universe. Besides, Brahmins alone act as a sort of post office for transmitting food to the gods and the dead, that is to say, the gods and the dead eat food through the mouths of Brahmins (apparently because they do not have mouths of their own). Therefore, no one can be superior to Brahmins. All others are said to enjoy everything owing to the Brahmins' mercy. The Manusmriti clearly states that Brahmins alone are entitled to teach this dharmashastra and none else.
· Manusmruti article 10.129 says, " Even though the shudra possesses the quality/merit, he/she should be prohibited from collection of wealth or money."
· Manusmruti article 8.416 gives the right to the Brahmins to snatch the wealth of shudras. Manusmruti also prevented women giving equal right and freedom.
· Article 1.91 says, "Shudras are prohibited from taking education. They should serve the above 3 vernas without complaining to anybody." It is interesting to note that studying, getting yajnas performed and giving gifts or charity are common duties of Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas; whereas teaching, accepting gifts and performing yajnas are reserved exclusively for Brahmins. The Shudras, of course, are denied the rights to study, getting yajnas performed by Brahmins
· Manusmruti was not merely a religious book but it was a constitution of India for 2000 yrs.
· The Hindu law as codified by Manu is based on the principle of inequality. The punishment for a particular crime is not same for all varnas. In fact, the punishment varies depending on the varna of the victim as well as the varna of the person committing the crime. For the same crime, the Brahmin is to be given a mild punishment, whereas the Shudra is to given the harshest punishment of all. Similarly, if the victim of a crime is a Shudra, the punishment is mild, and the punishment is harsh in case the victim is a Brahmin.
· If a Brahmin is awarded death sentence, it is sufficient to shave his head, but Kshatriya, Vaishya and Shudra are to actually die. If a Kshatriya, a Vaishya, or a Shudra repeatedly gives false evidence in the court, he is to be punished and expelled from the kingdom, whereas the Brahmin is not to be punished, he is to be only expelled.
· If a person has sexual intercourse with a consenting women of his own varna, he is not to be punished. But if a person of lower varna has sexual intercourse with a woman of higher varna, with or without her consent, he is to be killed.
· If a Brahmin forces a dwija to work for him, he is to be punished. But if a Brahmin forces a Shudra to work for him, whether by making or not making payments to him, he is not to be punished, because Shudras have been created only for serving Brahmins.
· If a Brahmin abuses a Shudra, he is to be fined mildly, but if a Shudra abuses a Brahmin, he is to be killed. On the other hand, even if a Brahmin kills a Shudra, he is merely to perform penance by killing a cat, frog, owl or crow, etc. Thus a Shudra is to be killed for abusing a Brahmin, whereas a Brahmin is to be let off lightly even if he kills a Shudra. Such is the unequal justice of Manusmriti
· For borrowing the same amount, Kshatriya has to pay more as interest than Brahmin, Vaishya more than Kshatriya and the Shudra has to pay the maximum amount as interest.
· Manusmriti, a dwija ought to marry a woman of his own varna. A woman of the same varna is considered best for the first marriage. However, a dwija may take a woman of inferior varna as his second wife if he is overcome by sexual passion. But Manu strongly disapproves of Brahmins and Kshatriyas taking a Shudra woman even as their second wife. They become Shudra if they do so.
· Manu clearly mentions that Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya, collectively known as dwija and the Shudras are the four varnas. There is no fifth varna. He explains the origin of other castes by saying that they are varna-sankara castes, that is to say, castes originating due to the intermixture of different varnas, both in anuloma (upper varna male and lower varna female) and pratiloma (lower varna male and upper varna female) manner. Nishad caste is said to have originated from anuloma relationship between Brahmin male and Shudra female.
· Chandala caste is said to be owing its origin to pratiloma relationship between Shudra male and Brahmin female.
· Manu seems to be disapproving of pratiloma relationship more than the anuloma, because he describes Chandalas as the lowest of the low castes. The Chandala, says Manusmriti, must not ever reside inside the village. While doing their work, they must reside outside the village, at cremation ground, on mountains or in groves. They are not entitled to keep cows or horses, etc., as pet animals. They may keep dogs and donkeys. They are to wear shrouds. They are to eat in broken utensils. They are to use ornaments of iron, not of gold. They must keep moving from one place to another, not residing at the same place for a long duration. They must not move around in villages and cities in night hours. They may enter the villages and cities in daytime, with king's permission, wearing special symbols (to enable identification), and take away unclaimed dead bodies.
· A Brahmin, according to Manu, must not teach the Shudra and woman even if he dies with his knowledge without imparting it to anybody. On the other hand, if anyone studies the Vedas on his own he or she will go straight to hell.
Vedas
No one is to argue critically about vedas because religion has originated from them. Any nastika (non-believer) or critic of the Vedas, who "insults" them on the basis of logic, is worthy of being socially boycotted by "noble" persons.
Women, that is, even women belonging to Brahmin, Kshatriya and Vaishya varna are not entitled to upanayan and the study of the Vedas. For them, marriage is equivalent to upanayan and service of their husbands is equivalent to the study of the Vedas in the gurukul. Even if the husband is morally degraded, engaged in an affair with another woman and is devoid of knowledge and other qualities, the wife must treat him like a god. A widower is allowed to remarry but a widow is not. Besides, women are not considered fit for being free and independent. They are to be protected in their childhood by father, in youth by husband and in old age by son. They should never be allowed by their guardians to act independently. A woman must never do anything even inside her home without the consent of her father, husband and son respectively. She must remain in control of her father in childhood, of husband in youth and of son after the death of her husband.
Ramayana
In Ramayana, Ram kills Shambuka simply because he was performing tapasya (ascetic exercises) which he was not supposed to do as he was a Shudra by birth.
Mahabharata
In Mahabharata, Dronacharya refuses to teach archery to Eklavya, because he was not a Kshatriya by birth. When Eklavya, treating Drona as his notional guru, learns archery on his own, Drona makes him cut his right thumb as gurudakshina (gift for the teacher) so that he may not become a better archer than his favorite Kshatriya student Arjuna!
Bhagvadgita
In the backdrop of ever pervading exploitative Bramhnical Social Order, Gautam Buddha made a first revolt against the Bramhnism 2500 years ago. Goutam Buddha was the first one to introduce the concept of social equality and justice. He also gave equal right to both men and women. Through Dhamma, he provided equal opportunities to the people of all the social strata. To counter Buddha's social equality revolution, manusmriti was introduced by Vaidik Aryans. Dr Ambedkar called this as a counter revolution of India. During the British rule in India, everybody was equal before law which was introduced through criminal procedure code. But civil code was still based on the Manusmruti. All the civil judgments were based on manusmruti during British rule.
Mahatma Jotirao Phule stood against the Manuwad (Manusmriti Article 1.91) and started the first Indian school for Bahujans in 1848.He also demanded reservation based on caste population in services and in educational fields for the first time. Mahatma Phule exposed the misdeeds of bramhins as to how they cheat the gullible Bahujan Samaj by creating in them a fear of God.
The king of Kolhapur Shahuji Maharaj implemented 50 % caste based reservation in 1902 in his Kolhapur state. During 1920s, the southern states like Mysore also implemented the same reservation policy.
In 1921 Periyar Ramaswami Naikar and his justice party burnt the Manusmruti and made revolt against the vaidik system. The sustenance of Dravidian movement as started by Periyar can mainly be attributed to his success in freeing people from the mental slavery of Bramhinism.
In 1932, Dr Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar in the round table conference demanded reservation at all India level. In 1935, due to Dr Ambedkar's efforts reserve seats and the principle of reservation was accepted by British government. But the major breakthrough in the process of social justice came into existence through the constitution of India, which was written by Dr Ambedkar. The most important article no.14 of the Constitution of India provides equality before law to all Indians. Article 15: Prohibition of discrimination on the grounds of Religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. Article 15(4): Provision of reservations, Article 16: provides equal opportunity in matters of public employment. Manusmriti divided the society according to caste based employment but Dr Ambedkar gave equal opportunity to all the castes. (Revolt against code of manusmruti 10.129). The actual benefits from the efforts of Dr Ambedkar were evident when the resources were generated as part of this revolution. Article 46 : promotion of educational and economic interest of SC ST and other weaker sections Article 330-342 : Reservation for SC ST and OBC in emplyemnt, education and political. 340: OBC reservation
Dr Ambedkar resigned from the law ministry in protest of non-implementation of article 340 by the Nehru led congress govt. In 1953 First backward class commission was established under the chairmanship of Mr. Kalelkar. Kalelkar was so castiest Brahmin that he wrote a letter to the district collector of Satara district before visiting the place that he would eat the food prepared by Brahmin cook only. Kalelkar opposed caste base reservations due to which OBCs were prevented from their social justice. The second backward class commission was constituted under the chairmanship of Mr. B. P. Mandal who was former Chief Minister of Bihar. This commission recommended 27 % reservation for OBCs in 1980. But late Indira Gandhi and her son late Rajiv Gandhi refused to implement Mandal recommendations. During 1991 Mr. V.P. Singh was forced to implement the Mandal commission by the Ambedkarite movement but V.P. Singh partly implemented Mandal commission. Proper implementation of constitutional rights is still not done. e.g. Countrywide atrocities on dalits ,decreased female population , Opposition to OBC reservation. These are the main obstacles in the path of social justice.
A revolutionary ordinance was passed by the Hon. Chief Minister of Tmilnadu Mr. Karunanidhi to appoint non Brahmins Priests in all Hindu temples. But much before him in 1927 and 1936 Dr Ambedkar demanded to conduct an examination for the post of Shankaracharyas and other religious bureaucrats. But, till today all the posts of shankaracharyas are 100 % reserved for Brahmins. The wish of Dr Ambedkar and Periyar Ramawamy is partly fulfilled by C.M. Karunanidhi so we must congratulate him. The castiest electronic and print media is opposing 27 % reservation but why this media is keeping quiet on this 100 % Brahmin reservation. But we should not keep quiet and we should fight for our rights.
To achieve the total social justice Dr Ambedkar gave a
5-point programme
· Free and compulsory Education to Everybody
· Critical evaluation of religious books like Vedas, Gita, Ramayana and Mahabharata
· Redistribution of resources land, water, wealth, etc.
· Intercaste marriages
· Buddha Dhamma
Dr Ambedkar chose the path of struggle to achieve social justice. He said, " The battle to me is a matter full of joy. The battle is in the fullest sense spiritual not for wealth or power. It is a battle for freedom. It is a battle for the reclamation of human personality which has been suppressed and mutilated by the Hindu social system and will continue to be suppressed and mutilated if in the political struggle the Hindus win and we lose. My final words of advise to you is Educate, agitate and organize, have faith in yourself and never lose hope".http://www.ambedkartimes.com/page12.html
Chapter III
I wrote my first newspaper article in 1982. The title was �Untouchability: Dr. Hedgewar, Dr. Ambedkar�. Before I wrote the article, I was ruminating a great deal about its structure. Both these great men thought a lot about equality and their thoughts on the subject appealed to me immensely. Their obsession with ending untouchability had led me to do a lot of thinking. The urge to write something did not allow me to remain quiet. I therefore started writing to the best of my ability.
I showed my article to Shivrai Telang, a Sr RSS leader. Shivrai is a very senior and talented Pracharak in the Sangh. A man of mature social awareness, he reads a lot and that too, keenly and critically. I therefore gave my article to him rather nervously. He went through the article, gave me that characteristic Shivrai look and said, �Surprising that such thoughts occur to you. Please make only one alteration in the article. Change its title to �Two doctors and one disease�.� Needless to say, I carried out the suggestion.
Chittaranjan Pandit was then the Editor of Mumbai Tarun Bharat, a Marathi daily. I took the article to him. We had known each other long. He accepted the article for publication, and also gave it a competent editorial touch. The article appeared not only in the Mumbai Tarun Bharat but also in the Pune and Nagpur Tarun Bharat editions, editions of �Tarun Bharat�. My very first article made me a writer and thinker! It was heartily welcomed in the Sangh circle. It was also translated into Hindi. The credit for making me a writer belongs to Shivrai Telang and Chittaranjan Pandit.
In a way, the article gave a definite direction to my reading, and also defined my role in the work of the Sangh. It was also accepted as the guiding principle for the Samarasata work.
The Samarasata Manch was founded in Pune in April 1983. In that year, the birth anniversaries of Dr. Hedgewar and Dr. Ambedkar occurred on the same day according to both English and Hindu calendars. Dattopant Thengdi spoke on the occasion. Later, the speech was published under the title �Social equality is impossible without social harmony (Samarasata)�. This speech is regarded as the main thesis of the Samarasata work.
From 1980 my visits to Sambhajinagar (Aurangabad) became frequent. There I used to meet Sukhadev Navale, a senior RSS worker. We used to have lengthy discussions which mainly centered around the current status of the work of the Sangh, social awareness among Sangh workers, the image of the Sangh in Maharashtra, the disaffection for the Sangh among dalits. Between Sukhadev and me, I felt there was a great deal of similarity in our thinking. Not only did Sukhadev think about these things but also sought to translate his thoughts into action. He had very affectionate contacts with hundreds of dalit workers. He paid personal attention to the dalit brothers, and took pains to fulfill their material needs. He used to inculcate in his colleagues that �the Sangh work encompasses the entire society and is not confined to middle classes. The Sangh should reflect all sections of our society.� The social orientation which the Sangh activities in Sambhajinagar had acquired was indeed a rewarding experience.
Navale had made intensive study of Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Phule. He had good diction, could deal with a subject systematically, and was adept in quoting appropriate references. My friendship with him, both at the emotional and intellectual levels, started growing apace. Later, we became very close.
At this time, I came into contact also with Bhikuji Idate. We used to come together in provincial meetings. Bhikuji hails from Dapoli, a Taluka place in Konkan region. Like me, he was a Shudra by caste, Atishudra to put it correctly in the parlance of the progressives. He belonged to one of the nomadic tribes which move about from place to place without a fixed house or property anywhere. In the �communal� language of the Sangh, however, he was a Hindu. Emotional and intellectual bonds of friendship developed quickly between us. The Sangh had brought about a radical change in our life and outlook. That was one basis for our friendship, and the other was that we had the same respect and reverence for Dr. Ambedkar.
Whenever Navale, Idate and I came together, we talked a lot about the problems of dalits, exchanged our experiences, and discussed new books and articles we had read. We also discussed the venomous propaganda against the Sangh launched by the leftists. We were now becoming sharply aware of the need for the Sangh to take a firm and definite stand on the subject of dalits.
All three of us were �influential� officers in the Sangh. Influential in the sense that we held important positions in the Sangh. While I was Sahakaryawah of Mumbai metropolis, Idate was the Karyawah of Ratnagiri, a District Place in Konkan region, and Navale the Karyawah of Marathawada. Our understanding of the Sangh was also thorough. That is why our views carried weight in the Sangh.
During this period I came into closer contact with Damuanna Date, a senior Pracharak of the Sangh. He has been a Pracharak since 1950. After his graduation in Engineering, he set out to promote the work of the Sangh. Damuanna is endowed with a pleasant and attractive personality. Of course, external appearance is of no importance to the Sangh. Besides a handsome personality, Damuanna has many other magnetic qualities. He is a patient listener, tries to understand everything that is being said, and never poses as the wisest and most experienced. There are very few Pracharaks of the Sangh to equal Damuanna in there qualities. Invariably he sent the workers fully satisfied after a meeting with him. Some people command respect because of their age, others are honour because of their experience. I value Damuanna most as a friend, philosopher, and guide.
Although not its office bearer, Damuanna is responsible for the functioning of the Samarasta Manch. Workers like me who are office bearers, work under his guidance. He is our guardian angel.
�Dalit� was one subject on which Damuanna had made abundant scholarly reading. Well versed in dalit literature, he had read the autobiographies of dalits, and writings literature about them. Some activists of the Sangh were continuously urging Damuanna that the Sangh should start work in the field of dalits. Damuanna himself had realised the need for it. Damuanna had precise, well defined views on reservations for Dalit, their problems, and Hindutva and his thoughts were clearly reflected in his speeches.
While outlining our approach to and mode of thinking about Dalit problems, he used to say, �Medical students are required to dissect dead bodies to understand the functioning of human organism. They have to do the dissection to understand how the different parts of the body like liver, heart, eyes, ears function. None of them has any attachment to the body which is dissected.
�Suppose among them, there is a student who is a close relative of the dead person whose body is being dissected. It may well be a mother, uncle or brother. What will the student feel about the whole thing? Dissection for analysis may be acceptable but the student will certainly feel unbearable anguish. The same is of social problems. A great deal of post mortem has taken place in respect of untouchability, inequality, and social customs.
�We should not forget that we are organically related to this society. Our relationship with it is one of blood. A keen awareness of this relationship will enable us to find out means for elimination of social distortions�. He used to give the example of Shri Guruji. In the wake of his interview to �Navakaal�, Shri Guruji was subjected to a lot of mud-slinging. Yet he had never said that the Chaturvarnya was needed today for the sustenance of the society. Instead, Shri Guruji had suggested an effective way of eradicating untouchability. In a simple but powerful religious gesture, the Shankaracharya should garland the untouchables, and announce that untouchability has ended. The socialists in Pune criticized this suggestion. �Who is this Shankaracharya to end the untouchability in this way? We don�t recognize him�, the socialists said.
Some socialists like Shirubhau Limaye and Vaidya met the Guruji at Pune. They asked the Guruji the same question. The Guruji replied, �The question is not whether you recognize the Shankaracharya or not. Chores of Hindus respect him. And what is untouchability? It is another name of the narrow-mindedness of the Savarnas, the higher castes. That should be cured�.
Such conversations used to highlight the meaning of social unity and integrity and what precisely is the eradication of untouchability.
Although the Samajik Samarasata Manch was set up in 1983, its work was still to commence. In Maharashtra, it was difficult for the Manch to push its programme ahead unless the Sangh took its charge. In 1984, I was Karyawah in the Second year Sangh Training class. It was the first time that the class of the three regions viz., Gujarat, Maharashtra, and Vidarbha, was held together. Dattopant Thengdi was with the class for three days. I discussed with him for the first time, issues like equality and social harmony. Initially, I was not happy with the word Samarasata. My friends, Navale and Idate too, had reservations about the word. There was a reason for that.
For equality �Samata� has been the word in vogue in Maharashtra. People quickly understand its meaning. Then why replace it with �Samarasata� which was rather difficult to pronounce as compared to �Samata�? If the word �Samata� was replaced with the word �Samarasata�, there might be problems. It may be interpreted that we are rejecting �Samata� (equality). Neither Dr. Ambedkar nor Mahatma Phule used the word �Samarasata�. Then why should we do it?
Dattopant Thengdi�s reply to this question was a gem. He said �The movement for equality (Samata), is a movement of the leftists. If we started our movement with their shibboleth, people will not realise the uniqueness of our movement. Moreover, the leftists will start claiming that �the Sangh is borrowing their words because the Sangh philosophy does not have room for equality�. We must have our own concept of equality, he continued. Of course we want equality but more than that, we want Samarasata which alone can bring equality on a durable footing. Whatever we do, will be subjected to criticism. To criticise us has become a profession of some people. Do not bother about them. Do your work with patience and diligence. Do not be hasty. Keep in mind Shri Guruji�s saying- �Hasten slowly� and you will have few difficulties,� said Dattopant Thengdi.
As said earlier, the Samarasata Manch was inaugurated on April 14, 1983 at Pune. Honourable Dattopant Thengdi spoke on the occasion. His speech became famous under the title �Equality Impossible Without Harmony�. Dattopant is known as a great thinker in the Sangh. His presentation is usually accepted as that of the Sangh. In the said speech, he had traced the common points in the social ideology of Dr. Ambedkar and Dr. Hedgewar. He had shown how the orientation of a worker engaged in Samarasata should occur. The third Sarsanghchalak, revered Shri Balasaheb Deoras, had made the Sangh stand clear on �Hindu organisation and social equality� in 1974. He said that the Varna (in Sanskrit it means colour but here it is used in the context of Chaturvarnya i.e. four caste system and means caste only) and the caste system should be thrown out lock, stock and barrel as they had no relevance today. Since we had firm direction from the Sangh, and from Sanghchalak like Balasaheb Deoras, our task was made easy. We did not have to inject any new thinking in the Swayamsevaks. Our work was limited to conveying the thoughts of Balasaheb Deoras and Dattopant Thengdi to Swayamsevaks in our own language.
In 1985, the Sangh activists decided to spread the work of the Samarasata Manch all over Maharashtra. Meetings were called and names of activists finalized. Later, a meeting of all the leading activists was held at Sambhajinagar (a new name for Aurangabad). As the Sahapracharak, Damuanna Date was to take charge of the Manch. A lot of discussion in respect of the structure of the manch took place in this very first meeting. Dattopant Thengdi was of the view that the Manch should remain a movement and no constitution should be thought of for the time being. As per his advice an ad hoc committee was set up.
Mohanrao Gawandi was appointed the chairman of the Manch. Bhikuji Idate became the Executive President. In the meeting it was decided to publish a bulletin to disseminate our ideas and give directions to the workers. The bulletin was entitled Samajik Samarasata Patrika (bulletin). I was appointed the Editor of this Bulletin. Namdeorao Ghadge, a senior Sangh Pracharak, was entrusted with the organizational work of the Manch. Sukhdev Navale and Arvindrao Harshe were included in the executive committee.
The nature of work of the Manch was also discussed at this meeting. It was not possible for us to fully understand the complexity of our undertaking at the very first meeting. We could only comprehend its broad outline. Strictly speaking, Sangh workers do not need any training in the Samarasata brotherhood theory as it is. They live it every moment in their Sangh work. However in the first meeting itself, we realised that we had to work for the Manch at two levels.
Whatever the name given to it, the Samarasata work was going to be looked upon by others as a �Sanghist� programme in so far as would be operated by the Sangh workers and Swayamsevaks. Sangh Swayamsevaks and Sangh Karyakartas do not believe in caste nor do they harbour inequality in their minds and therefore their actions too are never tainted with it. Even then, the average Swayamsevak regards Mahatma Phule and Dr Ambedkar as strangers. He bears anger and animus against Dalits not because they are Dalits or Mahars. He does not feel Dalits in the Ambedkar movement are his own because of the policy of Reservation, the language of revolt in Dalit literature, the tenor of speeches of leaders in the Ambedkar movement and their hostility to Hindutva. It was necessary to change this attitude of Swayamsevaks. Doubtless, It was an extremely difficult task. It remains so even today.
To change the outlook of the Swayamsevaks it was necessary to familiarize them and also the people around them, with the thoughts and actions of Mahatma Phule and Ambedkar. Socialist, progressives, and transformationists were freely using the names of these two great leaders to malign Hindutva. No pro-Hindutva writer had taken any serious cognizance of Phule and Ambedkar in his writings. The Samarasata Manch started projecting the Phule-Ambedkar philosophy in a different context.
A number of Sangh workers took the lead in interpreting Phule-Ambedkar in the context of Hindutva. Dr Ashok Modak, Dr Bapu Kendurkar, Sahasanghchalak of Mulund Zone, Prof. Aniruddha Deshpande, and Arvindrao Harshe are senior and respectable leaders of the Sangh. They are well-versed in the work of the Sangh. They made a thorough study of the Phule-Ambedkar philosophy, reflected deeply on it, and took great pains over its interpretation. Workers like me who held responsible positions but were not particularly studious, were immensely benefited by it.
The regional leadership of the Sangh also seemed determined to push forward the Samarasata programmes. In one of the early meetings, Vasantrao Kelkar gave us valuable guidance on �Samarasata in the Sangh work�. Kelkar�s experience of the Sangh�s work since the pre-ban days of 1948 is substantial. He gave many examples to illustrate how all castes were well represented in the Sangh, and how, right from its commencement, those in the Sangh live in a spirit of harmony and togetherness. There is an acute need, he said, of explaining the equality and togetherness inherent in the Sangh to the people who are moving away from Hindutva and whom we have to take with us. We have to give social expression to our thoughts, he said.
Thereafter, we started trying to harmonize the Phule-Ambedkar thought with the Hindutva philosophy. That was not difficult. Balasaheb Deoras had often said from public platforms that both Phule and Ambedkar were concerned with the problems of the Hindu society. The problems they took in hand belonged to the entire Hindu society and therefore, it would be quite appropriate to call them Hindu reformers.
I studied Dr Ambedkar and Mahatma Phule on my own, in the light of the viewpoint expressed by Balasaheb Deoras. Sukhadev Navale, and Bhikhu Idate also studied them. Damuanna Date too is well-versed in the subject. Our studies prompted us to find out what were the timeless thoughts in the writings of Phule and Ambedkar, what were purely topical issues, and to analyze their thoughts in the context of time. Along with others, I developed a habit of reflecting on these questions.
Samarasata Manch workers had frequent meetings to discuss the ways and means of organising the Manch programmes. Social problems also figured in the talks. To start with, simple programmes that were easy to organise were undertaken. Damuanna Date issued a guideline that since saints and social reformers belong to the entire society, their commemoration should not be confined to specific castes. Their birth or death anniversaries should be celebrated in the central part of towns and villages, with all people participating. Thereafter, the birth anniversaries of Sena Maharaj, a poet saint of Maharashtra from barber community, Valmiki, a great poet saint of ancient times who became a Rishi (sage) and wrote Ramayana in Sanskrit but originally who hailed from a lower caste of fishermen, Rohidas, another great saint of Maharashtra from cobbler community, and Lahuji Salve a freedom fighter from low caste, began to be celebrated in which people belonging to all castes participated. The Ambedkar Jayanti (birth anniversary) too started being celebrated at a central place in the town, with people of all social hues joining in the celebrations. The practice was started in Bombay, Pune, and Nashik by the Samarasata Manch. Every where, the programmes were organised on a big scale, and we took that opportunity to explain our viewpoint on Phule and Ambedkar.
A number of funny incidents occurred in the early stages of the Manch activities. My booklet �Samajik Samarasata Dr Hedgewar and Dr Ambedkar� was published in 1988. The cover of the book featured colour photographs of Dr Hedgewar and Dr Ambedkar. In the picture, Dr Hedgewar was capless (Dr Ambedkar, of course, never wore any cap). The copies of the book went to all parts of the state including Vidarbha. Swayamsevaks in Vidarbha got hold of the book. In Vidarbha, where the Sangh has been around virtually from the beginning, there were any number of Swayamsevaks who had seen Dr Hedgewar from close quarters. Sukhdev Navale was on a tour of Vidarbha. When he returned, he told me, �Ramesh, Swayamsevaks in Vidarbha are greatly annoyed over your book�.
�What for?�, I queried.
�First, you have printed a joint photograph of Dr Hedgewar and Dr Ambedkar. Secondly, Dr Hedgewar�s photo is capless�.
�I used the photograph that was available to me. I did not decap Dr Hedgewar�, I said.
�Your explanation is all right, but they feel you are doing all this to please Dalits. They asked me, �Who is this Patange? What does he think about himself?� You may be in trouble, Ramesh�, Navale said.
Amusing situations also arose when we started looking for workers to carry the Manch activities. As the Manch work would cover Dalit localities, we wanted workers who were willing to go and work there. Not every worker in the Sangh was favourably disposed to do so. Many workers thought that only Dalit workers should work among Dalits. This assumption was dangerous from the Sangh is stand point. The Sangh was striving to de-caste the Hindu mind and was poised to achieve astonishing success in it. At such a juncture, picking up only Dalit workers among us might be extremely hazardous. The matter therefore called for very tactful handling. I remember a dialogue a prominent worker had with Idate.
�Who among you is the Samarasata Manch worker for your district?� Idate asked.
�We don�t have a worker of that type� was the reply.
�That type means what type?� asked Idate.
�We mean we don�t have an active Dalit worker�.
�Who told you that we want a Dalit worker for the Manch? From when have we started thinking in terms of caste?�
�There is nothing like that�, said the worker, �But I was under the impression that as the Manch work is among Dalits, workers from that section will be preferred�.
It took us two years to remove these misunderstandings. Many people did not like our working among Dalits in this way. Their dislike was theoretical. They felt that since we did not believe in castes and untouchability in the Sangh, where was the need for separate work for Dalits? Would it not lead to separation of sentiments? The only way to counter their objection was through our work.
As the Samarasata programmes gained momentum, the number of those who took notice of them also grew. The Manch work was initially described as a stunt by the RSS to attract Dalits. �How is Dr. Ambedkar related to these Manuists?�, it was asked, �The Sangh�s samarasata game is chicanery of counter-revolutionaries�, said others. We were taken note of in the choicest epithets. By this time, I had made a great deal of progress in comprehending the progressive parlance. It was not difficult for me to give them a dose of their own medicine.
I had established myself as a regular writer in �Vivek� and �Tarun Bharat�. Undoubtedly the Sangh, was the inspiration behind my penmanship. I felt that the Sangh philosophy should find expression in different contexts consistent with its backdrop. I therefore took to writing although nobody specifically asked me to do so. Shivrai Telang had always a word of encouragement for the writer in me. Damuanna used to describe my writings as �outstanding�. Later, in 1988, I was appointed as assistant Editor of Vivek, and after a year became its Executive Editor. Thus a paper came in my charge. Besides, the Samarasata Manch Patrika was already there.
The Manch work had hardly reached its second year, when a highly sensitive and provocative problem confronted Maharashtra. The Congress government had decided to publish Dr. Ambedkar�s entire works and some volumes had started appearing every year. The fourth volume of Dr. Babasaheb�s writing appeared in 1987. This volume contained a chapter entitled �Riddles of Rama and Krishna� In this article, Dr. Ambedkar has severely criticized Rama and Krishna and taken exception to their characters. Even Sita is not spared.
After the volume was published, Madhav Gadkari, the then editor of Loksatta wrote about it in his column �Chaufer� (literal meaning �all around�). The government, by publishing literature maligning Rama and Krishna, has hurt the feelings of Hindus, he said. Gadkari talking of Hindu feelings was a big joke, as he is not known for his love of Hindutva. He moves about in progressive circles and is generally known as Sharad Pawar�s drumbeater. However, his criticism of the fourth volume of Dr. Ambedkar�s work had a distinctly political purpose.
When the government of India had banned Salman Rushdie�s book, when �Satanic Verses�. The Ramjanmabhoomi (a place in town Ayodhya where Lord Rama is believed to have been born and considered to be a great holy place by Hindus and yet on which a structure resembling a mosque was imposed by a invader and hence was called Babri Masjid) movement had commenced in 1986. The temple in Ayodhya was unlocked. The Vishwa Hindu Parishad had assumed leadership of the campaign for the liberation of Janmabhoomi. Earlier, in 1985, the Shiv Sena a political party in Maharashtra had adopted Hindutva as its political ideology. The emotional atmosphere was charged in favour of Hindutva. Rajiv Gandhi superseded the Supreme Court verdict in the Shah Bano case (a case of grant of alimony in which Supreme Court�s verdict was against the provisions of Shariat of Muslims) by enacting a new law taking the issue of alimony out of the purview of court. This act of Rajiv Gandhi produced a sharp reaction among Hindus.
In Maharashtra, Sharad Pawar and Shankarrao Chavan, were locked in an intensive power struggle in those days. Shankarrao was the Chief Minister at the time of the Riddles controversy. Political manoeuvres were afoot to incite conflict between the Dalits and non-Dalit Hindus, to create problems and embarrassment for the Chief Minister.
Gadkari used the Riddles chapter toward this end. Shiv Sena by then had become a Hindutva organisation, adopting Hindutva ideology as a political ploy with an eye on votes. To maximize political advantage from the Hindutva ploy, the Sena added to it a rabid anti-Muslim stand, and an equally rabid anti-Ambedkarism. Ambedkarites any way did not command much sympathy in the minds of other large sections of non-Dalits in Maharashtra. Gadkari�s write up was indeed a God-send for the Shiv Sena.
The Shiv Sena Pramukh (Chief) demanded that the controversial chapter should be deleted from the fourth volume of Ambedkar�s writings. His stand was that the calumny of Rama and Krishna had hurt the sentiments of Hindus, and we would no longer tolerate anybody at will coming and kicking us this way. He naively walked into the trap set by Sharad Pawar and Gadkari, and got enmeshed in it. The declaration of the Shiv Sena policy awakened the Dalits. Their leaders like Ramdas Athavale, Prakash Ambedkar, and Gangadhar Gadhe joined hands, and the socialist bands gathered around them. They did not obviously want to let go the opportunity to attack Hindutva through Dalits.
Dalits took out a huge procession on the issue of the Riddles chapter. Highly provocative speeches were made by their leaders. The Shiv Sena too, organised a huge procession, and inflammatory harangues were duly delivered. There was already a wide social gulf between Dalits and non-dalits (savarnas). The processions and counter-processions widened the gulf. The rancour spread to far off villages too. Tremendous social tensions ensued. A single untoward incident might have resulted in our own people cutting each other�s throat. Once it is decided to politicize an issue, the question of social stability and solidarity becomes superfluous.
I myself felt very uneasy and restless in these circumstances. My outlook was not the same as before. I no longer thought that the Sangh was only shakha, and the shakha was the be-all and end-all of my Sangh life. I was of the view that the Sangh should take a decisive stand in the context of the Riddles controversy. The Shiv Sena was not the sole spokesman of Hindus. We too, were there. I proposed to the main workers that our viewpoint should be explained to the people. This was followed by a meeting. The issue was discussed with Damuanna Date, Shripati Shastri, Vasantrao Kelkar, Navale, and Idate. It was decided that I should write an article explaining the viewpoint of the Sangh, and the article should have a credit line in the name of �Karyawah, Samajik Samarasata Manch.� I accordingly wrote in the �Vivek� weekly an article entitled �Ram versus Ambedkar a controversy gnawing at the vitals of social unity�. The viewpoint of the Samarasata Manch and therefore, of the Sangh was clearly reflected in this article.
In a forthright manner the article made the following suggestions:
1) The Riddles chapter should not be deleted.
2) Dr Ambedkar is not an enemy of Hindu society.
3) In case this controversy is stretched too far, it will cause tremendous loss to the Hindus, and Muslims will take advantage of it.
4) Madhav Gadkari and Sharad Pawar are driving a wedge in society by inciting conflicts to achieve their selfish ends.
It was not easy to take a stand against pro-Hindutva Shiv Sena. Ambedkarites (followers of Ambedkar�s dogmas and hence mostly Dalits) were not friends of the Sangh. From the ideological point of view, the Shiv Sena was closer to us than the Ambedkarites. The question before us was whether to look for a temporary advantage or to think of the long-term future and well being of the society. Dr Hedgewar and Shri Guruji had never given a thought to temporary advantages. We decided to follow them.
My article was appreciated. Our viewpoint was conveyed to the people. It was not that this viewpoint was approved by all the seniors of the Sangh. There was a large group which felt that the Sangh should keep aloof from the controversy. We, the Manch workers, were rather worried about it. Although we held positions of responsibility in the Sangh, at that time, we were still second rank workers. Our grasp of social problems and our scholastic ability were yet to be prove. An incident which took place helped the credibility of my article.
A senior and elderly Sangh worker asked Dattopant Thengdi in Pune, �What is our stand on the Riddles issue?� Dattopant replied, �Please read Patange�s article in Vivek. The article explains our stand�. The senior worker held me close to him, patted me approvingly on the back, and said, �Henceforth, we will have to take your writings quite seriously.� The incident overwhelmed me. I was having a direct personal experience of how a worker in the Sangh is moulded and how his importance is built up. After this, I started wielding my pen with greater caution and responsibility.
In the course of the Riddles controversy, a time came when it was felt that the Sangh should take a lead in the matter. There appeared to be a need for release of a statement by the regional Sanghchalak or the regional (prantik) Karyawah. Progressives are always in the forefront in issuing statements. The Sangh, however, does not have this type of statement mentality. Prant Sanghachalak represents Sanghachalak, and Karyawah is a representative of Sahakaryawah. Their views consequently are the Sangh�s views in its entirety in the sense that all organisations affiliated to RSS hold the same views. No institution of the Sangh will counter it. This is not the case with progressives and socialists. Most hold personal views without any commitment to any organisation. How then was the Sangh to issue its statement?
I discussed the matter with Idate and Sukhadev Navale. I also met Damuanna Datey. It is normally not difficult to place a matter before Damuanna. He immediately accorded his consent. Shripati Shastri was the prant karyawah at that time. It was decided to issue the statement with his signature. It was also decided to organise a seminar on �Stop the Riddles Controversy� in Bombay.
While the proposal for the seminar was on the anvil, the then editor of �Tarun Bharat� (Bombay), Sudhir Joglekar wrote an editorial entitled �Stop this Riddles controversy�. Going against the current of popularism and publicity, he put forward a plea in favour of the larger and long-term interests of the society. The editorial earned kudos at that time. It also won him the Dr. Kakasaheb Khadilkar Best Editorial Award of the Bombay Union of Journalists.
In Mumbai, Dilip Karambelkar, then editor of Marathi Weekly �Vivek�, Sudhir Joglekar, then editor of Marathi daily, Mumbai Tarun Bharat and I called on Prakash Ambedkar, and �Navakal� editor, Neelkanth Khadilkar, to request them to participate in the seminar. Prof. Ram Kapse and Wamanrao Parab were undoubtedly our own people. Meanwhile, a statement on the speech of Shripati Shastri Prant Karyawah, RSS was released. I took copies of the statement to Pune and had it distributed to leading newspapers. �Navakal� featured it on the front page with a heading in bold letters. The statement read like this :
�Dr Ambedkar was a friend of the Hindu society, never an enemy�
- Shripati Shastri 18-1-1988
A noisy controversy has been raised in Maharashtra on the chapter, �Riddles of Rama and Krishna� written by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. It would be a great blunder to regard Dr Ambedkar as the enemy of Hinduism by misinterpreting his controversial writings. To resort to this type of propaganda in respect of Dr Ambedkar is tantamount to distortion of his work and message. Dr Ambedkar�s lifetime mission was to reconstruct and reorganize the Hindu society on the basis of equality, freedom and fraternity. A thorough study of his entire life and literature should therefore be made before making any comments on him in the present context. Instead of doing so, to conduct disinformation campaigns about him by using his writings, which he kept unpublished, would be the height of myopia�, said Shripati Shastri, Karyawah, RSS, Maharashtra Prant. He was speaking on the occasion of the publication of the journal �Samarasata� brought out by the Samajik Samarasata Manch at Pune.
He further said in his speech that to create a gulf between Dalits and non-Dalits would be against the interests of our country. Mahatma Gandhi staked his life to prevent such rifts in the society. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar too, while working for the uplift of Dalits, did not resort to any step which might cause cleavage in society or would lead to unnecessary conflicts. In today�s difficult times, it is exceedingly necessary to maintain social harmony and solidarity, to promote fraternity and friendliness in the society, and to ensure amity and cordiality. Efforts in this direction will be conducive to the interests and happiness of all of us.
Unfortunately, many politicians have been misusing Dr Ambedkar�s writings to serve their selfish party ends to strengthen their leadership. Crores of people in this country have faith in Shri Rama and Shri Krishna. Dalit leaders should bear this in mind while projecting their views on them. Dalit brothers would not like this type of strong language being used in respect of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar whom they hold in faithful reverence. Similarly, unnecessary use of harsh words about Ram and Krishna would disturb social peace and harmony.
The show of strength against each other by Dalits and non-Dalits would benefit the enemies of society. Christian missionaries, Muslims and Communists are waiting for such an opportunity. The Hindu society, therefore, should not sentimentalize the Riddles issue and should look at it in the perspective of reason. Heavens are not going to fall if the chapter �Riddles of Rama and Krishna� remains in the fourth volume published by the State Government.
Finally in his speech, Shripati Shastri appealed to the wise and mature people in the society to come together to evolve a common platform. �That was the need of the hour�, he said.
The statement of the Sangh and the proposed seminar worked like a magic wand. On the previous night itself, Chief Minister Chavan had called a meeting of Dalits and the Shiv Sena leaders. In the meeting it was decided not to remove the �Riddles� chapter from the fourth volume. The controversy was over.
The �Riddles� affair considerably enhanced the stature of the Samajik Samarasata Manch in the Sangh circles. The Manch had played a highly decisive role in defusing a terrible social storm. This was recognised by all. Personally speaking, it was now well established that Idate, Navale and I had some insight into social problems and there was substance in what we said. This recognition proved immensely helpful in subsequent efforts.
The Riddles controversy was viewed as a golden opportunity to lash at the RSS. The entire lobby of progressive prophets, however, must have felt disappointed. They had probably thought that the Sangh would not take any stand in the controversy, and the passivity of the Sangh will enable them to put the entire blame for the opposition to Dalits at the door of the Sangh. They had tried the same thing at the time of the movement for change in the name of the Marathwada University. The change in the name was opposed by socialists. The frontline socialist leaders were Govindbhai Shroff, Prof. Narahar Kurundkar, and Anantrao Bhalerao. They cooked up a theoretical background for their opposition to the change in the name. They tried the same experiment in respect of Dalits. They were so smart that they opposed the change in the name of the University but passed on the blame dexterously to the portals of the Sangh, and cleverly projecting the Sangh as hostile to Dalits. They thought the Riddles affair too, offered a similar opportunity. But their hopes were dashed. We, in their parlance, Manuists, opposed the opposition to �Riddles�. We took a stand against Hindutva protagonists and therefore, socialists could not call it sham or hypocrisy.
This success gave a fillip to the work of the Manch as well. A need had now arisen to speedily propagate our thoughts at the social level. We all wanted to organise programmes which would be widely discussed in the social circles in Maharashtra. After a great deal of deliberations, we scheduled a programme in 1987.
We had detailed discussions about the message we wanted to put across through the programme. The Dalit movement appeared to be one-sided. It was synonymous the Ambedkarite movement. The impression was that the Dalit movement stood only for revolt, and was devoid of any constructive outlook. The reality, however, was different. There are countless workers in the Dalit movement doing constructive work. We should seek them out, and felicitate and honour them, I proposed. The proposal was duly discussed, and we all decided to go ahead with the programme.
Once a programme is agreed upon, the entire Sangh machinery starts working to make it successful. We started looking out for constructive workers in the Dalit movement who deserved to be honoured. Our workers met them and requested them to accept our felicitations. They agreed. Eighteen individuals belonging to different castes were to be thus honoured.
The venue for the programme posed a problem. Damuanna held the view that the programme should be staged at a central place in Pune, not in the Dalit localities outside the city, nor in the schools run by Dalits. Accordingly, the place of the programme was fixed at the Bharat Natyamandir, a premier theater in Sadashiv Peth at Pune.
Sadashiv Peth has an exceptional historical context. A lot of propaganda has been made that the Peth is a stronghold of traditionalists, and the orthodox in the Hindu society. The felicitation function of Dalit workers was being organised at a place with such exceptional reputation. All manch workers were very happy with the venue and also because they felt that such programmes would go a long way in reaching the true image of the RSS to the people.
The programme will have to be called unique. The hall was filled to capacity. Socialist comrades were also seen in the audience perhaps with the hope of disrupting the proceedings. The felicitation was truly an event organised by the society in that the Government had nothing to do with it. Moreover, the felicitation function was being held under the aegis of people who were hitherto maligned as Manuists, communalists, and anti-egalitarian. Those who were going to be honoured carried a huge baggage of misunderstanding about us. Not that all of us were equally well acquainted with leaders like Chandram Guruji, Gotad Guruji, Smt Salunkhe, M D Shewale (of the Depressed Class Mission) and Laxmanrao Kelkar. The event offered a pleasant glimpse of �Samarasata�. Those who were felicitated were moved by the unprecedented experience of being respectfully invited and honoured. Many felt that now that the Sangh had concerned itself with the problem of social inequality, it would not be long before social inequality became a thing of the past.
The programme thoroughly confused the so-called socialists in Maharashtra. They could neither commend nor condemn it. The Sangh could not be called Manuist nor could it be called egalitarian. The big guns among socialists in Pune kept mum. To use the progressive parlance, the majority of the planners, organizers, financiers and volunteers were �Brahmins�. �Non-Brahmins� were comparatively small in number. But neither in our mind nor in our conduct even a trace of caste feelings exists. This was of course natural since the Sangh swayamsevaks work with only one consciousness the consciousness, of being a Hindu. The consciousness class and caste has been we have gifted away by us to the socialists.
The problem of reservations had became a delicate and sensitive issue. Gujarat, a Western state of India witnessed a big agitation against the Reservation policy in 1981. A meeting of the All India Delegates of the RSS took place in March that year. The issue of agitations in Gujarat inevitably came up in the meeting. The workers from Gujarat had become high strung on the issue. When Resolution justifying reservations came up for discussion at the meeting, every word of it was subjected to minute scrutiny. Many representatives opined that the Resolution was hasty, and likely to evoke adverse reaction in a large section of the people. Swayamsevaks from Gujarat understandably were naturally were unhappy. I was intently listening to the discussions. In view of so much opposition from workers, I was worried and felt the resolution would not go through. But it did.
Sarsanghachalak Balasaheb Deoras was calm but attentive at the meeting. After debate was over, the meeting broke for tea. When the meeting resumed, Balasaheb Deoras said, �I have heard the discussion in the meeting. I have understood that Many amongst us are not in favour the of Resolution. I request you all to imagine yourself in the place of those for whom the Reservations are meant. Try to enter their minds and see the present condition of those of our brethren, who have been neglected for hundreds of years. Understand their feelings. Then only take your decision.� After his speech, there was hardly any discussion and the Resolution was passed. The Sangh had officially endorsed the Reservations.
The wily progressives did not take any cognizance of this Resolution of the Sangh. The Resolution was rather inconvenient to them. They continued their propaganda that the Sangh was against Reservations. The workers of the Samrasata Manch started explaining the Sangh�s stand on Reservation in clear and forthright language. To enable the workers to speak on the subject effectively, Bhikuji Idate wrote a booklet on �The Need for Reservations� in Marathi. Twenty thousand copies of the booklet were sold out. This booklet, served as our official literature.
Navale used to tell a succinct story in the context of Reservations. �I have some farmland,� he said, �However, I don�t do any farming, my cousins do it. But on record, the land is in my name. Once I received a notice from the Land Development Bank asking me to repay the loan which it said I had taken against this land. I was surprised as I had not taken any loan. Enquiries revealed that there indeed was a loan outstanding in my name, because the entry was based on the Saat-baara extract and which showed my name as the holder of the land. I had therefore to repay the loan which I had never taken.� (Saat-baara is an authenticated document with correct names of the owners of all plots of land duly defined.)
After this story, Navale used to say, �In the same way, we should take out the Saat-baara document in respect of Mother India. Our forefathers have taken a massive loan on our account, we are under obligation to repay it. We can�t say that our own generation has not perpetrated any injustice on Dalits. We can�t claim inheritance in respect of only good things. We would have to accept our heritage along with the debt. There is no escape from it.� Navale�s story was so relevant to the issue that it went home, making the audience think over it seriously.
When we, who were branded as Manuists, began to speak in support of reservations, Dalit problems and Dr. Ambedkar�s thought, there was a stir in the society. The Sangh opponents were at their wits end. Why are the Sangh swayamsevaks, quiet about Dr. Ambedkar�s thoughts for so long, speaking out, now of all times? They drew the conclusion that having found Hindutva inadequate to link all special sections together, the Sangh is now taking resort to Dr. Ambedkar. It is just a ploy, they said, to woo the Dalit voter on BJP�s behalf.
Those who sympathized with the Sangh felt that the Sangh was going through an ideological transformation, which was long overdue. But better late than never. They were happy that the Sangh has accepted social commitment, relinquishing orthodoxy. I find both these attitudes rather amusing. As per its ideology, the Sangh is concerned with each and every problem of the Hindu society. The Sangh will take them up as and when it thinks doing so is consistent with its strength and the society�s needs. No ideological transformation takes place in the Sangh. The Sangh only charts out the truth. The truth is eternal. It is manifest in a variety of ways. Although we project Hindutva, we do so in a dynamic social context.
Thus Samarasata Manch commenced its work. While Manch was new, could the same be said of its philosophy? Dr. Hedgewar had expressed it in two words, �Hindu Sanghatan (Unification)�. In Maharashtra, Dr. Hedgewar is not counted as a thinker and philosopher. According to me, he was the greatest philosopher of this century. The impact of his thought is enhancing every day. The workers draw inspiration from it. It is his philosophy which they project through their work in the context of the changing times.
In 1988, we organised a programme which triggered off quite a commotion in the social life of Maharashtra. Prior to 1988, a social conference was held under the sponsorship of Madhav Gadkari, editor of Loksatta. The conference was a revival of the original idea of the Nineteenth Century reformer, Justice Mahadeo Govind Ranade. The conference was held at Niphad, a place in eastern Maharashtra, with the usual fanfare and publicity which an Editor of an influential daily normally commands. Gadkari was successful in collecting all progressives in Maharashtra for the Conference. The Sangh as of course, is never invited to such social conventions since progressives regard it as socially untouchable. Any contact with it pollutes the sanctity of socialist Brahmins!
After the social �connection� conference at Niphad, an Equality (samata) conference took place in Pune. Baba Adhav, a prominent socialist had taken a lead in organising the conference, and Dr. Sharadchandra Gokhale, an eminent Sociologist, and writer presided over it.
A Sangh Swayamsevak and prominent BJP activist in Pune, Dr. Arvind Lele was invited to participate in the conference. When his name was announced from the dais, Dr. Baba Adhav stood up and took exception to Dr. Lele making a speech in the conference. �I will walk out of the meeting if Lele is allowed to speak,� he said. The atmosphere in the auditorium became tense and explosive. The conference was on the verge of disruption. Dr. Lele behaved like a mature Sangh Swayamsevak and relinquished his right to speak. That was an insult which he swallowed, quietly, with dignity.
The news of that incident stung me with the force of a hundred scorpion bites. Dr. Lele and I were in no way closely connected. We had met in the Sangh�s meetings and programmes. I did not view the Samata episode as an insult to his person alone. I felt that the entire Sangh was the target of the insult. I was aware about Dr Baba Adhav, his ideological bias, and the roots of his hatred for the Sangh. Bhiku Idate had told me many anecdotes about him in the Yerwada prison in Pune. This person who claimed heritage to the thoughts of Mahatma Phule and Dr Ambedkar had a rancorous mind. Even after being submerged in the Ganga-like stream of the philosophy of these two great souls, he had remained unaffected by them. Subsequently I have often quoted this incident to explain the rotten nature of the socialist and progressive psyche.
Against the above setting, the Samarasata Manch decided to hold a social conference in Pune. Prof. Anirudhha Deshpande took great pains to make the convention a success. This was the first time we were organising a social conference of this type. Hitherto our experience was limited to holding of shibirs (camps), social meets, and joint lunches or dinners (sahbhojan), and arranging functions and programmes. Convening a conference was something new for us. It was also incumbent on us to explain the raison-d�etre of the conference.
Social conferences and social meets in Maharashtra are normally �social� only in name. Most of them are purely political ploys. They serve for many as stepping stones to the political arena. Also, they are found most handy and useful in providing a platform to give vent to anti-RSS sentiments. Speeches against the Sangh are delivered at these conventions, freely using such expressions as communalists, Manuists, counter-revolutionaries, fascists, Hitlerites, inegalitarians, enemies of the oppresed, Dalits and the exploited, Brahminists, champions of social injustice, and so on. Nanasaheb Goray and Tarkateerth Laxmanrao Joshi were invariably chairmen of such conferences, which invariably ended after passing verbose resolutions in favour of agitation to turn the society upside down. We did not want to hold a sham conference of this type.
In stead, we wished to evolve some guidelines and place them before the society through the conference. First of all, social problems pertain to the entire society, and they should not be associated with particular castes. Secondly, society as a whole should come together to discuss the problems confronting it. It should seek the solutions to social problems through dialogue among its different groups. Thirdly, the social platform should be unfettered, autonomous, and above politics. It should not be allowed to be used for political demagogy. We wrote articles expounding these guidelines. Prof Aniruddha Deshpande�s contribution in this respect was impressive. It helped build an ideological background for the conference.
We invited Dr Gangadhar Pantavane, an editor of a Marathi periodical and writer from backward class, to inaugurate the conference. Sukhadev Navale was friendly with Dr Pantavane who accepted the invitation. Before his acceptance, it was almost a certainty that he would be appointed the chairman of the Maharashtra State Sahitya and Sanskriti Mandal (Literature and Cultural Committee). The Government led by Sharad Pawar, the then Chief Minister, had already taken a decision, and a report to that effect had appeared in Maharashtra Times. Dr Pantavane had scarcely any idea what storm he was brewing by accepting the invitation, He had yet to have experience of the hate-filled mentality of the progressives.
The Samarasata conference took place in December 1988 at the Saraswati Mandir in Pune. It was attended by 2500 delegates from all over Maharashtra. This was the first convention of its type where the Hindu fraternity belonging to all castes was present. Eminent people like the literary writer Prof. Keshav Meshram and poet Shantaram Nandgaonkar attended the meet. Dr Pantavane was escorted to the conference venue by Vivek Deshpande and Balaram Yerme both RSS workers from Sambhajinagar.
Dr Panatavane�s speech at the conference showed maturity of content, was polite in language and diction, and revealed influences of Dr Ambedkar�s thought. He appreciated the Sangh�s efforts to hold the conference, but did not utter a single word about �Hindu� or �Hindutva�. He had definitely some bitter things to tell us, but he told them with utmost courtesy and grace.
Within a few days following Dr Pantavane�s speech, his rival in the Dalit movement raised a hue and cry against him. Dr Yashwant Manohar, former Dalit writer and literary critic and the Marathi gazalist poet Suresh Bhat led the campaign. Suresh Bhat called Dr Pantavane, �Gangadharshastri Pantavane� (the suffix Shastri is used to ridicule him as a Brahminic fellow). He accused the doctor of getting desecrated by appearing on the platform of the RSS. It was suggested that by staying in the company of social untouchables like the RSS people, he had polluted himself. Dr Yeshwant Manohar used extremely vulgar and ribald language to condemn Dr Pantavane for this great sin. Dr Pantavane was subjected to severe calumny and criticism by Dalit journals and organisations. Attempts were made to exile him from public life in Marathwada.
To top it all, the high priest of progressives, Sharad Pawar awarded the chairmanship of the Sahitya Sanskriti Mandal to Dr Yeshwant Manohar. Punishment was thus inflicted on Dr Pantavane for his appearance on the RSS platform. He was deliberately humiliated. Dr Pantavane was shocked. He openly started proclaiming, �I am not a Sanghist, I am a bitter critic of Hindutva. The RSS concept of Hindu Rashtra is a horrible thing. I have not made any compromise with my commitment to the teachings of Mahatma Phule and Dr Ambedkar�, and so on. He also started propagating that the RSS people were �Hindutvising� Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar.
I was quietly watching the entire show. I felt I was largely responsible for the social storm that was raging around me. The Pantavane episode exposed the groupism in the Dalit movement, the mutual jealousies and rivalries among the groups, the vulgar language used by self-styled learned people, and not the least, Sharad Pawar�s progressive politics. As a responsible officer of the Sangh, I have often been on the same platform as the Sangh�s inveterate opponents. But I was never considered a pariah in the Sangh for doing that. On the contrary, Damuanna Date, Vasantrao Kelkar and Bhikuji Idate always insisted that we should continue to be present at different platforms. I could not but help compare the attitude of the �communalist� Sangh with that of the people who called themselves egalitarian, progressive, and humanist.
I still retain a great deal of respect for Dr Pantavane. His speech at our conference in no way reflected the Sangh�s way of thinking. He projected only Dr Ambedkar�s thoughts in his speech. This being the case, he should have taken a firm and determined stand. �Who are you�, he should have asked his critics, �to observe untouchability on social platforms? What right have you to tell me where I should go and what I should speak? I enjoy the right to personal liberty and this right is very dear to me. It is an article of faith with me, I will defend it at any cost.� Had he done so, his image in my mind would have been of one who acts - not only speaks - in conformity with Dr Ambedkar�s philosophy. Dr Pantavane did not show this courage.
In 1995, a shift of power occurred in Maharashtra. I felt that it would now be possible to right the wrong inflicted on Dr. Panatavane. By offering the position of chairman of the State Sahitya and Sanskriti Mandal to him he could be suitably compensated for the past injustice. Damuanna Date and Bhikuji Idate felt the same way. Senior journalist D. V. Gokhale too, made a telephonic suggestion on these lines. Now that the BJP was a partner in power in the state, it was not difficult to appoint Dr Pantavane as chairman of the Mandal. We conveyed this proposal to the decision makers of BJP and they agreed. When we contacted Dr Pantavane to acquaint him with the offer, he politely declined. He was in no mood to face yet another controversy.
In comparison to Dr Pantavane, the courage shown by the poet Shantaram Nandgaonkar deserves kudos. It enhances one�s respect for Nandgaonkar. He started associating himself with the programmes of the Manch from 1987-88, mainly owing to the efforts of Ravindra Pawar. When I heard his speech for the first time, I was delighted. In a frank and forthright manner, he affirmed that he used to attend a Sangh shakha as a kid. There he received lessons in love and fraternity. He felt he owed a great deal to the teachings of the Sangh for everything that is good in him. Dr Ambedkar had advised us to throw away the Dalithood. Why do we hold it tight to our bosoms in defiance of his advice, he asked. He has often pleaded from the Manch platform that Samarasata was the only way to achieve social equality.
Shantaram Nandgaonkar is an eminent person in his own right. He is influential. He could easily have joined the progressive hordes and maligned the Sangh. In that case, Sharad Pawar would have rewarded him handsomely. But Shantaram Nandgaonkar did not succumb to any of these temptations. He did not make any compromise with his principles. Therein lies his greatness.
Even as the Samarasata conference was just ending, an article on Mahatma Phule by Dr. Bal Gangal, a writer advocating Hindutva, published in the December issue of the �Sobat� weekly, once more created a kind of upheaval in Maharashtra. �What sort of Mahatma is he? He is a stench called Phule�, was the heading of the article. Dr Gangal had taken strong exception to Mahatma Phule�s abusive language and his statements culled from his writings. The �Sobat� weekly was in no way related to the RSS. Though Bal Gangal was a swayamsevak, he was not a spokesman of the Sangh. Even then, a violent commotion was created, needless to say by progressives, with a view to maligning the Sangh.
The progressive gangs who called themselves champions of the freedom of writers, freedom of expression, freedom of the individual concertedly stood up to gag the mouths of Editor G V Beherey, the Editor of a famous Marathi weekly �Sobat� and Dr Bal Gangal. I too, was encountering the ferocity of intellectual terrorism, cunning, and double-dealing. The jealous and the rancorous hypocrite had ganged up. They were blessed by the high priest of progressives, Sharad Pawar. Copies of �Sobat� were consigned to flames at various places. Threats were hurled at Bal Gangal. It was made difficult for him to move in public places. Iran�s Ayatollah Khomeini had issued a fatwa against Salman Rushdie. Progressives did not believe in religious edicts as Khomeini did, but in all other aspects the mentality of both appeared identical to me. Mahatma Phule can criticise our religious scriptures, he can interpret them as he likes. In the same way, if somebody criticizes Phule, why should he be subjected to intellectual terrorism? Why is an intellectual answer not given to him?
Hari Narke, an activist and writer from backward class made an attempt to provides a strictly intellectual response. His book �Mahatma Phule: Seeking Truth� was a scholarly text. Logical arguments were carefully pitted against each other. While the controversy raged, I too, toed the line in my writings in �Vivek� suggesting that it is not proper to project Mahatma Phule in a bad light, and that doing so would be damaging to Hindutva. Mahatma Phule was a satyshodhak (seeker of truth). Hari Narke gave an excellent reply to the criticism of Phule from the Satyashodhak�s (Literal meaning: Seeker of Truth perspective.
At about this time, I came in closer contact with Hari Narke. Sukhadev Navale, an astute judge of men, had developed a friendship with Hari Narke. Gradually, Narke started coming to the Manch platform. In the wake of the Samarasata conference, similar meets were organised at some other places in Maharashtra. Hari Narke, Uttam Bandu Tupe, a writer and erstwhile activist of Shiv Sena and I attended the conference at Sambhajinagar. It came to our notice there that Hari Narke was a well-read orator. Narke had liked our stand on Mahatma Phule and Dr. Ambedkar. He was highly impressed by Navale�s allegorical reference to the �Saat-baara� document of Bharatmata (Mata = Mother). He did not entertain any doubt about our motives and sincerity.
In July, 1989, a seminar on the life and mission of Mahatma Phule was held in Bombay. Hari Narke also read a paper in the seminar. The entire proceedings of this seminar were published by the Samarasata Manch. Thereafter the relationship between the Manch and Hari Narke started cooling down. What were the underlying reasons for this sudden change?
Probably it was because of the pressure exercised on Hari Narke by progressive gangs. He was appointed on a number of government committees. The admirer of the ideology of the Samarasata Manch suddenly turned into its bitter opponent. He started calling us fundamentalists, communalists, and enemies of Phule-Ambedkar in the context of the Ayodhya movement. He got entangled in Sharad Pawar�s trap. We in the Sangh are never bothered by such flimsy comments and criticism. The painful part is that there are is any number of intelligent people in Maharashtra who sell themselves to run us down. Their egalitarianism and ideals of liberation from oppression and exploitation are closely linked to governmental positions and appointment on governmental committees.
1990 was the centenary year of Dr. Ambedkar�s birth and also Mahatma Phule�s remembrance. In the light of the tradition of progressives in Maharashtra, it was fairly obvious how these two centenaries would be celebrated. Dr. Hedgewar�s birth centenary had been celebrated in 1988-89 on an unprecedented scale all over the country. It was felt that at least in Maharashtra, we should pay a fitting homage to the memory of these two great men. But how to bring it about was a problem. That was the time when the Shri Ram Janmabhoomi liberation movement of Vishwa Hindu Parishad was in full swing. The �Shilanyaasa� (ceremony of laying foundation stone for the intended Temple on the site of Babri Masjid which had also created a controversy) was over in 1989 in Ayodhya. The kar-seva (voluntarily working for the building of the Ram Temple at the site of Babri Masjid site) programme was fixed for 1990. That was the topmost programme on the Sangh agenda.
The Sangh works systematically. It never takes for implementation more than one major programme at a time. Enormous organizational strength was necessary to ensure that the kar-seva would take place at the fixed time according to a plan. The entire atmosphere was charged with making preparations for the kar-seva programme. This programme was of phenomenal significance from the point of Hindu renaissance and emotional reawakening. As swayamsevaks, it was also our first and foremost duty to participate in the kar-seva.
Another organizational tenet followed by the Sangh leadership is that it expects every worker to focus only on the work entrusted to him. Who will take care of politics? What will happen to kar-seva programmes of the Sangh? A worker is not expected to worry about all these problems. We were holding charge of the work of the Samarasata Manch. The kar-seva was not something which was essential to our work. What was essential was to organise celebration of the centenaries of Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Phule, and to pay homage to their sacred memory. This issue was discussed at a meeting of the Samarasata Manch. The matter had already been discussed with the Prant Pracharak Vasantrao Kelkar, Asst. (sah) Prant Pracharak Damuanna Date, and with the karyawah and the sahkaryawah. Damuanna was to give the final decision. At the beginning of the meeting, a proposal was mooted for conducting �Vichar Yatra�, i.e. �Think Pilgrimage. Prof. Aniruddha suggested that it might be called Sandesh Yatra, (Message Pilgrimage). It was decided to have the yatra on the basis of the message of �Brotherly Social Life� of Dr. Ambedkar and Mahatma Phule. The programme of the Samarasata Manch was finalized. Damuanna gave a decision that the Sangh should offer all possible cooperation for this programme.
It was planned that the yatra would start from Mahatma Phule�s house in Pune, and winding its way through all the districts of Maharashtra, it would end at the Deekshabhoomi (place where Dr Ambedkar publicly became a Boudhdha) in Nagpur. Navale was assigned the task of the organisation of the yatra, and Bhiku Idate was advised to be with the yatra for a long stretch. The yatra would last from September 28 to December 6, and cover a distance of 7000 to 8000 kilometers. Organising a yatra of this magnitude was not a bed of roses. Sukhadev Navale toiled literally round the clock. Once in his frustration, he did not spare even me! �You get all these crazy ideas and I have to suffer. I wanted to go to the kar-seva in Ayodhya but because of you, I could not go� he said.
Bhiku Idate would also say, �I am a karyawah of the Sangh. I advise the swayamsevaks to go to Ayodhya. However, myself I will go with the yatra and not to Ayodhya�.
The workers participating in the yatra were subject to a similar dilemma. But they had faith that the work they were poised to do was in the interest of society. Only we could take the message of Phule and Ambedkar to the people, they felt. It was necessary to release Mahatma Phule and Dr. Ambedkar from the progressive jail. Had the programmes of the yatra not taken place, distortions of the teachings of these luminaries would have continued even on a larger scale by the progressives and socialists. In the name of their teachings, they would have continued to fan the fires of inter-caste hatred, and spread discord and dissensions among them. They would have exhumed the ghosts of Manuism and Brahminism. Therefore, a counterattack on them was the need of the hour.
Sukhadev Navale was fully aware of the prevailing social environment. He knew that some social literature would be required at the time of the yatra, and therefore got thirteen books and brochures printed. This published literature included books on the Mandal Ayog ( Commission), Reservations, Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar�s life, Mahatma Phule, and his thoughts, Samarasata, Dr. Ambedkar, and Dr. Hedgewar. The books proved useful in the yatra. Their sale too was handsome.
Bhaurao Deoras graced the yatra�s inauguration. He made a two-minute speech there. He also joined the Shobha Yatra (general procession) which was taken out on the occasion. We had invited Prakash Ambedkar, R. S. Gawai and Texas Gaikawad both senior leaders from backward class to join the yatra.
Ambedkarites in the Dalit movement were astonished at our yatra. Why are these Sanghists taking out a Sandesh Yatra when the kar-seva (voluntary services offered for building of temples etc.) is in full momentum at Ayodhya, was the question for which they were tying to find an answer. Progressives were thoroughly confused by our programme. They regarded us as Manuists, and propagated that the Ayodhya movement was a movement launched by Manuists to perpetuate Manuwaad. Revitalisation of Hindutva means revitalisation of social inequality, they said. They were, however, at their wits end in explaining the Sandesh yatra. They could not call the yatra �Manuist�. That would be tantamount to calling Phule and Ambedkar Mauists. That would have incensed the Dalits. Still, it is not as though there was no opposition to the yatra. There was opposition, and I was rather amused by it.
During the time of the yatra, leaflets were distributed in Dalit localities asking the Dalits not to join the yatra. Samarasata is a poisonous word, the Sangh means slow poisoning it was charged. Since they have lost all support in society, they are trying to prop themselves up by resorting to the names of Mahatma Phule and Dr. Ambedkar. They have Phule and Ambedkar on their lips but Manu in their heart. Those and other such assertions were made. I had collected all the leaflets. Ironically, these leaflets helped us a lot by publicizing our yatra. Even before the yatra reached a destined place, its information reached there, and many people would join the yatra out of sheer curiosity.
We had evolved some strict do�s and dont�s for the yatra. Speakers were advised to confine their speeches only to the subjects relating to Mahatma Phule and Dr. Ambedkar. Other subjects like Ayodhya and the kar-seva were to be eschewed. If somebody asked any question about them, the reply would be, �The subject does not pertain to this yatra.� No political leaders should be allowed to make political speeches. Meetings should be held at central places in the towns and villages. They should not be organised intentionally in Dalit localities. The speeches should be addressed to the entire society, and not only to the Dalits.
The speeches made during the course of the yatra were of different tenor altogether. Mahatma Phule and Dr. Ambedkar were interested in the uplift of Hindus. Their ideas revolved a round the reconstruction of the Hindu Society. They advocated social nationalism. They were well aware of the dangers from Islam, Christianity, and the missionaries. Both of them were religious souls. Anti-Brahminism was not the basis of their thought. They worked to finish the mindsets which believed in inequality. These points were put forth with numerous examples from their lives and thought. Bhiku Idate�s speeches in the yatra held the audiences spellbound. They spurred people to think, to introspect. I met many people who said �We have never found anybody projecting Dr. Babasaheb�s teaching in this light. You are giving us a new insight into their teachings�.
I vividly remember 30th October 1990. I was in Mahad with the yatra. A meeting was fixed in the evening. The kar-seva was to take place at Ayodhya on that day. While lakhs of swayamsevaks had gathered in Ayodhya, we were at Mahad. What might have happened in Ayodhya? Had the kar-seva taken place ? Was there firing on the swayamsevaks? Mulayam seemed the very reincarnation of Aurangzeb. We could not sit glued to radio or television, though we very much wanted to do so. Only late in the night, after the programme was over, we came to know about the successful Kar-seva at Ayodhya. We rejoiced greatly.
I was not able to keep accompany the yatra throughout its course. The work of the weekly, Vivek, awaited me in Bombay, and I could not stay away from it for long. I went with the yatra upto Dapoli and from there, I returned. The yatra offered happy glimpses of the Dalit life and society. Their faith in Dr. Ambedkar, their devotion to him, was dazzling. There is tremendous power in faith and devotion. I had glimpses of that power while I was in the yatra. I could also observe how shrewd Dalit politicians exploit Dalits at different levels. They collect funds in the name of Dr. Ambedkar, but misappropriation of these funds is rampant. They raise the bogey of the RSS and speak hysterically about it. It was therefore necessary for us to have a dialogue with common Dalit people, without any biased mediator. The yatra gave us an opportunity to do so.
The yatra made the Samarasata Manch famous in all Ambedkarite localities in Maharashtra. Many funny anecdotes came to our knowledge. In all localities, Dalits were giving fitting replies to exhortations not to participate in the yatra, and to allegations that the yatra is a Sangh trap. �What is your programme for this very big occasion of Dr. Babasaheb�s centenary? If they are organising some programme, why should you feel jealous?� They asked. �Dr. Ambedkar belongs to the entire country!� They asserted their devotion to Dr. Ambedkar manifested itself in this way.
Even as the yatra was in progress, we made efforts to persuade Prakash Ambedkar to join it. Prakash Ambedkar lacked courage to do so. He was probably afraid of the monstrous progressive tendencies in Maharashtra. Also, he might have feared that the progressive would make another Dr. Gangadhar Pantavane of him. It was not that his joining would have enhanced our prestige or the popular appeal of our yatra. While the yatra was on, Bhiku Idate once happened to meet Prakash Ambedkar. Idate once again invited him to join the yatra. �Is your yatra still on?�, asked Prakash Ambedkar. �Yes, it is going on�. �Surprising! When such a colossal movement is on in Ayodhya, you are taking out yatras on social themes! Only you can do it� said Prakash Ambedkar.
It is worth knowing how the progressives, socialists, and radicals in Maharashtra reacted to our yatra. These people are in the media in large numbers. But none of them took any cognizance of the yatra by writing articles, editorials, or special newsletters. The brave pen-pushers who had talked about setting Maharashtra on fire at the time of the chaturvarnya interview suddenly cooled down. I was closely watching them. Perhaps they were nervous as the yatra in no way offered them a chance to spread fires of casteist hatred. Besides, the Ayodhya movement of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad was in full swing. This movement had brought before the people problems like pseudo-secularism, anti-Hindutva, and appeasement of Muslims, in their true dimensions. The movement was getting tremendous popular support. While on one hand, intellectuals were wrestling with the problem of how to analyze the Ayodhya phenomenon, what to do with secularism, and how to stop the growing prestige, power and influence of the RSS, the poor socialists had lost sight of common sense. On the other hand, we were causing upheavals with our yatra.
Even while planning and implementing these programmes, I never ceased to mull over the key issues. We are the Hindutva people. The contemporary social problems are the problems of the Hindu society. Being the Hindutva people, the responsibility for all these problems devolves on us. I observed that in Maharashtra, the spokesmen of Hindu culture were also those who abused Hindutva day in and day out, spurned Hindutva, and even refused to accept that something akin to a Hindu Society existed all through in this country. These self-appointed interpreters of Hindu problems parodied the very word �Hindu�. And yet, they were trusted to speak about the Hindu society�s social problems. Why should the names of Hindutva protagonists not come forward as the spokesmen for Hinduism and commentators on several of its problems? Why does nobody from among us project himself as our authoritative spokesman on social problems? These question harassed my mind continually.
It is not ray for the Hindutva protagonist to come forward to comment on social issues. It came to my notice that, in fact we always strike a defensive posture on social problems. The heavy historical burden of constant criticism of Hindutva retards our ventures in this sphere. An ideological campaign has been conducted for four to five decades to brand the Sangh as �reactionary�. The social, ideological, and intellectual atmosphere is charged with tones, undertones, and overtones, of this campaign. The pre-conditions for attainment of success in the fields of art and literature is rejection of Hindutva. Those who aspire for eminence in social fields or want to build up political careers have to prove their anti-Hindutva bonafides. May be, as consequence of this, no Hindutva protagonist shines in social fields.
Madhu Mangesh Karnik is a name in Marathi literature. He was the president of the Marathi Literary convention (Sahitya Sammelan) held at Ratnagiri. I was not aware that he was a Sangh swayamsevak. Both of us were residents of Bombay but I had never seen his name in any list of swayamsevaks. I do not, of course, hold the naive view that he is a great writer because he is a Sangh swayamsevak. I was introduced to him when he had come for the publication function of a book by Shivrai Telang. Had he revealed his relationship with the Sangh during the prime of his literary career, the progressives undoubtedly might have given him a run for his life.
In this context, Purshottam Bhaskar Bhave, an eminent and brilliant original writer in Marathi comes inevitably to mind. He was an inveterate Hindutva protagonist and a devotee of Savarkar. He presided over the Marathi literary convention in 1974. He was duly elected to this position through the normal democratic procedure. 1974 was a prosperous period for progressives. The socialists, particularly the followers of Sane Guruji, grudged the fact of a pro-Hindutva writer being asked to preside over the convention. They conspired to disrupt the convention. They created a lot of noise and disturbances to thwart the Presidential address delivered by Bhave. P. L. Deshpande, (a socialist and popular humourous playwright with bias against Hindutva) was one of those who led this hullabaloo.http://www.hvk.org/specialrepo/mms/ch3.html
Bal Thackeray is a refugee from Madhya Pradesh: Prof Hari Narke
Posted in the India Forum
----------Allaho Akbar----------
Bal Thackeray who talks too much is not a Mumbaikar: Prof Hari Narke
S.O. News service, Wednesday, 25 June 2008:
MUMBAI: The 'insider-outsider' controversy has taken a new twist. The Thackerays � Shiv Sena supremo Bal and his nephew and MNS founder Raj � may be against migrants in the city, but they themselves do not originally belong to Mumbai, a professor has claimed.
Like every other person in Mumbai, the Thackerays too came to Mumbai for jobs two generations ago and as such have no right to assault those coming to the financial capital in search of livelihood, said Hari Narke, professor at Mahatma Phule chair in Pune University, in an article published in Rashtravadi, the mouthpiece of the Nationalist Congress Party.
Known for being politically savvy, Mr Narke has flayed Raj Thackeray over attacks on migrants in Mumbai. The professor's 'research' on Thackeray's origin is incidentally based on the writings of another Thackeray.
"Raj should read the autobiography of his grandfather Prabodhankar Thackeray," Mr Narke says. Prabodhankar, Bal's father and his younger brother Srikant Thackeray, who is Raj's father, studied in Madhya Pradesh. He has written about how he travelled to other states for livelihood."This proves that the Thackerays, who are not original inhabitants of Mumbai, came to this city in search of a livelihood," the scholar says. The article recalls how Mr Narke was instrumental in getting Prabodhankar's writings published in 1995 by the Maharashtra government.
"Who gave those, who came to Mumbai two generations ago to earn their livelihood, the right to beat up others who also come here in search of jobs?" Mr Narke has questioned."It does not behove people who live 24 hours a day seeped in history to forget the history of just over two generations," Mr Narke's article says. With the NCP chief Sharad Pawar being Mr Thackeray's close friend, it will be interesting to see how the Sena and its mouthpiece Saamna reacts to this piece of work.
Then whashould be done?
Yes. He should be kicked back with his kiths and kins to Madhya Pradesh.
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World pressure brought India to table, says PakistanHindustan Times - 34 minutes ago Pakistan today termed the Indian offer of foreign secretary-level talks a "positive development" and said it had sought clarifications on the agenda for discussions. Chidambaram's visit to Pak for SAARC meet postponed Times of India 'India under no pressure to talk to Pak' Times Now.tv Pakistan double bombing kills Shia MuslimsBBC News - 1 hour ago Two bombs in the Pakistani city of Karachi have killed at least 22 people and injured more than 50. In the first blast, a motorbike laden with explosives hit a bus carrying Shia Muslims to a religious procession and exploded, killing 12 people. Blasts in Pakistan Kill Shiite Worshipers New York Times Ancient Andaman tribe dies outAljazeera.net - 7 hours ago An indigenous tribe from India's Andaman Islands, thought to have existed for 65000 years, has disappeared with the death of its last member. Andamanese tribes, languages die The Hindu CNN International - Times Online - BusinessWeek - Hindustan Times ePaper Email this story | |
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